Misplaced Pages

#789210

74-404: The Australian Commonwealth Party is an entirely new political association, non- authoritarian , non- elitist , bound together by the mutual loyalty and common commitment of members. [The party] represents a rising of sensitivity and a restoration of grace. It seeks to reinstate qualitative values in the world in order to counter and, in the end, overcome the entrenched tyranny of quantity. It is thus

148-439: A democracy). Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances. Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term. According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights from

222-409: A high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power." Competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e.

296-422: A lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses. Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as coup-proofing (structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to

370-484: A letter to The Bulletin in 1972, Les Murray wrote: "Australia will be a great nation, and a power for good in the world, when her head of state is a part-Aboriginal and her prime minister a poor man. Or vice versa." Though never formally disbanded, the Australian Commonwealth Party did not contest any other election nor seek party registration under later legislation. Its last public action

444-538: A means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy. While authoritarian regimes invest considerably in propaganda out of a belief that it enhances regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as to whether propaganda is effective. Andrew J. Nathan notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over- centralization of decision making, and

518-425: A political order that justifies and enables the dominance of citizens through the systemic "exploitation of [the] bodies, land, [and] resources [of noncitizens], and the denial of equal socioeconomic opportunities to them." In this way, the regime operationalizes the domination and subordination of certain groups to establish its political authority. These repressive states distinguish between citizens and subpersons on

592-628: A region. A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories. A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders. A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes;

666-656: A secret police agency officially named the Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities . According to Soviet and communist studies scholar Stephen Wheatcroft , in the case of the Soviet Union terms such as " the terror ", " the purges " and "repression" are used to refer to the same events. He believes the most neutral terms are repression and mass killings , although in Russian the broad concept of repression

740-579: A strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups." Examples include Argentina under Juan Perón , Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro . A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories: Lai and Slater argue that single-party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization , patronage networks and coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing

814-749: A variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church , Falange , monarchists , technocrats and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support. According to Juan Linz the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a totalitarian one is that an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization while totalitarianism seeks to control and use them. Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on

SECTION 10

#1732780405790

888-541: A variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice). Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes. An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate

962-479: A way that reinforces their power. Authoritarian legislatures, for example, are forums through which leaders may enhance their bases of support, share power, and monitor elites. Additionally, authoritarian party systems are extremely unstable and unconducive to party development, largely due to monopolistic patterns of authority. Judiciaries may be present in authoritarian states where they serve to repress political challengers, institutionalize punishment, and undermine

1036-670: Is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties and little tolerance for meaningful opposition . A range of social controls also attempt to stifle civil society while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces , a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance through various means of socialization and indoctrination. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart identify authoritarianism in politicians and political parties by looking for values of security, conformity, and obedience. Authoritarianism

1110-454: Is a political system characterized by the rejection of political plurality , the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo , and reductions in democracy , separation of powers , civil liberties , and the rule of law . Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon

1184-403: Is a defining feature and the foundation of autocracies by creating a power hierarchy between the leader and citizenry, contributing to the longevity of the regime. Repressive activities have also been found within democratic contexts as well. This can even include setting up situations where the death of the target of repression is the end result. If political repression is not carried out with

1258-581: Is a label used by various political scientists to characterize the most tyrannical strain of authoritarian systems; in which the ruling elite, often subservient to a dictator , exert near-total control of the social, political, economic, cultural and religious aspects of society in the territories under its governance. Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of

1332-423: Is a typical feature of dictatorships , totalitarian states and similar regimes. In these regimes, acts of political repression can be carried out by the police and secret police , the army, paramilitary groups and death squads. Sometimes regimes considered democratic exercise political repression and state terrorism to other states as part of their security policy. Direct repression is a form of repression where

1406-505: Is commonly held to include mass killings and is sometimes assumed to be synonymous with it, which is not the case in other languages. Political conflict strongly increases the likelihood of state repression. This is arguably the most robust finding in social science research on political repression. Civil wars are a strong predictor of repressive activity, as are other forms of challenges from non-government actors. States so often engage in repressive behaviors in times of civil conflict that

1480-499: Is generally only regarding grievances that do not undermine the stability of the regime. An illiberal democracy , or procedural democracy , is distinguished from liberal democracy , or substantive democracy , in that illiberal democracies lack features such as the rule of law , protections for minority groups , an independent judiciary and the real separation of powers . A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research has extended

1554-404: Is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler or ruling party (often in a one-party state ) or other authority. The transition from an authoritarian system to a more democratic form of government is referred to as democratization . Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions . Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve

SECTION 20

#1732780405790

1628-502: Is sometimes accompanied with intolerance . This intolerance is manifested through discriminatory policies, human rights violations , police brutality , imprisonment , extermination , exile , extortion , terrorism , extrajudicial killing , summary execution , torture , forced disappearance and other punishments against political activists, dissidents, and populations in general. Some regimes that govern societies experiencing sustained ethno-religious conflict may be consolidated on

1702-597: Is successful in a state is evidence of preference falsification – where the preference expressed by an individual in public diverges from their private preference. In North Korea , accused of highly repressive activity in media and public culture, 100% of citizens vote in ‘no choice’ parliamentary elections so the state can identify defectors. Citizens are required to show complete devotion to North Korea's current leader and sacrifice their safety if they choose to speak out. Repressive measures including prison camps, torture, forced labor, and threats of execution are just some of

1776-404: Is the act of a state entity controlling a citizenry by force for political reasons, particularly for the purpose of restricting or preventing the citizenry's ability to take part in the political life of a society , thereby reducing their standing among their fellow citizens. Repression tactics target the citizenry who are most likely to challenge the political ideology of the state in order for

1850-459: The World Bank suggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the prevalence of corruption and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press are all associated with lower corruption. A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom . The nations with

1924-542: The 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime. In 2020, almost half of all authoritarian systems had multi-party governments. Cabinet appointments by an authoritarian regime to outsiders can consolidate their rule by dividing

1998-491: The Southern United States after Reconstruction , as well as areas of contemporary Argentina and Mexico. Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of

2072-572: The approval of the state, a section of government may still be responsible. Some examples are the FBI COINTELPRO operations from 1956 to 1971 and the Palmer Raids from 1919–1920. In some states, "repression" can be an official term used in legislation or the names of government institutions. The Soviet Union had a legal policy of repression of political opposition defined in its penal code and Cuba under Fulgencio Batista had

2146-483: The authoritarian regime. Adam Przeworski has challenged this, noting that while authoritarian regimes do take actions that serve to enhance regime survival, they also engage in mundane everyday governance and their subjects do not hold a posture towards the regime at all moments of their life. He writes, "People in autocracies do not incessantly live under the shadow of dramatic historical events; they lead everyday routine lives." Similarly, Thomas Pepinsky has challenged

2220-653: The authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the legitimacy of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse. One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party which has been unusually resilient among authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in

2294-716: The authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler." According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship. According to Yale professor Juan José Linz there a three main types of political regimes today: democracies , totalitarian regimes and, sitting between these two, authoritarian regimes (with hybrid regimes ). According to University of Michigan professor Dan Slater, modern forms of authoritarianism are fundamentally dissimilar from historical forms of nondemocratic rule. He links modern authoritarianism to

Australian Commonwealth Party - Misplaced Pages Continue

2368-430: The basis of exclusionary notions of nationhood. In such discriminatory states, political right is generated through a distinction between citizens, who are afforded the rights and moral standing of "full persons," and outsiders, or the "subpersons" of society. The privileges enjoyed by citizens are given meaning because they are denied to subpersons, on account of their perceived inferiority. The government thereby creates

2442-646: The basis of socially agreed-upon conceptions of identity. Governments acquire legitimacy by expounding exclusionary notions of national identity, which sanctify the division between the citizenry and outsiders. Because the fabrication of nationhood often requires a reorientation of existing group identities, regimes will construe their national identity by taking advantage of soft power variables. Muhammad Pervez defines soft power variables as attractive and intangible power resources like religion, cultural norms, and institutions, that appeal to people and encourage their compliance. Soft power variables are constructed through

2516-571: The beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations. Authoritarian regimes typically incorporate similar political institutions to that of democratic regimes, such as legislatures and judiciaries, although they may serve different purposes. Democratic regimes are marked by institutions that are essential to economic development and individual freedom, including representative legislatures and competitive political parties. Most authoritarian regimes embrace these political structures, but use it in

2590-485: The capacity of challengers to organize, yet it is also feasible that challengers can leverage state repressive behavior to spur mobilization among sympathizers by framing repression as a new grievance against the state. Political repression is often accompanied by violence, which might be legal or illegal according to domestic law. Violence can both eliminate political opposition directly by killing opposition members, or indirectly by instilling fear. Political repression

2664-445: The common mental image of an authoritarian state as one of grim totalitarianism, desperate hardship, strict censorship, and dictatorial orders of murder, torture and disappearances. He writes, "life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable." Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in authoritarian states because of

2738-497: The concept to that of hybrid regimes . Scholars such as Seymour Lipset , Carles Boix, Susan Stokes , Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into

2812-486: The costs of defection. The Chinese Communist Party implements extensive surveillance measures in the People's Republic of China , including Internet censorship , camera monitoring , and other forms of mass surveillance . These practices involve the use of technologies such as AI , facial recognition , fingerprint identification , voice and iris recognition , big data analysis, DNA testing , and are closely linked to

2886-422: The domination of the citizenry, deliberately vilify the subpersons of the political order and ensure a continued environment of securitized subjectivity. By manufacturing an enduring security dilemma between dominant and subordinated groups, oppressive regimes convey to dominant groups that the protection provided by the state is necessary for the dominant identity group’s/nation state’s survival, which legitimizes

2960-438: The drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail – and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian constitutionalist state, and connects

3034-574: The era of mass politics , which began with the French Revolution . Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others. Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes: According to Barbara Geddes , there are seven typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes, military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of

Australian Commonwealth Party - Misplaced Pages Continue

3108-406: The exclusion of potential or supposed challengers by armed force. It uses political parties and mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime. Adam Przeworski has theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity." Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power , a leadership that

3182-540: The existence of left-wing authoritarianism as a psychological construct has been criticised, a study found evidence for both left-wing and right-wing authoritarianism. Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic elements. Authoritarian regimes may also be partly responsive to citizen grievances, although this

3256-636: The first three. Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz are corporatist or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian. Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are more personalistic or populist . Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules." Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which

3330-535: The freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse). Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist. Totalitarianism

3404-432: The government and the opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections. Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections. Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until

3478-637: The government to remain in control. In autocracies , the use of political repression is to prevent anti-regime support and mobilization. It is often manifested through policies such as human rights violations, surveillance abuse , police brutality , imprisonment , involuntary settlement , stripping of citizen's rights , lustration , and violent action or terror such as the murder, summary executions , torture , forced disappearance , and other extrajudicial punishment of political activists , dissidents , or general population. Direct repression tactics are those targeting specific actors who become aware of

3552-485: The harm done to them while covert tactics rely on the threat of citizenry being caught (wiretapping and monitoring). The effectiveness of the tactics differ: covert repression tactics cause dissidents to use less detectable opposition tactics while direct repression allows citizenry to witness and react to the repression. Political repression can also be reinforced by means outside of written policy, such as by public and private media ownership and by self-censorship within

3626-406: The implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts. Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting. According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in

3700-1205: The least terrorism are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism." Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies." A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties. Magen also stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013. Within national democratic governments, there may be subnational authoritarian enclaves. A prominent examples of this includes

3774-463: The mid-1970s but declined from then until the year 2000. Prior to 2000, dictatorships typically began with a coup and replaced a pre-existing authoritarian regime. Since 2000, dictatorships are most likely to begin through democratic backsliding whereby a democratically elected leader established an authoritarian regime. Authoritarianism is characterized by highly concentrated and centralized government power maintained by political repression and

SECTION 50

#1732780405790

3848-651: The modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power). He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do not arbitrarily arrest , political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as

3922-424: The new Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir Lenin as a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state. The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet . Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ("the sort familiar in

3996-407: The opposition and co-opting outsiders. Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include: The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts. Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby

4070-436: The predominance of personal power over institutional norms. ... Few authoritarian regimes – be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist – have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions." Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that

4144-488: The promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large." Some scholars have challenged notions that authoritarian states are inherently brittle systems that require repression and propaganda to make people comply with

4218-415: The proportion of authoritarian regimes with elections and support parties has risen in recent years. This is largely due to the increasing popularity of democracies and electoral autocracies, leading authoritarian regimes to imitate democratic regimes in hopes of receiving foreign aid and dodging criticism. According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to

4292-412: The public. Where political repression is sanctioned and organised by the state, it may constitute state terrorism , genocide , politicide or crimes against humanity . Systemic and violent political repression is a typical feature of dictatorships , totalitarian states and similar regimes. While the use of political repression varies depending on the authoritarian regime, it is argued that repression

4366-411: The regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements." Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior. The Soviet Russia Constitution of 1918 , the first charter of

4440-714: The regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single-party regimes. John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism and collectivism , asserting that both stand in opposition to individualism . Duckitt writes that both authoritarianism and collectivism submerge individual rights and goals to group goals, expectations and conformities . According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created in social revolutions are far more durable than other kinds of authoritarian regimes. While

4514-408: The regular military; and developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another. Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring and reduce the likelihood of mass protests. However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness, and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract. A 2016 study shows that

SECTION 60

#1732780405790

4588-464: The relationship between these two phenomena has been termed the "Law of Coercive Responsiveness". When their authority or legitimacy is threatened, regimes respond by overtly or covertly suppressing dissidents to eliminate the behavioral threat. State repression subsequently affects dissident mobilization, though the direction of this effect is still an open question. Some strong evidence suggests that repression suppresses dissident mobilization by reducing

4662-727: The rule of a party or the military . States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", " hybrid regimes " or "competitive authoritarian" states. The political scientist Juan Linz , in an influential 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain , defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities: Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections to legislatures , free and competitive direct or indirect elections for executives , or both. Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack human rights such as freedom of religion , or countries in which

4736-539: The rule of law. Democratic and authoritarian arguably differ most prominently in their elections. Democratic elections are generally inclusive, competitive, and fair. In most instances, the elected leader is appointed to act on behalf of the general will. Authoritarian elections, on the other hand, are frequently subject to fraud and extreme constraints on the participation of opposing parties. Autocratic leaders employ tactics like murdering political opposition and paying election monitors to ensure victory. Despite this,

4810-626: The ruler has to maintain the support of other elites (frequently through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass public. According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman , authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as

4884-475: The social imagination, meaning they are arbitrary and malleable. For this reason, when the citizenry utilizes soft power variables to contrive its national identity, it induces "securitized subjectivity," whereby "subjects in a state desire securitization when they are afraid or feel a threat to the existence of their identity. In this situation, every self-identity requires a threat from others." State leaders, to further consolidate their political power and solidify

4958-466: The state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents." The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime that emerged during and after the Cold War . Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without

5032-501: The state targets an opposing political actor by obvious violent action. The target is clearly aware of the harm that is caused to their life and livelihood. Direct repression does not exclusively occur within the boundaries of a state, but also across borders. In personalist dictatorships, initiating conflicts with other states and people outside their own borders is more common because of lack of accountability via extremely limited or no competitive elections. Indirect repression relies on

5106-409: The state. In this way, through the manipulation of soft power variables, oppressive regimes manufacture a nationalism that is dependent on the demarcation between dominant and subordinate identity groups. When political repression is sanctioned and organized by the state, situations of state terrorism , genocide and crimes against humanity can be reached. Systematic and violent political repression

5180-477: The sworn enemy alike of divisive political techniques, of the mass solutions of doctrinaire economics and of rule by threat. As against all these, it espouses the higher pragmatism of vision. The party went on to make a public declaration that "statecraft, not politics [is] the proper function of government" and urged that Australia "achieve true sovereignty and secure the constitutional appointment by universal franchise of an independent Australian head of state." In

5254-422: The theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars (sometimes called militarized interstate disputes ) causing fewer battle deaths with one another and that democracies have far fewer civil wars . Research shows that the democratic nations have much less democide or murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before applying liberal democratic policies. Research by

5328-571: The threat of violence which constitutes harassment, intimidation, and administrative blockages. These tactics tend to be non-violent, yet still are built to control citizenry. Individuals indirectly exposed to repression self-report higher trust in the leader and ruling party. This phenomenon was observed in Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe , where the effects of repression increased approaching elections, even with deteriorating social and economic conditions. A large signifier of whether or not repression

5402-472: The work of Yale political scientist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs has examined the characteristics of authoritarian and totalitarian dictators and organized them in a chart: Sondrol argues that while both authoritarianism and totalitarianism are forms of autocracy , they differ in three key dichotomies : Political repression Political repression

5476-586: Was a rebuke delivered to prime minister Gough Whitlam in July 1974 over the removal of "Commonwealth" from Australia's paper currency. The open letter, signed by the party's chairman Max Fabre, enquired "Has [the PM] forgotten that Australia was a Commonwealth when the British Empire was in short pants?" (click to enlarge each page) Authoritarianism List of forms of government Authoritarianism

#789210