111-749: The Faisal–Weizmann agreement was signed by Emir Faisal , the third son of Hussein ibn Ali al-Hashimi , King of the short-lived Kingdom of Hejaz , and Chaim Weizmann , President of the Zionist Organization on 3 January 1919. Signed two weeks before the start of the Paris Peace Conference , it was presented by the Zionist delegation alongside a March 1919 letter written by T. E. Lawrence in Faisal's name to American Zionist leader Felix Frankfurter as two documents to argue that
222-578: A 30-month-long siege , he conquered Medina , defeating the defence organised by Fakhri Pasha and looted the city. Emir Faisal also worked with the Allies during World War I in their conquest of the region of Syria and the capture of Damascus in October 1918. Faisal became part of a new Arab government at Damascus, formed after the capture of that city in 1918. Emir Faisal's role in the Arab Revolt
333-520: A plebiscite showing 96% in favor, Faisal agreed to become king. On 23 August 1921, he was made king of Iraq. Iraq was a new entity created out of the former Ottoman vilayets (provinces) of Mosul , Baghdad and Basra. Ottoman vilayets were usually named after their capital, and thus the Basra vilayet was southern Iraq. Given this background, there was no sense of Iraqi nationalism or even Iraqi national identity when Faisal took his throne. Anecdotally,
444-400: A Confederation of Arab States ... under the suzerainty of an Arab chief". The French and British also proposed an international administration in the "brown area" (an area including Jerusalem , similar to and smaller than Mandate Palestine), the form of which was to be decided upon after consultation with Russia, and subsequently in consultation with the other Allies, "and the representatives of
555-513: A Province of Mesopotamia. The Arabists rejected this proposal vehemently; Sykes took Hogarth's research as evidence of the uniquely different situation in the Protectorate. The archaeologists knew it was clear that the Raj had no understanding of the different conditions, and that there needed to be a specific "Arab Policy" for what had become a frontier of empire. Hogarth returned to Oxford and
666-603: A belief that there was nothing either in the Zionist aspirations as such or in the policy professed by the British Government in regard to their fulfilment that would interfere with Arab political and economic freedom in Palestine". Weizmann's intended purpose was to forge an agreement between Faisal and the Zionist movement to support an Arab Kingdom and Jewish settlement in Palestine, respectively. The wishes of
777-489: A better word I must say that new colonists almost without exception have come in an imperialistic spirit. They say that too long we have been in control of their homeland taken from them by brute force in the Dark Ages, but that now under the new world order we must clear out; and if we are wise we should do so peaceably without making any resistance to what is the fiat of the civilised world. Faisal made his appearance before
888-610: A built-in end date because the treaty further divided Syria and Iraq, the former which was under French control, and the latter under British rule. This prevented unity between two major Arab regions, which were important in Faisal's pan-Arab agenda. Ironically, Arab nationalists in Iraq had a positive reception to the treaty because they saw this as progress, which seemed better than the Arab situation in Syria and Palestine . Faisal's schemes for
999-668: A federation led by his brother, the Emir Abdullah of Trans-Jordan, which would allow for a Jewish "national home" under his sovereignty. Faisal argued that what was needed was a compromise under which the Palestinians would give up their opposition to Jewish immigration to Palestine in exchange for which the Zionists would give up their plans to one day create a Jewish state in the Holy Land. Faisal's preferred solution to
1110-608: A ferment, chronic unrest, and sooner or later civil war in Palestine. But I hope I will not be misunderstood. I assert that we Arabs have none of the racial or religious animosity against the Jews which unfortunately prevail in many other regions of the world. I assert that with the Jews who have been seated for some generations in Palestine our relations are excellent. But the new arrivals exhibit very different qualities from those "old settlers" as we call them, with whom we have been able to live and even co-operate on friendly terms. For want of
1221-551: A greater Iraqi-Syrian state under his leadership attracted much opposition from Turkey, which preferred to deal with two weak neighbors instead of one strong one, and from King Fuad I of Egypt and Ibn Saud of Hejaz and Nejd , who both saw themselves as the rightful leaders of the Arab world. When Nuri al-Said visited Yemen in May 1931 to ask the Imam Yahya Muhammad Hamid ed-Din if he was interested in joining
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#17327760499441332-512: A king's or minister's work. However, the poets had also caused Faisal trouble in the matter of education. An example was when Faisal opened the first girls' school in Najaf and received backlash from the conservative groups in the traditionalist city. In response during the opening occasions, al-Jawahiri, who was a Najafi himself, wrote scathing lines criticizing the conservative nature of the city's people in his poem named " The Reactionaries " which
1443-694: A major role in the revolt against the Ottoman Empire . He helped set up an Arab government in Syria, based in Damascus , and led the Arab delegation at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. In 1920, the Syrian National Congress proclaimed Faisal king, rejecting the French claim to a Mandate for Syria . In response, France invaded a few months later , abolished the kingdom and forced him into exile. In August 1921, in accordance with
1554-581: A memorandum where he criticized the Iraqi people's lack of Iraqi national identity in the newly established country, writing: Iraq is a kingdom ruled by a Sunni Arab government founded on the wreckage of Ottoman rule. This government rules over a Kurdish segment, the majority of which is ignorant, that includes persons with personal ambitions who lead it to abandon it [the government] under the pretext that it does not belong to their ethnicity. [The government also rules over] an ignorant Shiite majority that belongs to
1665-495: A powerful force. He attempted to impose universal military service in order to achieve this, but this failed. Some see this as part of his plan to advance his pan-Arab agenda. During the Great Syrian Revolt against French rule in Syria, Faisal was not particularly supportive of the rebels partly because of British pressure, partly because of his own cautious nature, and mainly because he had reason to believe that
1776-409: A secondary education, 1876–1880, at Winchester College , which claims to be, and was labelled by Hogarth as, "our oldest Public School ." In October 1881, Hogarth matriculated into Magdalen College, Oxford to study Literae Humaniores . He achieved first class honours in both Mods (1882) and Greats (1885). He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree in 1885: as per tradition, his BA
1887-539: A significant minority. By contrast, if Syria, Lebanon and Palestine were incorporated into his realm, then the Sunni Muslim Arabs would comprise the majority of his subjects, making the Arab Shi'i Muslim and the ethnic Kurds of Iraq into minorities. Furthermore, the Arab Shi'i Muslims of Iraq at the time had traditionally looked towards Persia for leadership, and the rallying cry of Pan-Arabism might unite
1998-578: A state that equated being Iraqi with being Arab. Faisal also developed desert motor routes from Baghdad to Damascus , and Baghdad to Amman . This led to a great interest in the Mosul oilfield and eventually to his plan to build an oil pipeline to a Mediterranean port, which would help Iraq economically . This also led to an increase in Iraq's desire for more influence in the Arab East. During his reign, Faisal made great effort to build Iraq's army into
2109-618: Is a historian of later medieval England. In 1926, Hogarth's health began rapidly deteriorating due to a heart condition, and he was granted leave from Oxford in October 1927. He died on 6 November 1927 at his home in Oxford ( 20 St Giles' Street ). He was aged 65. In 1896, Hogarth was elected a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society (FRGS). In 1905, he was elected a Fellow of the British Academy (FBA),
2220-652: Is fully acquainted with the proposals submitted yesterday by the Zionist Organization to the Peace Conference, and we regard them as moderate and proper." Frankfurter replied on 5 March "..These aims are now before the Peace Conference as definite proposals by the Zionist Organisation. We are happy indeed that you consider these proposals 'moderate and proper,' and that we have in you a staunch supporter for their realisation." When
2331-501: Is that a meeting took place, a letter was drafted in English by Lawrence, but that its "contents were not entirely made clear to Faisal. He then may or may not have been induced to sign it", since it ran counter to Faisal's other public and private statements at the time. Mack notes that Frankfurter reprinted the letter in the October 1930 issue of The Atlantic Monthly, vouched for its authenticity, commenting "Prince Feisal's letter
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#17327760499442442-610: The Arab Bureau , for a time during 1916 when Sir Mark Sykes went back to London. Kinahan Cornwallis was his deputy. Hogarth was close with T. E. Lawrence and worked with Lawrence to plan the Arab Revolt . Sykes befriended Hogarth, who had described the Indian Government as believing they had a moral imperative to the British Raj as the best form of government and could not fail in their duty to impose it on
2553-1209: The Balfour Declaration ) the McMahon–Hussein Correspondence , the Sykes–Picot Agreement , the Hogarth message , the Bassett Letter , the Declaration to the Seven and the Anglo-French Declaration . Of these, the Sykes–Picot Agreement had been made public by the Bolsheviks and the Declaration to the Seven as well as the Anglo-French Declaration were also public documents. The Sykes–Picot Agreement had called for an "Arab State or
2664-578: The British Mandate of Iraq because of his apparent conciliatory attitude towards the Great Powers and based on advice from T. E. Lawrence (more commonly known as Lawrence of Arabia). But, in 1921, few people living in Iraq even knew who Faisal was or had ever heard his name. With help of British officials, including Gertrude Bell , he successfully campaigned among the Arabs of Iraq and won over
2775-425: The Hogarth message . D. G. Hogarth was the son of Reverend George Hogarth, Vicar of Barton-upon-Humber , and Jane Elizabeth (Uppleby) Hogarth. He had a sister three years younger, Janet E. Courtney , an author and feminist. In one of his autobiographical works, Hogarth claimed to be an antiquary who was made so, rather than born to it. He said, "nothing disposed me to my trade in early years." Those years included
2886-510: The Le Matin interview resulted in difficulties with the Zionists leading to a meeting between Faisal and Frankfurter followed by Lawrence drafting of a letter to Felix Frankfurter, President of the Zionist Organization of America , on 3 March 1919, signed by Faisal: "The Arabs, especially the educated among us, look with the deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement. Our deputation here in Paris
2997-536: The Mediterranean coast was set aside as part of a future French Mandate. After the war the extent of the coastal exclusion was hotly disputed. Hussein had protested that the Arabs of Beirut would greatly oppose isolation from the Arab state or states, but did not bring up the matter of Jerusalem or Palestine. Between 1916 and 1920, the British government interpreted these commitments as including Palestine in
3108-759: The San Remo conference gave France the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon , which led to the Franco-Syrian War . In the Battle of Maysalun on 24 July 1920, the French were victorious and Faisal was expelled from Syria . In 1920, Iraqis gathered in sociable meetings in coffeehouses and tents during the winter of 1920 to discuss which form of government and leader the new Iraqi state should have. The British government, mandate holders in Iraq, were concerned at
3219-442: The San Remo conference gave France the mandate for Syria , which led to the Franco-Syrian War . In the Battle of Maysalun on 24 July 1920, the French were victorious and Faisal was expelled from Syria after which he contended that the conditions he appended were not fulfilled and the agreement therefore moot. According to contemporaries, including Gertrude Bell and Lawrence, the French, with British support, betrayed Faisal and
3330-469: The Syrian National Congress , which met the following month. On 4 January 1919, Emir Faisal and Chaim Weizmann , President of the Zionist Organization , signed the Faisal–Weizmann Agreement for Arab-Jewish Cooperation, in which Faisal conditionally accepted the Balfour Declaration , an official declaration on behalf of the British government by Arthur Balfour , promising British support to
3441-451: The "Arab Alliance" under Faisal's leadership, the Imam replied with a confused look what would be the purpose of the "Arab Alliance" and to please explain the meaning of the phrase "Arab World", which he was unfamiliar with. When Faisal first came to Iraq, he was a stranger to the cultural and social life. Due to this, throughout his reign, he tried his best to immerse himself in understanding
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3552-580: The "Palestine Question", which he admitted might not be practical at the moment, was for a federation that would unite Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine under his leadership. In 1932, the British mandate ended and Faisal was instrumental in making his country independent. On 3 October, the Kingdom of Iraq joined the League of Nations. In August 1933, incidents like the Simele massacre caused tension between
3663-545: The Advisory Committee on Palestine (chaired by Herbert Samuel), Balfour suggested to Weizmann that "it would be very helpful indeed if the Zionists and Feisal could act unitedly and reach an agreement on certain points of possible conflict." Weizmann and Faisal met again on 11 December 1918, while both were in London preparing their statements for the upcoming peace conference in Paris . Three weeks prior to signing
3774-693: The Arab Sunnis and Shi'a around a common sense of Arab identity . In Iraq, a majority of the Arabs were Shi'i Muslims who had not responded to the call for Sharif Hussein to join the "Great Arab Revolt" as the Sharif was a considered a Sunni Muslim from the Hejaz, thus making him a double outsider. Rather than risk the wrath of the Ottomans on behalf of an outsider like Hussein, the Shi'i Muslims of Iraq had ignored
3885-453: The Arab area. However, in the 1922 Churchill White Paper they argued instead that Palestine had been excluded. On the basis of McMahon's assurances the Arab Revolt began on 5 June 1916. However, the British and French also secretly concluded the Sykes–Picot Agreement on 16 May 1916. This agreement divided many Arab territories into British- and French-administered areas and allowed for the internationalisation of Palestine. Hussein learned of
3996-511: The Arab cause rendering the treaty invalid. St. John Philby , a British representative in Palestine, later stated that Hussein bin Ali , the Sharif of Mecca and King of Hejaz, on whose behalf Faisal was acting, had refused to recognize the agreement as soon as it was brought to his notice. The agreement was first disclosed to the public in 1936. It was noted by UNSCOP that "To many observers at
4107-597: The Arab secret societies, received the Damascus Protocol , and joined with the al-Fatat group of Arab nationalists. On 23 October 1916 at Hamra in Wadi Safra, Faisal met Captain T. E. Lawrence , a junior British intelligence officer from Cairo. Lawrence, who envisioned an independent post-war Arabian state, sought the right man to lead the Hashemite forces and achieve this. In 1916–18, Faisal headed
4218-448: The Arabs, who had hoped for independence in a vast part of the Ottoman Empire . He appended to the typed document a hand-written statement, next to which Lawrence added a slightly inaccurate translation: The date of 4 January referred to in the caveat is either a mistake or refers to a document unknown to historians. Allawi interprets Faisal as referring to his memorandum submitted on 1 January . Faisal submitted his written proposals to
4329-572: The Ashmolean Museum in June 1919. From 1925 to 1927, he was President of the Royal Geographical Society . On 7 November 1894, Hogarth married Laura Violet Uppleby, daughter of George Charles Uppleby . His wife and mother shared a common great-great-grandfather, one John Uppleby of Wootton, Lincolnshire. Laura Violet was 26 at the time; David George, 32. They had one son, William David Hogarth (1901–1965). A granddaughter, Caroline Barron ,
4440-578: The Baghdadi Law College, accepting qualifications of Shi'i Muslim-based schools, help fund the commemorating of Muharram , working with Ayatollah Medhi al-Khalissi who was a friend of Sharif Hussein, and visiting Najaf and Karbala to strengthen his position. Reportedly, Faisal once told Sir Percy Cox that the Iraqi Shi'i Muslim Mujtahideen were prepared to back him up. In March 1932, just months before independence, Faisal wrote
4551-550: The Balfour Declaration, Charles D.Smith has argued that both Friedman and Kedourie misrepresent documents and violate scholarly standards in order to reach their conclusions. while Schneer says that historians have spilled oceans of ink tracing the initial reactions of Hussein and his sons to the Balfour Declaration without settling the debate, noting that Hussein considered Palestine to be Arab land. Continuing Arab disquiet over Allied intentions also led during 1918 to
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4662-506: The Balfour Declaration, but only in the most minimal sense in that the declaration had promised a "Jewish national home". Faisal stated he was willing to accept the Palestine Mandate as a "Jewish national home" to which Jews fleeing persecution around the world might go, but he was adamant that there be no Jewish state. Faisal argued that the best solution was for Britain to grant independence to Palestine, which would be united in
4773-539: The British Declaration to the Seven and the Anglo-French Declaration , the latter promising "the complete and final liberation of the peoples who have for so long been oppressed by the Turks, and the setting up of national governments and administrations deriving their authority from the free exercise of the initiative and choice of the indigenous populations". Weizmann first met Faisal in June 1918, during
4884-619: The British advance from the South against the Ottoman Empire in World War I. As leader of an impromptu "Zionist Commission", Weizmann traveled to southern Transjordan for the meeting. Weizmann had assured Faisal that "the Jews did not propose to set up a government of their own but wished to work under British protection, to colonize and develop Palestine without encroaching on any legitimate interests". Antonius commented in 1938 that: "The combined effect of those assurances had been to induce in him
4995-526: The Conference on 27 January. A draft memorandum that Lawrence had brought at Faisal's request to Stephen Bonsal of the American delegation shortly after the Zionists had made their initial presentation, according to Bonsal's memoirs, stated very different views from the agreement with Weizmann: If the views of the radical Zionists, as presented to the Peace Conference, should prevail, the result will be
5106-665: The Congress in a memorandum presented to the King-Crane Commission completely opposed any migration to Palestine and the latter not to be separated from Syria. According to C.D. Smith, the Syrian National Congress had forced Faisal to back away from his tentative support of Zionist goals. At this point, the agreement could be seen as a dead letter. On 7 March 1920, Faisal was proclaimed King of Arab Kingdom of Syria (Greater Syria). In April 1920,
5217-448: The French were interested in installing a Hashemite to govern Syria on their behalf. In 1925, after the Syrian Druze uprising , the French government began consulting Faisal on Syrian matters. He advised the French to restore Hashemite power in Damascus. The French consulted Faisal because they were inspired by his success as an imposed leader in Iraq. As it turned out, the French were merely playing Faisal along as they wished to give him
5328-456: The Great Arab Revolt. In the Ottoman Empire, the state religion was Sunni Islam and the Shi'i Muslim had been marginalized for their religion, making the Shia population poorer and less educated than the Sunni population. Faisal himself was a tolerant man, proclaiming himself a friend of the Shi'i Muslim, Kurdish and Jewish communities in his realm, and in 1928 criticized the policy of some of his ministers of seeking to fire all Jewish Iraqis from
5439-489: The Hashemite forces. In his book Seven Pillars of Wisdom , Lawrence sought to put the best gloss on Faisal's double-dealing as it would contradict the image he was seeking to promote of Faisal as a faithful friend of the Allies betrayed by the British and the French, claiming that Faisal was only seeking to divide the "nationalist" and "Islamist" factions in the ruling Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). The Israeli historians Efraim Karsh and his wife Inari wrote that
5550-600: The Hedjaz Railway. In the East a line close to and West of the Hedjaz Railway terminating in the Gulf of Akaba . In the South a frontier to be agreed upon with the Egyptian Government. In the West the Mediterranean Sea. The details of the delimitations, or any necessary adjustments of detail, shall be settled by a Special Commission on which there shall be Jewish representation." Faisal I of Iraq Faisal I bin al-Hussein bin Ali al-Hashemi ( Arabic : فيصل الأول بن الحسين بن علي الهاشمي , Fayṣal al-Awwal bin al-Ḥusayn bin ʻAlī al-Hāshimī ; 20 May 1885 – 8 September 1933)
5661-437: The Ministry of Education. This influx resulted in much native resentment towards Syrians and Lebanese in Iraq. The tendency of the Syrian emigres in the education ministry to write and issue school textbooks glorying the Umayyad Caliphate as the "golden age" of the Arabs together with the highly dismissive remarks about Ali gave great offense in the Shi'i Muslim community in Iraq, prompting protests and leading Faisal to withdraw
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#17327760499445772-467: The Northern Army of the rebellion that confronted the Ottomans in what was to later become western Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Syria. In 1917, Faisal, desiring an empire for himself instead of conquering one for his father, attempted to negotiate an arrangement with the Ottomans under which he would rule the Ottoman vilayets of Syria and Mosul as an Ottoman vassal. In December 1917 Faisal contacted General Djemal Pasha declaring his willingness to defect to
5883-407: The Ottoman side provided they would give him an empire to rule, saying the Sykes–Picot agreement had disillusioned him in the Allies and he now wanted to work with his fellow Muslims. Only the unwillingness of the Three Pashas to subcontract ruling part of the Ottoman Empire to Faisal kept him loyal to his father when it finally dawned on him that the Ottomans were just trying to divide and conquer
5994-465: The Palestinian Arabs were to be ignored, and, indeed, both men seem to have held the Palestinian Arabs in considerable disdain. In the event, Weizmann and Faisal established an informal agreement under which Faisal would support close Jewish settlement in Palestine while the Zionist movement would assist in the development of the vast Arab nation that Faisal hoped to establish. After concerns were expressed by Cecil regarding draft proposals put forward by
6105-403: The RIMS Northbrook, and on 23 June, Faisal first landed in Iraq on the main port of Basra . Faisal's arrival was met with a mixed response, while most Iraqis welcomed him in large numbers and groups, some people, especially the Ulama' at Najaf and the tribesman of Southern Iraq, including Samawah , were either disappointed or hostile which shocked Faisal. Despite this, the Mayor of Baghdad at
6216-428: The Shereef of Mecca". Henry McMahon had exchanged letters with Faisal's father Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca in 1915, in which he had promised Hussein control of Arab lands with the exception of "portions of Syria " lying to the west of "the districts of Damascus , Homs , Hama and Aleppo " . Palestine lies to the southwest of these areas and wasn't explicitly mentioned. That modern-day Lebanese region of
6327-534: The Supreme Council on 6 February and, in a further sign that his Zionist sympathy might be wavering, suggested that "Palestine, in consequence of its universal character, be left on one side for the mutual consideration of all parties concerned". The Zionists written submission was made on 3 February with their appearance before the Supreme Council on 27 February. A 1 March interview by Le Matin quoted Faisal as saying: This feeling of respect for other religions dictates my opinion about Palestine, our neighbor. That
6438-446: The United Kingdom and Iraq. Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald ordered High Commissioner Francis Humphrys to Iraq immediately upon hearing of the killing of Assyrian Christians. The British government demanded that Faisal stay in Baghdad to punish the guilty, whether Christian or Muslim. In response, Faisal cabled to the Iraqi Legation in London: "Although everything is normal now in Iraq, and in spite of my broken health, I shall await
6549-404: The United Kingdom's national academy for the humanities and social sciences. In 1917, he was made a Commander of the Order of the Nile by the Sultan of Egypt, and awarded the Founder's Medal of the Royal Geographical Society . In the 1918 New Year Honours , he was appointed a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George (CMG) for his efforts during the First World War. In 1919, he
6660-426: The Zionist Organization, mindful of the racial kinship and ancient bonds existing between the Arabs and the Jewish people, and realizing that the surest means of working out the consummation of their natural aspirations is through the closest possible collaboration in the development of the Arab State and Palestine, and being desirous further of confirming the good understanding which exists between them, have agreed upon
6771-452: The Zionist plans for Palestine had prior approval of Arabs. The agreement was presented to Faisal in his room at the Carlton Hotel on 3 January in English, which Faisal could not read, and its contents were translated and explained to Faisal by Lawrence. Faisal signed the document in the same meeting, without consulting his advisors awaiting him in a separate room, but added a caveat in Arabic next to his signature, such that Faisal considered
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#17327760499446882-418: The agreement as conditional on Palestine being within the area of Arab independence. The Zionist Organization submitted the agreement to the Paris Peace Conference without the caveat. Israeli historian Yoav Gelber described the agreement as "of propaganda value only", since it quickly became clear that Faisal's conditions would not be met. At the time the agreement was made, there had preceded it (apart from
6993-407: The agreement as ever being valid, although Weizmann asserted that the treaty should be considered valid while at the same time agreeing that Faisal had the right to void it after losing Syria to the French. "The boundaries of Palestine shall follow the general lines set out below: Starting on the North at a point on the Mediterranean Sea in the vicinity South of Sidon and following the watersheds of
7104-486: The agreement when it was leaked by the new Russian government in December 1917, but was satisfied by two disingenuous telegrams from Sir Reginald Wingate , High Commissioner of Egypt, assuring him that the British government's commitments to the Arabs were still valid and that the Sykes–Picot Agreement was not a formal treaty. Following the publication of the Balfour Declaration the British had dispatched Commander David George Hogarth to see Hussein in January 1918 bearing
7215-454: The agreement, on 12 December 1918, Faisal was quoted in The Times , in a piece which Ali Allawi writes was "no doubt instigated by Lawrence and the Foreign Office": The two main branches of the Semitic family, Arabs and Jews, understand one another, and I hope that as a result of interchange of ideas at the Peace Conference, which will be guided by ideals of self-determination and nationality, each nation will make definite progress towards
7326-430: The arrival of Sir Francis Humphrys in Bagdad, but there is no reason for further anxiety. Inform the British Government of the contents of my telegram." In July 1933, right before his death, Faisal went to London where he expressed his alarm at the current situation of Arabs that resulted from the Arab-Jewish conflict and the increased Jewish immigration to Palestine, as the Arab political, social, and economic situation
7437-438: The band present played God Save the King , as Iraq did not yet have a national anthem and would not have one until 1932 . During his reign as King, Faisal encouraged pan-Arab nationalism that envisioned ultimately bringing the French mandates of Syria and Lebanon together with the British mandate of Palestine under his rule. Faisal was keenly aware that his power-base was with the Sunni Muslim Arabs of Iraq, who comprised
7548-411: The civil service, but his policy of promoting pan-Arab nationalism to further his personal and dynastic ambitions proved to be a disruptive force in Iraq as it drew a wedge between the Arab and Kurdish communities. Faisal's policy of equating wataniyya ("patriotism" or in this case Iraqiness) with being Arab marginalized the Kurds who feared that they had no place in an Arab-dominated Iraq, indeed in
7659-455: The daily newspaper of Mecca, attested that Palestine was "a sacred and beloved homeland of its original sons", the Jews; "the return of these exiles to their homeland will prove materially and spiritually an experimental school for their [Arab] brethren." He called on the Arab population in Palestine to welcome the Jews as brethren and cooperate with them for the common welfare. Whereas Kedourie (as well as Friedman) have argued that Hussein accepted
7770-420: The decision made at the Cairo Conference , the British arranged for Faisal to become king of a new Kingdom of Iraq under British administration. During his reign, Faisal fostered unity between Sunni Muslims and Shia Muslims to encourage common loyalty and promote pan-Arabism in the goal of creating an Arab state that would include Iraq, Syria and the rest of the Fertile Crescent . In 1932, he presided over
7881-443: The decisions taken by the San Remo conference in April 1920, on 13 May 1920, Lord Allenby forwarded to the British War Cabinet a letter from Faisal which stated his opposition to the Balfour proposal to establish a homeland for the Jews in Palestine. On 7 March 1920, Faisal was proclaimed King of the Arab Kingdom of Syria (the region of Syria ) by the Syrian National Congress government of Hashim al-Atassi . In April 1920,
7992-675: The development of a Jewish homeland in Palestine . Once Arab states were granted autonomy from the European powers, years after the Faisal-Weizmann Agreement, and these new Arab nations were recognized by the Europeans, Weizmann argued that since the fulfillment was kept eventually, the agreement for a Jewish homeland in Palestine still held. In truth, however, this hoped-for partnership had little chance of success and
8103-469: The establishment of independent Arab emirates for the predominantly Arab areas previously held by the Ottoman Empire . British and Arab forces took Damascus in October 1918, which was followed by the Armistice of Mudros . With the end of Turkish rule that October, Faisal helped set up an Arab government, under British protection, in Arab controlled Greater Syria. In May 1919, elections were held for
8214-458: The following: Articles: Given under our hand at London, England, the third day of January, one thousand nine hundred and nineteen Chaim Weizmann Feisal Ibn-Hussein Weizmann signed the agreement on behalf of the Zionist Organization, while Faisal signed on behalf of the short-lived Arab Kingdom of Hedjaz . Faisal conditioned his acceptance on the fulfillment of British wartime promises to
8325-757: The foothills of the Lebanon as far as Jisr el Karaon, thence to El Bire following the dividing line between the two basins of the Wadi El Korn and the Wadi Et Teim thence in a southerly direction following the dividing line between the Eastern and Western slopes of the Hermon , to the vicinity West of Beit Jenn, thence Eastward following the northern watersheds of the Nahr Mughaniye close to and west of
8436-521: The impression that he might be restored as king of Syria to dissuade him from supporting the Syrian rebels, and once they crushed the Syrian revolt, they lost interest in having a Hashemite rule in Syria. Faisal saw the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty of 1930 as an obstacle to his pan-Arab views, although it provided Iraq with a degree of political independence. He wanted to make sure that the treaty had
8547-824: The independence of Iraq upon the end of the British Mandate and the country's entry into the League of Nations . Faisal died of a heart attack in 1933 in Bern , Switzerland, at the age of 48 and was succeeded by his eldest son Ghazi . Faisal was born in Mecca , Ottoman Empire (in present-day Saudi Arabia ), in 1885, the third son of Hussein bin Ali , the Grand Sharif of Mecca . He grew up in Constantinople and learned about leadership from his father. In 1913, he
8658-501: The king's prescience without further notice. Faisal always wanted to remind Shi'i Muslims of his linage to Ali . Due to this, his coronation took place on 18 Dhu al-Hijja according to the Islamic Calendar, which coincided with Eid al-Ghadir . Throughout his reign, especially in his early days, Faisal had wanted to increase the prescience of Shi'i Muslims in administrations. Example being the hiring of Tawfiq al-Suwaidi in
8769-506: The last trace of this former bitterness, which, indeed, had already practically disappeared before the war by the work of the Arab Secret Revolutionary Committee, which in Syria and elsewhere laid the foundation of the Arab military successes of the past two years. Two days prior to the agreement, on 1 January 1919, Faisal's delegation submitted a statement to the Peace Conference , and a further memorandum
8880-596: The letter was tabled at the Shaw Commission in 1929, Rustam Haidar spoke to Faisal in Baghdad and cabled that Faisal had "no recollection that he wrote anything of the sort". In January 1930, Haidar wrote to a newspaper in Baghdad that Faisal: "finds it exceedingly strange that such a matter is attributed to him as he at no time would consider allowing any foreign nation to share in an Arab country". Awni Abd al-Hadi , Faisal's secretary, wrote in his memoirs that he
8991-517: The message that the "political and economic freedom" of the Palestinian population was not in question. Hogarth reported that Hussein "would not accept an independent Jewish State in Palestine, nor was I instructed to warn him that such a state was contemplated by Great Britain". According to Isaiah Friedman, Hussein was not perturbed by the Balfour Declaration and on 23 March 1918, in Al Qibla ,
9102-472: The new rule, to pretend that they are still being persecuted because they are Shiites. Faisal encouraged an influx of Syrian exiles and office-seekers to cultivate better Iraqi-Syrian relations. In order to improve education in the country Faisal employed doctors and teachers in the civil service and appointed Syrian Arab nationalist Sati' al-Husri, the ex-Minister of Education in Damascus, as his director of
9213-490: The offending textbooks in 1927 and again in 1933 when they were reissued. In 1929, when bloody rioting broke out in Jerusalem between the Arab and Jewish communities, Faisal was highly supportive of the Arab position and pressured the British for a pro-Arab solution of the Palestine crisis. In a memo stating his views on Palestine submitted to the British high commissioner Sir Hubert Young on 7 December 1929, Faisal accepted
9324-574: The popular support of the minority Sunni. However, the Shia majority were at first lukewarm about Faisal, and his appearance at the port of Basra was met with indifference. From 23 April to 8 May 1921, Iraqis including most notably Nuri Pasha al-Sa'id would send telegrams to Faisal, inviting him to Iraq as its prospective king. Between May and June, Faisal sent representatives to confirm his election. On 12 June 1921, Faisal left Jeddah for Iraq alongside several Iraqi nobles and Sir Kinahan Cornwallis on
9435-820: The position until 1900. He was the keeper of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford from 1909 until his death in 1927. In 1915, during the First World War, Hogarth was commissioned with the temporary rank of lieutenant commander in the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve and joined the Geographical Section of the Naval Intelligence Division . Professor Hogarth was appointed the acting director of
9546-537: The previous British promises for Arab independence; the caveat was added as a result. The next day, Weizmann arrived in Paris to head the Zionist delegation to the Peace Conference. Agreement Between Emir Feisal and Dr. Weizmann 3 January 1919 His Royal Highness the Emir Feisal, representing and acting on behalf of the Arab Kingdom of Hedjaz, and Dr. Chaim Weizmann, representing and acting on behalf of
9657-518: The public Iraqi people more. Faisal was noticeably unaffected by sectarian considerations, and was noted by al-Rihani to have a faith that reflected all Islamic dominations, which made him respect, and be tolerant to all world religions. Abbas Baghdadi , a young writer, recounted how Faisal would pull up in the Arab attire to the al-Sarai Mosque for Friday Prayers, which was decided to be the main Friday Prayers mosque. Faisal has also ordered
9768-614: The realization of its aspirations. Arabs are not jealous of Zionist Jews, and intend to give them fair play and the Zionist Jews have assured the Nationalist Arabs of their intention to see that they too have fair play in their respective areas. Turkish intrigue in Palestine has raised jealousy between the Jewish colonists and the local peasants, but the mutual understanding of the aims of Arabs and Jews will at once clear away
9879-582: The reconstruction of Sufi shrines in Mosul such as the tekke of the Shadhili Order . Faisal also met with leaders of smaller religious communities such as chief Rabbis from both Baghdad and Mosul. Faisal had great tolerance for Shi'i Muslims and was a component of inter-faith. Faisal's main link with the community was the Sayyid Muhammad al-Sadr, who was one of the only people who could enter
9990-463: The same ethnicity of the government, but the persecutions that had befallen them as a result of Turkish rule, which did not enable them to take part in governance and exercise it, drove a deep wedge between the Arab people divided into these two sects. Unfortunately, all of this made this majority, or the persons who harbor special aspirations, the religious among them, the seekers of posts without qualification, and those who did not benefit materially from
10101-495: The time sent a telegram to greet Faisal. The city of Hillah also welcomed him. When Faisal arrived in Baghdad on 26 June, he was widely welcomed by Baghdadis. The next day, an ovation was given to him in al-Kadhimiyya , where he prayed at its main mosque and was welcomed. Faisal became a candidate for King of Iraq alongside other candidates such as the Sayyid Muhammad al-Sadr , and Ali Jawdat al-Ayyubi . Following
10212-563: The time, conclusion of the Feisal-Weizmann agreement promised well for the future co-operation of Arab and Jew in Palestine", and further referring to the 1937 report of the Palestine Royal Commission which noted that "Not once since 1919 had any Arab leader said that co-operation with the Jews was even possible" despite expressed hopes to the contrary by British and Zionist representatives. UNSCOP did not regard
10323-467: The unhappy Jews come to reside there and behave as good citizens of this country, our humanity rejoices given that they are placed under a Muslim or Christian government mandated by The League of Nations. If they want to constitute a state and claim sovereign rights in this region, I foresee very serious dangers. It is to be feared that there will be a conflict between them and the other races. Although Allawi states that Faisal had been misquoted he says that
10434-663: The unofficial sequel to Lawrence , A Dangerous Man: Lawrence After Arabia (1990), played by Alexander Siddig ; and in Werner Herzog 's Queen of the Desert (2015), played by Younes Bouab . On video, he was portrayed in The Adventures of Young Indiana Jones : Chapter 19 The Winds of Change (1995) by Anthony Zaki. David George Hogarth David George Hogarth CMG FRGS FBA (23 May 1862 – 6 November 1927), also known as D. G. Hogarth ,
10545-476: The unrest in the colony. They decided to step back from direct administration and create a monarchy to head Iraq while they maintained the mandate. The idea was to set up a native leader who would be popular among the Iraqi people while still maintaining close relations with the British government. In March 1921, at the Cairo Conference , the British decided that Faisal was a good candidate for ruling
10656-760: The veracity of Lawrence's account is open to question given that the major dispute within the CUP was not between the Islamist Djemal Pasha and the nationalist Mustafa Kemal as claimed by Lawrence, but rather between Enver Pasha and Djemal Pasha. In the spring of 1918, after Germany launched Operation Michael on 21 March 1918, which appeared for a time to foreordain the defeat of the Allies, Faisal again contacted Djemal Pasha asking for peace provided that he be allowed to rule Syria as an Ottoman vassal, which Djemal, confident of victory, declined to consider. After
10767-402: The ways of his new country. A few weeks after he arrived in Iraq, he was greeted by the respected Islamic scholar Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi , and met with several educated Iraqis to learn of their perspectives and conditions. Even becoming a patron in several clubs such as the 1920s Baghdadi "Irshad Club." Faisal started a tradition of receiving several writers and poets regularly. Among these poets
10878-411: The wishes of their respective inhabitants have been ascertained" in a reference to US President Woodrow Wilson 's policy of self determination . They signed the written agreement, which bears their names, on 3 January 1919. Faisal was not explicitly authorised by his father to enter into such an agreement, with his instructions from his father limited to the requirement that he accept only fulfilment of
10989-844: Was King of Iraq from 23 August 1921 until his death in 1933. A member of the Hashemite family, he was a leader of the Great Arab Revolt during the First World War , and ruled as the unrecognized King of the Arab Kingdom of Syria from March to July 1920 when he was expelled by the French. The third son of Hussein bin Ali , the Grand Emir and Sharif of Mecca , Faisal was born in Mecca and raised in Istanbul . From 1916 to 1918, with British assistance, he played
11100-709: Was Ma'ruf al-Rusafi , who wrote poems praising the King. Another poet that Faisal received and made a part of his royal court was al-Jawahiri , who was made a member after Arab Nationalist Sati' al-Husri falsely accused him of being an Iranian. Another group that Faisal held greatly were teachers as he saw them as important figures to encourage and cultivate. Accompanied by Rustam Haidar , he regularly toured Baghdadi schools, including Christian and Jewish, and inspected their conditions as part of his agenda. He met with several teachers, both male and female, to motivate them to work as he considered teachers to be more significant than
11211-424: Was a British orientalist archaeologist and scholar associated with T. E. Lawrence and Arthur Evans . He was Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford from 1909 to 1927. Hogarth was commissioned into the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve during the First World War and served with the Naval Intelligence Division . During 1916, he was the acting director of the Arab Bureau , and was later responsible for delivering
11322-401: Was a dead letter by late 1920. Faisal had hoped that Zionist influence on British policy would be sufficient to forestall French designs on Syria, but Zionist influence could never compete with French interests. At the same time Faisal failed to enlist significant sympathy among his Arab elite supporters for the idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, even under loose Arab suzerainty. Following
11433-418: Was a document prepared under the most responsible conditions" and that although Faisal objected to interpretations that understood his letter to mean consent to Zionist policy, he did not disavow its authorship. In October 1918, British and Arab forces had captured Damascus during the Arab Revolt and Faisal formed a government. In May 1919, elections were held for the Syrian National Congress . On 2 July 1919
11544-401: Was declining. He asked the British to limit Jewish immigration and land purchases. King Faisal died of a heart attack on 8 September 1933 in Bern , Switzerland. He was 48 years old at the time of his death. Faisal was succeeded on the throne by his eldest son, Ghazi . A square is named in his honor at the end of Haifa Street , Baghdad , where an equestrian statue of him stands. The statue
11655-527: Was described by Lawrence in Seven Pillars of Wisdom . However, the accuracy of that book, not least the importance given by the author to his own contribution during the Revolt, has been criticized by some historians, including David Fromkin . In 1919, Emir Faisal led the Arab delegation to the Paris Peace Conference and, with the support of the knowledgeable and influential Gertrude Bell , argued for
11766-741: Was elected as representative for the city of Jeddah for the Ottoman parliament . Following the Ottoman Empire's declaration of war against the Entente in December 1914, Faisal's father sent him on a mission to Constantinople to discuss the Ottomans' request for Arab participation in the war. Along the way Faisal visited Damascus and met with representatives of the Arab secret societies al-Fatat and Al-'Ahd. After visiting Constantinople Faisal returned to Mecca via Damascus where he again met with
11877-709: Was knocked down following the overthrow of the monarchy in 1958 , but later restored. Another square is named after him in Haifa , Israel , where his remains passed on their way from the Port of Haifa to the airport, to be flown to Baghdad. A broken column on Faisal Square commemorates his early death. Faisal was married to Sharifa Huzaima bint Nasser and had with her one son and three daughters. Faisal has been portrayed on film at least three times: in David Lean 's epic Lawrence of Arabia (1962), played by Alec Guinness ; in
11988-479: Was not aware that a meeting between Frankfurter and Faisal took place and that: "I believe that this letter, assuming that it is authentic, was written by Lawrence, and that Lawrence signed it in English on behalf of Faisal. I believe this letter is part of the false claims made by Chaim Weizmann and Lawrence to lead astray public opinion." According to Allawi, the most likely explanation for the Frankfurter letter
12099-587: Was promoted to a Master of Arts (MA Oxon) degree. In 1886, Hogarth was elected a Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford . Between 1887 and 1907, he travelled to excavations in Cyprus , Crete , Egypt , Syria , Melos , and Ephesus (the Temple of Artemis ). On the island of Crete, he excavated Zakros and Psychro Cave . Hogarth was named director of the British School at Athens in 1897 and occupied
12210-598: Was published in several newspapers. This would cause a large outcry in the city which reached Faisal's attention. Faisal would confront al-Jawahiri reportedly saying "Are you aware of the calls and cables I have received that all say that this is the work of your "son, Muhammad," who works under your auspices and protections? And do you know how much grief this has caused me?" In response, al-Jawahiri apologized and offered to resign, but Faisal decided to forgive al-Jawahiri and decided to keep him in his royal court. Faisal regularly attended Friday prayers as it helped him meet with
12321-478: Was submitted on 29 January. The statement referred to the goal to "unite the Arabs eventually into one nation", defining the Arab areas as "from a line Alexandretta – Persia southward to the Indian Ocean" (1 January) or "from the line Alexandretta – Diarbekr southward to the Indian Ocean" (29 January). The latter memorandum described boundaries of any new states as "matters for arrangement between us, after
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