112-553: UDR may refer to: Ulster Defence Regiment , a former British Army infantry regiment Universal dielectric response , An emergent scaling behaviour in heterogeneous materials under alternating current União Democrática Ruralista , a Brazilian right-wing association of farmers Union of Democrats for the Republic , a former political party in France Union for Democracy and
224-480: A 24-hour presence in the battalion's " tactical area of responsibility " (TAOR). An example of this structure can be seen in the make-up of 2 UDR based at Drumadd Barracks in Armagh: Sub-headquarter units would maintain contact with their own patrols and HQ by radio. In many cases the radios were operated by Greenfinches (female soldiers), whose husbands or sons and/or daughters were on one of
336-578: A Spanish language sports radio network in the United States. See also [ edit ] Udr or Uðr, one of the Nine Daughters of Ægir in Norse mythology Umpire Decision Review System (UDRS) Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title UDR . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change
448-536: A UDR Battalion Headquarters. The dispersal of UDR soldiers into their areas of responsibility was through sub-barracks of platoon or company size. Battalion headquarters would usually be located in the county town , but not always as some counties had two battalions. Guarded by conrate soldiers, these barracks would become doubly active after 6 pm as part-time soldiers arrived for evening duties. After Ulsterisation began in 1976, many battalion headquarters had full-sized permanent cadre companies and these would maintain
560-571: A case against the UK before the European Court, which would take years to be adjudicated: it would "make the British much more careful in their handling of detainees... To the extent that this would slow down their gathering of intelligence information, it would make it more difficult for them to make progress in the direction of a military solution. If they succeeded in containing the situation from
672-557: A continuous loud hissing noise. Here they were forced to stand in a stress position for many hours and were repeatedly beaten on all parts of their body. They were deprived of sleep, food and drink. Some of them also reported being kicked in the genitals, having their heads banged against walls, being shot at with blank rounds, and being threatened with injections. The result was severe physical and mental exhaustion, severe anxiety, depression, hallucinations, disorientation and repeated loss of consciousness. The interrogation methods used on
784-510: A dividing line, which would provide the foundation for the permanent peaceline later built in the area". Catholic homes were burnt in Ardoyne and elsewhere too. About 7,000 people, most of them Catholics, were left homeless. About 2,500 Catholic refugees fled south of the border to the Republic of Ireland , where new refugee camps were set up. By 13 August, media reports indicated that
896-517: A drawback in that many men of comparatively young ages who had considerable years of service before retirement or promotion created a "promotion block". The response from the B Specials was mixed. Some felt betrayed and resigned immediately, while others made application to join the UDR as soon as forms were available. Others joined the newly formed RUC Reserve instead, especially in Belfast, where during
1008-594: A duty-by-duty basis to assess their worth. In the Newry (C) company of 3 UDR , many of the recruits had formerly been soldiers in the local territorial company of the Royal Irish Fusiliers , including the company commander. It was a simple matter to appoint men who had previously been his NCOs and he supplemented these with former sergeants from the USC. The filling of senior NCO posts in this manner did have
1120-628: A few feet from the ground. The operation sparked an immediate upsurge of violence, the worst since the August 1969 riots . The British Army came under sustained attack from the IRA and Irish nationalist rioters, especially in Belfast. According to journalist Kevin Myers : "Insanity seized the city. Hundreds of vehicles were hijacked and factories were burnt. Loyalist and IRA gunmen were everywhere". People blocked roads and streets with burning barricades to stop
1232-487: A military point of view, there would be less incentive for them to take unpalatable political action". The implications are (a) that the Irish government recognised the value of the intelligence which the British were acquiring (albeit illegally), and (b) that Dublin had a stake in impeding Britain's attempt to overcome the IRA by military means, at least until the British had implemented radical constitutional reforms opening up
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#17327655815871344-570: A number of public bodies. On 19 October, five Northern Ireland Members of Parliament (MPs) began a 48-hour hunger strike against internment. The protest took place near 10 Downing Street in London. Among those taking part were John Hume , Austin Currie , and Bernadette Devlin . Protests would continue until internment was ended in December 1975. The backlash against internment contributed to
1456-419: A sack placed over their heads for long periods, having a rope kept around their necks, having the barrel of a gun pressed against their heads, being dragged by the hair, being trailed behind armoured vehicles while barefoot, and being tied to armoured trucks as a human shield . Some were hooded, beaten and then thrown from a helicopter. They were told they were hundreds of feet in the air, but were actually only
1568-574: A total of 1,981 people were interned: 1,874 were from an Irish nationalist background, while 107 were from a unionist background. Historians generally view the period of internment as inflaming sectarian tensions in Northern Ireland, while failing in its goal of arresting key members of the IRA. Senator Maurice Hayes, Catholic Chairman of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Commission at
1680-474: A two-day summit at Chequers, the Prime Minister’s official country residence, on 6–7 September 1971. This encounter seems to have changed his view of the problem: from then on, Heath took the view that there could be no lasting solution to the Northern Ireland problem without the co-operation of the Irish government, and that the Irish nationalist population in Northern Ireland should have full participation in
1792-554: A vetting officer. Applicants were divided into three categories: those who were immediately deemed acceptable, those who were to be immediately rejected, and those whose applications threw up doubt about their suitability. All applications were supposed to be submitted to the RUC Special Branch and Criminal Investigation Department , but in practice, this didn't always happen because of the initially high number of applicants. On 13 January 1970 seven "training majors" from
1904-404: A week both had melded together. By 1 April 1970, only 1,606 of the desired 4,000 men had been enlisted, and the UDR began its duties much under strength. The regiment continued to grow, however. In 1973 numbers peaked at 9,100 (all part-time) and at the time of amalgamation had stabilised its numbers at 2,797 permanent cadre soldiers and 2,620 part-time. Unlike the USC, who were controlled by
2016-829: The European Commission of Human Rights about breaches of Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) because on 27 June 1957, the UK lodged a notice with the Council of Europe declaring that there was a "public emergency within the meaning of Article 15(1) of the Convention". Operation Demetrius began on Monday 9 August at 4 am and progressed in two parts: In the first wave of raids across Northern Ireland, 342 people were arrested. Many of those arrested reported that they and their families were assaulted, verbally abused and threatened by
2128-567: The Orange Order ). However, Faulkner argued that a ban on parades was unworkable, that the rifle clubs posed no security risk, and that there was no evidence of loyalist terrorism. It was eventually agreed that there would be a six-month ban on parades but no interning of loyalists, and that internment would go ahead on 9 August. On the initial list of those to be arrested, which was drawn up by RUC Special Branch and MI5 , there were 450 names, but only 350 of these were found. Key figures on
2240-705: The Provisional IRA and Official IRA . In 1970–71, the Provisionals began a guerrilla campaign against the British Army and the RUC. The Officials' policy was more defensive. During 1970–71, there were numerous clashes between state forces and the two wings of the IRA, and between the IRAs and loyalists. Most loyalist attacks were directed against Catholic civilians, but they also clashed with state forces and
2352-547: The Royal Ulster Rifles ) and Michael Torrens-Spence DSO , DSC , AFC . All were appointed lieutenant colonel on a one-year contract. However, some of these men were already past retirement age and after their year's contract was up they were replaced by lieutenant colonels from the regular army, the first of these being Lt Col Dion Beard of the 1st Royal Tank Regiment (1 RTR) who took over at 3 UDR on 15 February 1971. The policy of appointing regular officers
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#17327655815872464-762: The Stormont government in Belfast, the UDR was under the direct command of the General Officer Commanding Northern Ireland (GOCNI), the commander of the British Army in Northern Ireland. A six-man UDR Advisory Council (three Protestant and three Catholic) was formed and chaired by the colonel commandant . Its brief was "to advise the GOCNI on policy for the administration of the Ulster Defence Regiment, in particular on recruitment; and on such specific matters as
2576-713: The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), had been engaged in a low-level violent campaign since 1966. After the August 1969 riots , the British Army was deployed on the streets to bolster the police, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Up until this point, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) had been largely inactive. However, as the violence worsened, the IRA was divided over how to deal with it. It split into two factions,
2688-466: The 'hard' areas of Belfast, and are not permitted to become involved in crowd confrontations anywhere. Men are armed with self-loading rifles or sub-machine guns. The current strength of the Regiment is 7910. Until 1976 the full-time cadre were "conrates" (so called because they had a "consolidated rate of pay") whose duties consisted of guarding bases and carrying out administrative tasks. The role of
2800-584: The 1920s and the Irish government again used it during the IRA's campaign in the 1950s. In December 1970, Justice Minister Des O'Malley had announced that the policy was again under consideration. The Irish Times reported that if internment were introduced in Northern Ireland, it would follow in the Republic almost at once. However, when British Ambassador John Peck asked Taoiseach Jack Lynch on 30 July 1971 about this, Lynch replied that he had no grounds for introducing internment, and that if he did his government would collapse. Lynch also advised Peck to consider
2912-583: The Army said "the Government considered that the use of the word 'Ulster' is, frankly, unimportant". Another speaker said a majority in Northern Ireland prefer the word "Ulster". The proposed amendment was defeated and the UDR got its name. The Ulster Defence Regiment Act 1969 (c. 65) received royal assent on 18 December 1969 and was brought into force on 1 January 1970. General Sir John Anderson GCB , KCB DSO ( 5th Royal Inniskilling Dragoon Guards )
3024-538: The British Army and RUC. However, twelve internees were then chosen for further "deep interrogation", using sensory deprivation . This took place at a secret interrogation centre, which was later revealed to be Shackleton Barracks , outside Ballykelly . In October, a further two internees were chosen for deep interrogation. These fourteen became known as " the Hooded Men ", or "the Guineapigs". After undergoing
3136-549: The British Army entering their neighbourhoods. In Derry , barricades were again erected around Free Derry and "for the next 11 months these areas effectively seceded from British control". Between 9 and 11 August, 24 people were killed or fatally wounded: 20 civilians (14 Catholics, 6 Protestants), two members of the Provisional IRA (shot dead by the British Army), and two members of the British Army (shot dead by
3248-620: The British Army or had been in the Special Constabulary and were middle-aged; this earned them the public nickname of " Dad's Army " – the sobriquet given to the Home Guard during World War II. After equipment shortages were resolved, male soldiers dressed in a similar fashion to regular army units. Camouflage jackets were worn and headgear was a distinctive dark green beret with a gold coloured "Maid of Erin" style harp, surmounted by St Edward's Crown (in later years this
3360-601: The British Army was deployed to assist the police. On 28 August 1969 security in Northern Ireland, including the USC, was put under the direct control of the General Officer Commanding in Northern Ireland, General Ian Freeland . The USC, which had no training in riot control, was mobilised to assist the RUC. A catalogue of incidents ensued, such as Specials from Tynan shooting dead an unarmed civil rights demonstrator in Armagh on 14 August 1969. While
3472-529: The British Government. Armed soldiers launched dawn raids throughout Northern Ireland and arrested 342 in the initial sweep, sparking four days of violence in which 20 civilians, two IRA members and two British soldiers were killed. All of those arrested were Irish republicans and nationalists , the vast majority of them Catholics. Due to faulty and out-of-date intelligence, many were no longer involved in republican militancy or never had links with
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3584-515: The Catholic and Protestant communities and reduced the ranks of the much needed Catholic moderates. In terms of loss of life as well as number of attacks, 1972 was the most violent year of the Troubles. The fatal march on Bloody Sunday (30 January 1972), when 14 unarmed protesters were shot dead by British paratroopers, was an anti-internment march. All of those arrested were interrogated by
3696-767: The ECHR, and in line with the findings of the Parker Report and British Government policy, the Attorney-General of the United Kingdom stated: The Government of the United Kingdom have considered the question of the use of the 'five techniques' with very great care and with particular regard to Article 3 (art. 3) of the Convention. They now give this unqualified undertaking, that the 'five techniques' will not in any circumstances be reintroduced as an aid to interrogation. In 2013, declassified documents revealed
3808-485: The GOCNI might refer to the council." The regiment would be commanded by a regular army brigadier. Battalions were to be commanded by "local members of the force". Commanding officers were initially former County Commandants from the disbanded USC. All were men of previous military experience, such as Dublin -born Desmond Woods who had at one time been the youngest winner of the Military Cross (serving with
3920-499: The IRA and its structures, leading to the discovery of substantial arms and explosives dumps. Many of the people arrested had no links with the IRA, but their names appeared on the list through haste and incompetence. The list's lack of reliability and the arrests that followed, complemented by reports of internees being abused, led to more nationalists identifying with the IRA and losing hope in non-violent methods. After Operation Demetrius, recruits came forward in huge numbers to join
4032-475: The IRA on a number of occasions. The idea of re-introducing internment for Irish republican militants came from the Unionist government of Northern Ireland , headed by Prime Minister Brian Faulkner . It was agreed to re-introduce internment at a meeting between Faulkner and British Prime Minister Edward Heath on 5 August 1971. The goal of internment was to weaken the IRA and reduce their attacks, but it
4144-756: The IRA. Ulster loyalist paramilitaries were also carrying out acts of violence, which were mainly directed against Catholics and Irish nationalists, but no loyalists were included in the sweep. The introduction of internment, the way the arrests were carried out, and the abuse of those arrested, led to mass protests and a sharp increase in violence. Amid the violence, about 7,000 people fled or were forced out of their homes. The policy of internment lasted until December 1975 and during that time 1,981 people were interned; 1,874 were nationalist, while 107 were loyalist. The first loyalist internees were detained in February 1973. The interrogation techniques used on some of
4256-562: The Ministry of Defence (MOD), a member of the Ministry of Home Affairs (Stormont) and Lieutenant Colonel S Miskimmon, the USC staff officer to the RUC. After discussions, they advocated a strength of 6,000 men (2,000 more than the Hunt recommendations), combat dress for duties, a dark green parade uniform, county shoulder titles, and a " red hand of Ulster " cap badge. The rank of " volunteer "
4368-552: The Northern Ireland cabinet remained supportive of the USC, it was put to them at a London meeting on 19 August that disbanding the USC was top of the British government 's agenda. The Hunt Report commissioned by the Government of Northern Ireland published on 3 October 1969, recommended that the RUC "should be relieved of all duties of a military nature as soon as possible". Further; a "locally recruited part-time force, under
4480-447: The Northern Ireland public that: "There's a new regiment in the army. We want you to help us form it." A coupon was provided for applicants to fill in, alternatively, those interested could pick up an information leaflet and application form from their local army barracks, TA Centre, Post Office, police station or library. A one-minute television commercial was produced which included a personal appeal by Brigadier Scott-Bowden. Recruiting
4592-540: The Prime Minister's statement, directives expressly forbidding the use of the techniques, whether alone or together, were then issued to the security forces by the government. The five techniques were still being used by the British Army in 2003 as a means for training soldiers to resist harsh interrogation if captured. The Irish Free State government had used internment during the Irish Civil War in
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4704-827: The Provisional IRA). Of the civilians killed, 17 were shot by the British Army and the other three were killed by unknown attackers. In west Belfast's Ballymurphy housing estate, 11 Catholic civilians were killed by the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment over two days in what became known as the Ballymurphy Massacre . Another flashpoint was Ardoyne in north Belfast, where soldiers shot dead three people on 9 August. Sectarian violence also flared between Protestants and Catholics. Many Protestant families fled Ardoyne and about 200 Protestants burnt their own homes as they left, lest they "fall into Catholic hands". Protestant and Catholic families fled "to either side of
4816-556: The Provisional and Official wings of the IRA. Internment also led to a sharp increase in violence. In the eight months before the operation, there were 34 conflict-related deaths in Northern Ireland. In the four months following it, 140 were killed. A serving officer of the British Royal Marines declared: It (internment) has, in fact, increased terrorist activity, perhaps boosted IRA recruitment, polarised further
4928-700: The Republic (Chad) , a political party in Chad Democratic Union for the Republic , a former political party in Italy UDR, Inc. , a real estate company in the United States Udaipur Airport , Indian airport (IATA airport code) Untethered dead reckoning , GNSS-assisted dead reckoning without external sensors User-Defined Reductions in OpenMP U.D.R. , Brazilian comedy rock band. Univision Deportes Radio ,
5040-493: The TA Centre, in exactly the same drill hall as they had previously used, for the first night of the new regiment. He noted there were some former B Specials in the room and observed they did not initially associate with the others – not on the grounds of religion but because the former TA soldiers all knew each other socially and sat together on canteen breaks whereas the former specials kept to their group of comrades, but within
5152-400: The UDR the largest infantry regiment in the British Army at that time. Two years later, four more were added, taking the total to eleven – 8th (County Tyrone) ; 9th (Country Antrim) ; 10th (City of Belfast) and 11th (Craigavon) . The regiment was described in 1972 as: Organised into 11 Battalions (59) companies: two in Belfast and the remainder cover county or sub-county areas. Seven of
5264-480: The USC District adjutant actively campaigned to persuade his men not to apply. The Belfast Telegraph stated on 18 February 1970 that the first two soldiers reported as signing up were a 19-year-old Catholic and a 47-year-old Protestant. The regiment began with Catholic recruits accounting for 18% of the membership. Many were ex-regular soldiers, "eager to get back into uniform". By 1987 Catholic membership
5376-939: The USC, the Regular and Territorial Army, the Royal Navy , the Royal Air Force , the Royal Marines , the Indian Army and even the United States Army . In addition to the problem of finding officers there had to be observance of the Protestant/Catholic ratio but by March 1971, 18 Catholic officers had been recruited and the total number of officers was just enough for battalions to function at their current strengths. This rose to 23. All seven battalions were led by former commandants of
5488-427: The USC. For each battalion there was a minimum requirement of: The appointment of non-commissioned officers (NCOs) was carried out in a variety of ways too. In most cases, men were selected who had previously held non-commissioned rank in any of the armed forces or the USC. In at least one case ( 2 UDR ) they were chosen by the men themselves. In some battalions, men were appointed as lance corporals (l/cpl) on
5600-545: The Ulster Defence Regiment Bill, the legislation establishing the regiment, was being debated in Parliament there was considerable discussion about its proposed name. An amendment to the legislation was proposed that would have given the regiment the name "Northern Ireland Territorial Force". Proponents of this amendment were concerned to ensure that the word " Ulster " be removed from the name of
5712-445: The active patrols, which led to tense moments when mobile units or foot patrols came under attack and submitted a "contact report" by radio. The early image of the regiment, due to equipment and uniform shortages, was of a rag-tag bunch using World War II weaponry, old army uniforms and carrying pockets full of loose change in order to make reports from public telephone boxes. Many of the soldiers were veterans of earlier campaigns with
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#17327655815875824-609: The authority of the Special Powers Act . The 1922 Special Powers Act (also known as the "Flogging Act") was renewed annually, in 1928 was renewed for five year and made permanent in 1933. The Act was repealed 1973. The Detention of Terrorists Order of 7 November 1972, made under the authority of the Temporary Provisions Act , was used after direct rule was instituted. Internees arrested without trial pursuant to Operation Demetrius could not complain to
5936-614: The beginning of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" . Before then, the main security forces were the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC), otherwise known as the "B Specials". Catholics were reluctant to join what they saw as unionist militias that lacked impartiality leading to the forces becoming almost entirely Protestant. Large scale intercommunal rioting in 1969 stretched police resources in Northern Ireland , so
6048-415: The border and the state against armed attack and sabotage. It will fulfill this task by undertaking guard duties at key points and installations, by carrying out patrols and by establishing checkpoints and roadblocks when required to do so. In practice, such tasks are most likely to prove necessary in rural areas. It is not the intention to employ the new forces on crowd control or riot duties in cities. When
6160-550: The campaign of civil disobedience. On 16 August, over 8,000 workers went on strike in Derry in protest at internment. Joe Cahill , then Chief of Staff of the Provisional IRA, held a press conference during which he claimed that only 30 Provisional IRA members had been interned. On 22 August, in protest against internment, about 130 Irish nationalist/republican councillors announced that they would no longer sit on district councils . The SDLP also withdrew its representatives from
6272-555: The consequences carefully. After Operation Demetrius, the Irish government pushed for radical changes in how Northern Ireland was governed. Paddy Hillery , the Irish Minister for External Affairs, met British Home Secretary Reginald Maudling in London on 9 August to demand that the Unionist government should be replaced by a power-sharing coalition with 50/50 representation for the nationalist and unionist populations. This
6384-439: The control of the G.O.C., Northern Ireland, should be raised" ... and that it "together with the police volunteer reserve, should replace the Ulster Special Constabulary". The new force was to be "impartial in every sense" and "remove the responsibility of military-style operations from the police". The British government accepted the findings of the Hunt Report and published a Bill and white paper on 12 November 1969 to begin
6496-445: The decision of the British Government to suspend the Northern Ireland Government and Parliament and replace it with direct rule from Westminster , under the authority of a British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland . This took place on 23 March 1972. Following the suspension of the Northern Ireland Government, internment was continued with some changes by the direct rule administration until 5 December 1975. During this time
6608-545: The eleven are commanded by regular commanding officers. In addition the training majors, quartermaster, regimental sergeant majors, chief clerks, and signaller NCOs are also regulars. There are a number of 'conrate' (full-time UDR) posts in each unit, including adjutants, permanent staff instructors, security guards, etc. Many of the officer and senior rank conrates are ex-regulars. The remainder are part-timers. Their main tasks are guarding key points, patrolling, and surveillance, and manning vehicle checkpoints. They do not operate in
6720-409: The existence of the interrogation centre at Ballykelly. It had not been mentioned in any of the inquiries. Human rights group the Pat Finucane Centre accused the British Government of deliberately hiding it from the inquiries and the European Court of Human Rights. In June 2014, an RTÉ documentary entitled The Torture Files uncovered a letter from the British Home Secretary Merlyn Rees in 1977 to
6832-444: The first month of recruiting, only 36 Specials applied to join the UDR compared to an average of 29% – 2,424, one thousand of whom were rejected, mainly on the grounds of age and fitness. Around 75% of the men of the Tyrone B Specials applied, of whom 419 were accepted and, as a result, the 6th Battalion, Ulster Defence Regiment started life as the only battalion more or less up to strength, and remained so during its history. In five of
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#17327655815876944-405: The five techniques, as well as other interrogation methods. These allegedly included waterboarding , electric shocks , burning with matches and candles, forcing internees to stand over hot electric fires while beating them, beating and squeezing of the genitals, inserting objects into the anus, injections, whipping the soles of the feet , and psychological abuse such as Russian roulette . When
7056-427: The government of Northern Ireland. In that sense, the illegal actions of the British government and armed forces during internment and the violent reaction against it led to a profound transformation in British policy. Irish ministers made the most of the leverage that the torture allegations had given them. Hugh McCann, a senior Irish diplomat, noted the tactical advantage the Irish government could gain through taking
7168-419: The grounds that (1) the intensity of the stress caused by techniques creating sensory deprivation "directly affects the personality physically and mentally"; and (2) "the systematic application of the techniques for the purpose of inducing a person to give information shows a clear resemblance to those methods of systematic torture which have been known over the ages ... a modern system of torture falling into
7280-473: The internees were described by the European Commission of Human Rights in 1976 as torture , but the superior court, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), ruled on appeal in 1978 that while the techniques were " inhuman and degrading ", they did not constitute torture in this instance. It was later revealed that the British government had withheld information from the ECHR and that the policy had been authorized by British government ministers. In light of
7392-404: The interrogation techniques used on the internees became known to the public, there was outrage at the British government, especially from Irish nationalists. In response, on 16 November 1971, the British government commissioned a committee of inquiry chaired by Lord Parker (the Lord Chief Justice of England ) to look into the legal and moral aspects of the 'five techniques'. The "Parker Report"
7504-483: The late 1980s the Walther PP was replaced by the Walther P5 , considered a more practical weapon because of its size and ballistic capabilities. Any soldier considered to be at particularly high risk would be permitted to keep his rifle at home. This policy was known as "weapons out" and was reduced by 75%, when SLRs replaced Lee–Enfields in 1972, due to the high number of rifles stolen by paramilitaries. Operation Demetrius 1980s 1990s Operation Demetrius
7616-406: The link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=UDR&oldid=1066409381 " Category : Disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Ulster Defence Regiment The Ulster Defence Regiment ( UDR )
7728-489: The list, and many who never appeared on them, had got wind of the swoop before it began. The list also included leaders of the non-violent Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and People's Democracy such as Ivan Barr and Michael Farrell . Ulster loyalist paramilitaries were also carrying out attacks, mainly directed against Catholics and Irish nationalists. However, security officials advised ministers that loyalists did not represent an immediate and serious threat to
7840-404: The local forces in what became known as the ' five techniques ', methods of interrogation described by opponents as "a euphemism for torture". The available evidence suggests that some members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, trained in civilian policing, were unwilling to use such methods. In an internal memorandum dated 22 December 1971, one Brigadier Lewis reported to his superiors in London on
7952-423: The men became known as the ' five techniques '. Training and advice regarding the five techniques came from senior intelligence officials in the British government. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) defined the five techniques as follows: The fourteen Hooded Men were the only internees subjected to the full five techniques. However, over the following months, some internees were subjected to at least one of
8064-570: The new evidence, in 2014 the Irish government asked the ECHR to revise its judgement, but the ECHR eventually declined the request. In 2021, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom found that the use of the five techniques amounts to torture. Internment had been used several times in Ireland during the 20th century, but had not previously been used during the Troubles , which began in the late 1960s. Ulster loyalist paramilitaries, such as
8176-461: The new regiment. One speaker said the name "Ulster" would "frighten the Catholics away". They also argued that as three of Ulster's nine counties were not in Northern Ireland, the title was inaccurate, especially given that persons from outside of Northern Ireland would be prohibited by law from joining the regiment. For the British government's part, those defending the proposed name argued that
8288-404: The path to Irish unification. The Irish Government, on behalf of the men who had been subject to the five techniques, took a case to the European Commission on Human Rights ( Ireland v. United Kingdom , 1976 Y.B. Eur. Conv. on Hum. Rts. 512, 748, 788–94 (Eur. Comm'n of Hum. Rts.)). The Commission stated that it unanimously considered the combined use of the five methods to amount to torture, on
8400-458: The process of establishing the UDR. Parliamentary debate in Westminster highlighted concerns that members of the USC were to be allowed to join the new force. A working party was set up at Headquarters Northern Ireland (HQNI) chaired by Major General A.J. Dyball of the Royal Ulster Rifles , then the deputy director of operations in Northern Ireland. The team included a staff officer from
8512-507: The regiment joined the British Army's Order of Battle and became operational. For each battalion there was a minimum requirement of: To recruit company and platoon officers, Scott-Bowden and his subordinates were obliged to award instant commissions to people deemed suitable. The ideal candidates were sought in the USC, reserve forces, university Officers' Training Corps and Army Cadet Force . In various battalions officers of company and platoon rank could be found who had served in
8624-517: The regiment was expanded by raising full-time platoons , known as "Operations Platoons", to perform duties on a 24-hour basis. The first of these was raised at 2 UDR under the command of a sergeant . By the end of the 1970s, the permanent cadre had been raised to sixteen platoons. These were then increased to company strength with the conrate role being phased out and full-time UDR soldiers undertaking their own guard duties and administration. The full-time element eventually increased to more than half
8736-635: The regiment was on continuous active service throughout its 22 years of service. It was also the first infantry regiment of the British Army to fully incorporate women into its structure. In 1992, the UDR was amalgamated with the Royal Irish Rangers to form the Royal Irish Regiment . In 2006, the regiment was retroactively awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross . The UDR was raised in 1970, soon after
8848-429: The regiment, but the numbers were never representative. They were highest in 3 UDR , which had the highest percentage of Catholics throughout the Troubles, beginning with 30%, although this was a much lower percentage than that of the battalion area. Some sections were staffed entirely by Catholics, which led to protests from the B Specials Association that in 3 UDR "preference for promotion and allocation of appointments
8960-827: The regiment. They argued that the name "Ulster" evoked emotive resistance from many Catholics in Northern Ireland and that the term "Ulster" had been associated with the Orange organisations and other organisations perceived as excluding Catholics e.g. the Ulster Protestant Volunteers , the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee , the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Special Constabulary. They argued "Ulster" had strong party political and partisan connotations and would deter Catholic participation in
9072-822: The regular army reported for duty. None had served in Northern Ireland previously. Their job was to raise each battalion and have it ready for duty on 1 April. These came to be known as TISOs (training, intelligence, and security officers). Each was assisted by a regular army quartermaster , a corporal clerk, a civil service Clerical Officer to act as Chief Clerk , and a typist. Premises were acquired from diverse sources including wooden huts in army training centres, USC huts or whatever accommodation could be found in regular army barracks or Territorial Army Centres. Seven battalions were formed initially: 1st (County Antrim) ; 2nd (County Armagh) ; 3rd (County Down) ; 4th (County Fermanagh) ; 5th (County Londonderry) ; 6th (County Tyrone) and 7th (City of Belfast) . On 1 April 1970
9184-500: The same category as those systems applied in previous times as a means of obtaining information and confessions. The commission's findings were appealed. In 1978, in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) trial Ireland v. the United Kingdom (Case No. 5310/71), the court ruled: 167. ... Although the five techniques, as applied in combination, undoubtedly amounted to inhuman and degrading treatment, although their object
9296-823: The same fashion. Initially, the weapons issued were of WW2 vintage such as Lee–Enfield No.4 rifles and Sten submachine guns . In early 1972 the rifles were replaced with the standard issue L1A1 Self-Loading Rifle (SLR). Other weaponry became available too: 9 mm Browning pistols (Browning 9mm), the Sterling submachine guns (SMG), the L4A4 Light Machine Guns (Bren LMG) and L7A2 General Purpose Machine Gun (GPMG)s. Small stocks of Federal Riot Guns (FRG) were kept and used to fire plastic bullets to knock down doors and other obstacles during search operations. A number of Carl Gustav (Charlie G) 84 mm recoilless rifles were stocked but rarely deployed as
9408-404: The same treatment as the other internees, the men were hooded , handcuffed and flown to the base by helicopter. On the way, soldiers severely beat them and threatened to throw them from the helicopter. When they arrived they were stripped naked, photographed, and examined by a doctor. For seven days, when not being interrogated, they were kept hooded and handcuffed in a cold cell and subjected to
9520-549: The security of the state or the criminal justice system, and no loyalists were interned. Tim Pat Coogan has commented: What they did not include was a single loyalist. Although the UVF had begun the killing and bombing, this organisation was left untouched, as were other violent loyalist satellite organisations such as Tara , the Shankill Defence Association and the Ulster Protestant Volunteers . Faulkner
9632-538: The seven battalions, former Specials made up more than half of personnel; in the 4th Battalion, Ulster Defence Regiment , it reached 87%. The story was different in Belfast (10%) and the rest of Antrim (42%), where the figures were more balanced, with a correspondingly higher proportion of Catholic recruits. Some former B Specials felt so aggrieved at the loss of their force that they booed and jeered passing UDR patrols. Most anger seemed to be in County Down , where
9744-571: The soldiers. There were claims of soldiers smashing their way into houses without warning and firing baton rounds through doors and windows. Many of those arrested also reported being ill-treated during their three-day detention at the holding centres. They complained of being beaten, verbally abused, threatened, harassed by dogs, denied sleep, and starved. Some reported being forced to run a gauntlet of baton-wielding soldiers, being forced to run an 'obstacle course', having their heads forcefully shaved, being kept naked, being burnt with cigarettes, having
9856-634: The state of intelligence-gathering in Northern Ireland, saying that he was "very concerned about lack of interrogation in depth" by the RUC and that "some Special Branch out-station heads are not attempting to screw down arrested men and extract intelligence from them". However, he wrote that his colleagues "were due to do a quick visit by helicopter to these out-stations... to read the riot act". The internments were initially carried out under Regulations 11 and 12 of 1956 and Regulation 10 of 1957 (the Special Powers Regulations), made under
9968-488: The term "Ulster" should still be included because of precedent; in the past, it had been attached to certain regiments in Northern Ireland. Another opponent of the amendment disagreed that Catholics would be put off joining because of the force. He pointed to the Ulster Unionist Party as an example of an organisation that included the word Ulster and had many Catholic members. The Under-Secretary of State for
10080-495: The then British Prime Minister James Callaghan . It confirmed that a policy of 'torture' had in fact been authorized by British Government ministers—specifically the Secretary for Defence Peter Carrington —in 1971, contrary to the knowledge of the Irish government or the ECHR. The letter states: "It is my view (confirmed by Brian Faulkner before his death) that the decision to use methods of torture in Northern Ireland in 1971/72
10192-411: The time the UDR was the largest infantry regiment in the British Army, formed with seven battalions plus another four added within two years. It consisted mostly of part-time volunteers until 1976, when a full-time cadre was added. Recruiting in Northern Ireland at a time of intercommunal strife, some of its (mostly Ulster Protestant ) members were involved in sectarian killings. The regiment
10304-596: The time, has described internment as "possibly the worst of all the stupid things that government could do". A review by the British Ministry of Defence (MoD) assessed internment overall as "a major mistake". Others, however, have taken a more nuanced view, suggesting that the policy was not so much misconceived in principle as badly planned and executed. The MoD review points to some short-term gains, maintaining that Operation Demetrius netted 50 Provisional IRA officers, 107 IRA volunteers, and valuable information on
10416-404: The total personnel. In 1990, the regiment's numbers stood at 3,000 part-time and 3,000 full-time soldiers, with 140 attached regular army personnel in key command and training positions. The standard of training of the permanent cadre made them suitable to be used in much the same way as regular soldiers and it was not uncommon for regular army units to then come under local command and control of
10528-549: The use of the procedures. Only Parliament can alter the law. The procedures were and are illegal. On the same day (2 March 1972), British Prime Minister Edward Heath stated in the House of Commons : [The] Government, having reviewed the whole matter with great care and with reference to any future operations, have decided that the techniques ... will not be used in future as an aid to interrogation ... The statement that I have made covers all future circumstances. As foreshadowed in
10640-414: The violence had begun to wane, seemingly due to exhaustion on the part of the IRA and security forces. On 15 August, the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) announced that it was starting a campaign of civil disobedience in response to the introduction of internment. By 17 October, it was estimated that about 16,000 households were withholding rent and rates for council houses as part of
10752-649: The weapon was unsuited to most operations. (see Boat Sections below). SLRs were replaced in 1988 by the SA80 and at the same time machine guns were superseded by the Light Support Weapon . Metal caltrops were used at vehicle check points to puncture tyres on cars trying to escape roadblocks. For personal protection off duty, some soldiers were issued with a Walther PP . Major Ken Maginnis acquired permission for some to purchase Browning 9mm pistols at £200 each. These were deemed to be more effective. In
10864-492: Was 4%. By March 1970, there had been 4,791 applications to join, of which 946 were from Catholics and 2,424 from current or former members of the B-Specials. 2,440 had been accepted, including 1,423 from current or former B-Specials. As the percentage of recruits from both communities did not reflect the religious demographics of Northern Ireland , it never became the model Lord Hunt intended. Catholics continued to join
10976-422: Was a British Army operation in Northern Ireland on 9–10 August 1971, during the Troubles . It involved the mass arrest and internment (imprisonment without trial ) of people suspected of being involved with the Irish Republican Army (IRA), which was waging an armed campaign for a united Ireland against the British state. It was proposed by the Unionist government of Northern Ireland and approved by
11088-531: Was a rifle green jacket and skirt. The beret was retained as headgear for men and women in best dress. On the formation of operations platoons, narrow coloured slides were adopted and worn on the shoulder straps in battalion colours. These indicated to the trained eye that the wearers were full-time soldiers. They were dispensed with as the operations platoons expanded into full-time rifle companies and were replaced by battalion-specific epaulette slides. Rank badges were as for infantry NCOs and officers and worn in
11200-443: Was a significant break from the Republic's previous position, which had been to press for unification. British Prime Minister Ted Heath's reaction was a dismissive telegram telling Lynch to mind his own business. He later accepted the advice of his own diplomats that humiliating Lynch and Hillery would make it less likely that they would co-operate in tackling the IRA. Thereafter, Heath took a more conciliatory tone. He invited Lynch for
11312-409: Was also hoped that tougher measures against the IRA would prevent a loyalist backlash and the collapse of Faulkner's government. The British cabinet recommended "balancing action", such as the arrest of loyalist militants, the calling in of weapons held by (generally unionist) rifle clubs in Northern Ireland, and an indefinite ban on parades (most of which were held by unionist/loyalist groups such as
11424-421: Was an infantry regiment of the British Army established in 1970, with a comparatively short existence ending in 1992. Raised through public appeal, newspaper and television advertisements, their official role was the "defence of life or property in Northern Ireland against armed attack or sabotage" but unlike troops from Great Britain they were never used for "crowd control or riot duties in cities". At
11536-512: Was appointed as the first Colonel Commandant. He came to be known as the "Father of the Regiment". The first regimental commander was a WW2 veteran of some distinction, Brigadier Logan Scott-Bowden CBE DSO MC & Bar . Regimental Headquarters was set up in a small bungalow behind the NAAFI shop at Thiepval Barracks , Lisburn . Recruitment began on 1 January with a press conference. Advertisements appeared in local newspapers informing
11648-560: Was being given to Catholics". This was partially explained by the fact that in the mostly Catholic town of Newry, the Territorial Army company of the Royal Irish Fusiliers had been disbanded in 1968 and the vast majority of its soldiers had joined the UDR en masse. The company commander of C Company, (Newry), 3 UDR, was the former commander of the TA unit and was pleased to see that virtually all of his TA soldiers were on parade, in
11760-530: Was dulled down by blackening, a common practice for units of the British army when wearing cap badges on operational duties). The badge was a direct copy of the Royal Ulster Rifles cap badge with the Latin motto removed from its base. Female "Greenfinch" soldiers wore combat jackets and rifle green skirts with the UDR beret and cap badge. For ceremonial occasions men wore a rifle green version of British Army ( No.1 Temperate ceremonial ). Female "best dress"
11872-644: Was not universally popular within the regiment, with the public or with some politicians, but the British Army persisted in replacing former USC commanding officers and by the time of amalgamation, around 400 regular army officers had served in these posts, some of whom went on to achieve general officer rank. A newspaper for the regiment was published, called "Defence". Commanders were able to communicate their views through this as well as through Part 2 Orders (routine orders) which, as with every British Army unit, were displayed on company noticeboards and were compulsory reading. The first seven battalions raised made
11984-421: Was open to all "male citizens of good character" between the ages of 18 and 55. Application forms were sent to all members of the USC, which was soon to be wound up. Vetting was carried out by a Regular Army team of mostly retired officers from outside Northern Ireland including a vice admiral and a number of major generals . Each applicant had to provide two references and the referees would be interviewed by
12096-401: Was originally intended to more accurately reflect the demographics of Northern Ireland , and began with Catholic recruits accounting for 18% of its soldiers; but by the end of 1972, after the introduction of internment this had dropped to around 3%. It is doubtful if any other unit of the British Army has ever come under the same sustained criticism as the UDR. Uniquely in the British Army,
12208-493: Was published on 2 March 1972 and found the five techniques to be illegal under domestic law: 10. Domestic Law ... (c) We have received both written and oral representations from many legal bodies and individual lawyers from both England and Northern Ireland. There has been no dissent from the view that the procedures are illegal alike by the law of England and the law of Northern Ireland. ... (d) This being so, no Army Directive and no Minister could lawfully or validly have authorized
12320-411: Was suggested for private soldiers. They recommended that each battalion should have a mobile force of two platoons , each equipped with a Land Rovers fitted for radio plus three "manpack" radio sets. After the presentation to the Ministry of Defence, a government white paper confirmed the agreed aspects of the new force and its task as: to support the regular forces in Northern Ireland in protecting
12432-500: Was the extraction of confessions, the naming of others and/or information and although they were used systematically, they did not occasion suffering of the particular intensity and cruelty implied by the word torture as so understood. ... 168. The Court concludes that recourse to the five techniques amounted to a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment, which practice was in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights Article 3 (art. 3) . On 8 February 1977, in proceedings before
12544-399: Was urged by the British to include a few Protestants in the trawl but, apart from two republicans, he refused. Faulkner himself later wrote, "The idea of arresting anyone as an exercise in political cosmetics was repugnant to me". Internment was planned and implemented from the highest levels of the British government. Specially trained personnel were sent to Northern Ireland to familiarize
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