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24-764: William Wimsatt (born 1972) is an American author and political activist. He is the founder of the League of Young Voters , co-founder of Generational Alliance, and the author of three books including Bomb the Suburbs , No More Prisons , and Please Don't Bomb The Suburbs . Wimsatt was born in Chicago and attended the University of Chicago Laboratory Schools and Kenwood Academy . He attended Oberlin College , but left during his junior year. His father, William C. Wimsatt ,
48-473: A collection of stories from youth organizers around the world who won or swung elections. In 2010 he published the book Please Don't Bomb The Suburbs . League of Young Voters There are two main organisations with the name of "The League of Young Voters", one in the U.S. and one in Europe. The American organization, also known as the League of Independent Voters and the League of Pissed Off Voters ,
72-431: A third classification, independent expenditure-only committees, which are colloquially known as "super PACs". Most of the 4,600 active, registered PACs, named "connected PACs", sometimes also called "corporate PACs", are established by businesses, non-profits, labor unions, trade groups, or health organizations. These PACs receive and raise money from a "restricted class", generally consisting of managers and shareholders in
96-838: A way dominant parties can capture seats from other parties. A leadership PAC sponsored by an elected official cannot use funds to support that official's own campaign. However, it may fund travel, administrative expenses, consultants, polling, and other non-campaign expenses. In the 2018 election cycle, leadership PACs donated more than $ 67 million to federal candidates. Super PACs, officially known as "independent expenditure-only political action committees," are unlike traditional PACs in that they may raise unlimited amounts from individuals, corporations, unions, and other groups to spend on, for example, ads overtly advocating for or against political candidates. However, they are not allowed to either coordinate with or contribute directly to candidate campaigns or political parties. Super PACs are subject to
120-490: Is a philosophy of science professor at the University of Chicago . Wimsatt directs two non-profit organizations, Gamechanger Labs, a new incubator of start-up projects, and Gamechanger Networks, which organizes networks of change-makers such as Vote Mob and Local Power Network. Wimsatt co-founded Rebuild the Dream (along with Natalie Foster and Van Jones ), and served as its Partnerships and Political Director. Wimsatt founded
144-455: The 2018 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 29,349,895 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: In the 2020 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 28,276,448 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: In the 2022 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 28,051,395 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: In
168-512: The AFL–CIO and the League of Conservation Voters . In 2006, it launched the voting resource website theballot.org . The League of Young Voters last functioned as a political action committee in 2014. The San Francisco League of Pissed Off Voters is an offshoot of the national organization that is still active as of 2020. It promotes progressive politics by making voter guides for San Francisco elections. The League of Young Voters in Europe
192-766: The Federal Election Campaign Act as amended by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (also known as the McCain–Feingold Act). At the state level, an organization becomes a PAC according to the state's election laws . Contributions to PACs from corporate or labor union treasuries are illegal, though these entities may sponsor a PAC and provide financial support for its administration and fundraising. Union-affiliated PACs may solicit contributions only from union members. Independent PACs may solicit contributions from
216-570: The League of Young Voters Education Fund , United Students Against Sweatshops , Music For America , and the National Hip Hop Political Convention . These connections prompted the Village Voice to call the coalition "a lively, iconoclastic, music-aware national group". During the 2004 election, The League worked with America Votes , a coalition of liberal organizations such as America Coming Together ,
240-530: The prison-industrial complex , in conjunction with an underground hip-hop album on Raptivism Records. No More Prisons won a 2000 Firecracker Alternative Book Award in the Politics category. Wimsatt also edited the books Another World is Possible (2001) and Future 500: Youth Organizing and Activism in the United States (2003), Wimsatt co-edited How To Get Stupid White Men Out of Office (2004),
264-642: The European Parliament elections by increasing the level of youth-related information available about the elections, but also by encouraging political parties and candidates to directly target young people in their campaigns. The League was active until 2016. Political action committee In the United States, a political action committee ( PAC ) is a tax-exempt 527 organization that pools campaign contributions from members and donates those funds to campaigns for or against candidates, ballot initiatives , or legislation . The legal term PAC
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#1732773312719288-678: The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) created rules for disclosure, which made it so all donations received by PACs must go through a central committee maintained by said PAC. Furthermore, it required PACs to file regular reports with the Federal Election Commission(FEC) disclosing anyone who has donated at least $ 200. The Supreme Court has declared unconstitutional limits imposed on PACs by the legislature under First Amendment grounds in many cases, starting with Buckley v. Valeo . Throughout
312-658: The League of Young Voters (2003), TheBallot.org (2004), and co-founded the Generational Alliance (2005) and the Coffee Party (2010). As a philanthropic consultant, he coined the phrase "Cool Rich Kids" (1999) referring to young progressive philanthropists associated with the organization Resource Generation. He has consulted for dozens of organizations including Rock the Vote , MoveOn.org , and Green For All . He
336-529: The case of a corporation or members in the case of a non-profit organization, labor union or other interest group. As of January 2009, there were 1,598 registered corporate PACs, 272 related to labor unions and 995 to trade organizations. Groups with an ideological mission, single-issue groups, and members of Congress and other political leaders may form "non-connected PACs". These organizations may accept funds from any individual, connected PAC, or organization. As of January 2009, there were 1,594 non-connected PACs,
360-620: The fastest-growing category. Elected officials and political parties cannot give more than the federal limit directly to candidates. However, they can set up a leadership PAC that makes independent expenditures . Provided the expenditure is not coordinated with the other candidate, this type of spending is not limited. Under the FEC (Federal Election Commission) rules, leadership PACs are non-connected PACs, and can accept donations from individuals and other PACs. Since current officeholders have an easier time attracting contributions, Leadership PACs are
384-585: The general public and must pay their own costs from those funds. Federal multi-candidate PACs may contribute to candidates as follows: In its 2010 case Citizens United v. FEC , the Supreme Court of the United States overturned sections of the Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (also known as the McCain–Feingold Act) that had prohibited corporate and union political independent expenditures in political campaigns. Citizens United declared it
408-457: The past 30 years, campaign donations from PACs have been increasingly growing, with $ 333 million being raised in 1990 to $ 482 million in 2022. Even with the major growth, PAC contributions only made up 23% of the money raised by House candidates and only 10% for senate candidates, despite media coverage which tends to exaggerate contributions. Federal law formally allows for two types of PACs: connected and non-connected. Judicial decisions added
432-529: The same organizational, reporting, and public disclosure requirements of traditional PACs. A hybrid PAC (sometimes called a Carey Committee) is similar to a super PAC, but can give limited amounts of money directly to campaigns and committees, while still making independent expenditures in unlimited amounts. OpenSecrets maintains a list of the largest PACs by election cycle on its website OpenSecrets.org. Their list can be filtered by receipts or different types of expenses, political party, and type of PAC. In
456-902: Was a Fellow at the Movement Strategy Center and the New Organizing Institute , and ran the Ohio Youth Corps in 2008, a joint project of the Ohio Democratic Party and the Obama Campaign. Wimsatt's first book was Bomb the Suburbs (1994), a collection of essays celebrating urban life and critiquing the suburban mindset. The essay "We Use Words Like Mackadocious", appeared in The Source magazine (May 1993). Wimsatt released No More Prisons (1999), referencing urbanism and
480-528: Was created in pursuit of campaign finance reform in the United States . Democracies of other countries use different terms for the units of campaign spending or spending on political competition (see political finance ). At the U.S. federal level, an organization becomes a PAC when it receives or spends more than $ 1,000 for the purpose of influencing a federal election, and registers with the Federal Election Commission (FEC), according to
504-527: Was established after the U.S. Congress prohibited unions from giving direct contributions to political candidates. This restriction was initially imposed in 1907 on corporations through the Tillman Act . The Smith–Connally Act extended its coverage to labor unions in 1943. A series of campaign reform laws enacted during the 1970s facilitated the growth of PACs after these laws allowed corporations, trade associations, and labor unions to form PACs. In 1971
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#1732773312719528-439: Was founded in the early 2000s by activists including Adrienne Maree Brown , Robert Biko Baker and Jessica Norwood. Some of the founders have described the experience as one of their first exposures to political organizing. Focusing on the, 18–34 age group, one of its primary goals was preventing the re-election of George W. Bush . The League formed connections with other youth-oriented political organizations and events, such as
552-664: Was launched on 30 May 2013 on the Esplanade of the European Parliament in Brussels at Yo!Fest , in the presence of European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and Princess Laurentien of the Netherlands. From an initial idea by Giuseppe Porcaro , the League took shape as an initiative of the European Youth Forum . The League of Young Voters in Europe aimed to tackle the ever decreasing youth participation at
576-588: Was unconstitutional to prohibit corporations and unions from spending from their general treasuries to promote candidates or from contributing to PACs. It left intact these laws' prohibitions on corporations or unions contributing directly to a candidate or candidate committee. The political action committee emerged from the labor movement of 1943. The first PAC was the CIO-PAC , formed in July 1943 under CIO president Philip Murray and headed by Sidney Hillman . It
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