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99-791: Briarpatch is published six times a year, with print issues distributed across Canada and internationally. The magazine also releases each issue on its paywall-free website, briarpatchmagazine.com . Briarpatch is a member of Magazines Canada, and its staff are unionized with RWDSU Local 568. Briarpatch Magazine began as Notes from the Briar Patch, a newsletter established by the Unemployed Citizens Welfare Improvement Council (UCWIC), based in Saskatoon , Saskatchewan. Its founders were Maria Fischer, David Hoskings, and Vivian Fisher. In 1973, UCWIC

198-509: A Department of the Environment, introduced environmental assessment standards, and held public inquiries into resource projects. The NDP also introduced progressive reforms to taxation and labour law, and expanded healthcare programs including new prescription drug and dental plans. The NDP was re-elected to majority governments in 1975 and 1979. Blakeney and the NDP were also governing during

297-480: A brand of unionism which in all too many cases is engineered by people who are not employees of the plant". On April 26, 1944, President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered US Army troops to seize the company's property in Chicago and remove Avery, who was forced out of his office by two troops. This ouster of Avery was based on charges he was impeding distribution of vital products during war. Jesse Holman Jones ,

396-547: A close relationship with the SGGA. The provincial Progressives managed to win only a handful of seats throughout the 1920s, while the American-inspired agrarian Non-Partisan League failed to win any. Organized labour, meanwhile, existed in the province but, largely dependent on the expanding agricultural economy, tended to find itself following the lead of farmers. In 1921, a left-wing splinter group, unhappy with

495-586: A closer relationship with organized labour. However, when a handful of Progressive MLAs opted to prop up a Conservative government after the 1929 election , the UFC was pushed further towards political participation. The other major factor in pushing the UFC towards political participation was the onset of the Great Depression , which was particularly severe on the Prairies. The apparent unwillingness of

594-735: A commitment not to privatize crowns and promised a continued focus on healthcare. Wall led the Saskatchewan Party to victory in the 2007 general election , ending a long tenure by the NDP. After the election, Calvert said he had no immediate plans to step down as leader, but was unlikely to lead the party into the next election. In 2008, Calvert announced his intention to retire. The ensuing leadership race included former deputy premier Dwain Lingenfelter , Moose Jaw MLA Deb Higgins , former party president and Regina lawyer Yens Pedersen , and Saskatoon doctor Ryan Meili . Lingenfelter

693-517: A dominant force in provincial politics under the leadership of Tommy Douglas , forming five consecutive majority governments from 1944 through 1964. The first social democratic government elected in Canada, the CCF created a wide range of crown corporations , normalized government involvement in the economy, and pioneered elements of the modern Canadian welfare state, most notably universal healthcare . With

792-464: A greater role for state planning and nationalization of industry. The Waffle was well supported in Saskatchewan—the movement's candidate for the 1971 provincial party leadership election finished in third with over 25% of the vote—but was ultimately defeated by the party establishment. The 1990s brought about a rightward shift in NDP policy under the leadership of Roy Romanow. During that decade,

891-521: A highly-detailed platform focusing on socialized health services and educational reform. From the outset, the Douglas government demonstrated a commitment to promoting public, cooperative, and private enterprise as it embarked on an ambitious modernizing program. The new government immediately enacted extensive reforms: in its first sixteen months in office, it passed 192 bills, created numerous new government departments and crown corporations as it expanded

990-423: A larger office, hired staff, and changed to a magazine format with a centre staple and glossy cover. Briarpatch moved its main office to Regina, the provincial capital in 1975, so that it could be closer to the provincial political scene. The magazine's increasing commitment to independent journalism raised debate among board and staff over whether anti-poverty groups should have direct control over content, leading to

1089-466: A magazine that is critical of uranium development?" Briarpatch' s survival came down to a typesetting business it had established the previous year, and donor support. The typesetting business, First Impressions, proved to be a steady revenue source, and subscribers stepped forward generously with donations. Within two years, the magazine had fully replaced the lost grant funding with subscriptions, donations and revenue from First Impressions. Following

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1188-417: A more right-wing candidate; Don Mitchell, a farmer and Waffle candidate; and George Taylor, who was considered a labour candidate. At the 1970 convention, Mitchell had a strong showing, finishing third with more than 25% of the vote. On the final ballot, Blakeney defeated Romanow, with many Waffle members abstaining. However, despite losing the leadership, party policy at the convention was greatly influenced by

1287-427: A newsletter. The inaugural issue was produced on August 24, 1973 as a 10-page corner-stapled newsletter. It was a popular item at Saskatoon's annual Poor People's March, and supporters began to donate money and paper. The group continued to produce issues throughout the fall of 1973, distributing 500 copies monthly to Saskatoon's various service agencies. The first four editions, produced on an early photocopier owned by

1386-457: A party that had begun as a voice for rural discontent. Devine's government, on the other hand, was rural-focused, and spent lavishly on supporting farmers in particular. Blakeney resigned in early 1987 and Roy Romanow was acclaimed as the new leader. Romanow would led the party back to power in 1991, when the NDP inherited a fiscal crisis. Provincial debt had soared under the Devine government, to

1485-414: A provincial electrical grid, and bringing other modern amenities like natural gas, sewage, and water hook-ups. Overall, the government placed a heavy emphasis on improving the quality of life of Saskatchewan residents, and on ensuring equal access to high standards of welfare, education, and health services. To manage and pay for these kinds of innovations, the Douglas government placed a heavy emphasis on

1584-478: A radical departure for the NDP, it was, as promised, considered more social democratic than Romanow's. Calvert's government significantly increased social spending, particularly in education and healthcare. It expanded child care spaces and introduced a number of targeted welfare programs. The government also began reforming immigration systems to attract more immigrants, and expanded investment in renewable energy and energy conservation. Much of this new social spending

1683-440: A result, the government managed to achieve surplus budgets throughout much of the 1950s, providing a stronger economic base from which to further expand its welfare state. The CCF was re-elected to majority governments in 1948, 1952, 1956, and 1960. Arguably, the party's most significant accomplishment was the introduction of North America's first comprehensive system of public medical insurance . The fight to introduce Medicare in

1782-498: A robust and professional civil service. Douglas personally recruited George Cadbury from England to lead an influential economic planning advisory board. The CCF placed an increasing emphasis on economic diversification through resource development, which it pursued mainly through promoting private industry; but the party's insistence that any such development be in the public interest led to a royalty structure that provided massive revenues from oil, natural gas, and mineral production. As

1881-668: A significant social gospel influence. Although it was a founding member and affiliate, the Saskatchewan party opted to maintain the Farmer-Labour name ahead of its first election. At the national party's first convention in Regina in 1933, it adopted the Regina Manifesto as its statement of principles, calling for a "full programme of socialized planning" to replace capitalism. Farmer-Labour first participated in

1980-408: A split with SCAPO. Subsequently, The Briar Patch began to take on the look and feel of an independent alternative magazine. In 1976, the magazine expanded its mandate to include covering news of workers and Indigenous people, which led to increased coverage of labour, agriculture and Indigenous issues. As well, the board was expanded to include volunteers and contributors from throughout the province. On

2079-513: A time of increasing rural depopulation as the trend of farm consolidation was gaining greater momentum. Moreover, beginning in the late 1960s, the NDP—provincially and nationally—became gripped with a factional dispute with a growing left-wing movement called " The Waffle ". Largely an expression of the " New Left ", part of the 1960s counterculture movement , the Waffle advocated for a return to

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2178-679: A year and accounted for almost the entire operating budget of the magazine. In an official letter, the Minister of Social Services stated that Briarpatch did not fit provincial funding priorities or provide a direct service; however, many Briarpatch supporters felt the real reason was the magazine's vocal criticism of the province's embrace of uranium mining . This sentiment seemed to be backed up by an anonymous Social Services official, who stated in The Regina Leader-Post , "How can I go to cabinet and ask them to approve funding for

2277-695: A year from its Regina office, with print issues distributed across Canada and internationally. Each issue is also released online on Briarpatch's paywall-free website, briarpatchmagazine.com . In 2018, Briarpatch staff Saima Desai and David Gray-Donald revived a Saskatchewan-focused sister-publication, launching the Sask Dispatch . In 2021, Briarpatch won the Issue Grand Prix at the Canadian National Magazine Awards for its September/October 2020 issue, which

2376-639: Is no evidence that the union issue was the primary factor in Amazon’s decision." In 2020, workers at an Amazon fulfillment center in Bessemer, Alabama , petitioned to form a bargaining unit representing the facility's 1,500 employees. If the petition is successful, the union formed would be the first to represent Amazon employees in the United States. Workers at the Amazon facility voted over 2-to-1 against

2475-535: The 1934 provincial election and won five seats, becoming the Official Opposition to the Liberals, who returned to government with a large majority. Following the election, the party officially adopted the CCF name. Coldwell ran for federal office with the CCF in the 1935 federal election and was elected; George Williams took over as party leader. Williams was seen by moderates as too radical; while

2574-490: The 2024 provincial election , polls showed the NDP leading the Saskatchewan Party as they waged a campaign focusing on healthcare, education, and the cost of living. The party went on to post its best results since 2003 and more than doubled its seat count compared to 2020—this included winning all but one seat in Regina and Saskatoon, with the only loss in those urban centres coming by a margin of fewer than 150 votes. However,

2673-719: The Patriation of the Canadian Constitution in the early 1980s, which became a major focus of Blakeney's. Alongside Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed , Blakeney negotiated the recognition of provincial rights over natural resources, which were enshrined in Section 92A of the Constitution. Moreover, Blakeney was instrumental to the development of Section 33 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which enshrined

2772-637: The Playthings, Jewelry and Novelty Workers' International Union . In 1969, ten of the largest local unions (representing 40,000 members) belonging to the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union disaffiliated from that international union, formed a new union (the National Council of Distributive Workers of America ), and joined the Alliance for Labor Action . The Distributive Workers joined

2871-721: The United Auto Workers in 1979. In 1974, the Cigar Makers International Union , Samuel Gompers' old union, merged with RWDSU. 1199: The National Health Care Workers' Union was, for a time, affiliated with the RWDSU. In 2017, the House of Representatives Subcommittee on Health, Employment, Labor, and Pensions held a hearing on labor law reform in which Karen Cox, an Illinois forklift operator for Americold Logistics, testified in favor of

2970-635: The United States Secretary of Commerce , was installed as manager of the company's Chicago plant. The workers again chose (via a National Labor Relations Board election) to form a collective bargaining organization in the summer of 1944, but Montgomery Ward continued to refuse to recognize the union. On December 27, 1944, Roosevelt issued an executive order authorizing the Secretary of War to seize all company property nationwide to force compliance with War Labor Board orders. The seizure

3069-411: The 1930s had by the turn of the twenty-first century become a more centrist, "third way" social democratic party. The first national CCF convention in 1933 resulted in the Regina Manifesto , named after the city in which it was presented. While it has been noted that the manifesto broke somewhat from the socialist tradition in favouring a national over an international outlook, the manifesto ended with

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3168-740: The 1930s. The CCF can trace its roots to early farmers' organizations and political movements in the early twentieth century. In 1901, a group of farmers agreed to create the Territorial Grain Growers' Association —which became the Saskatchewan Grain Growers' Association (SGGA) when Saskatchewan became a province in 1905—to lobby for farmer's rights in the grain trade and with railways. The SGGA represented an early expression of western alienation , and took issue with an economic system that appeared to favour capitalists in central Canada. Farmers movements formed

3267-478: The 1982 election of a Conservative Party provincial government, Briarpatch played a strong role in investigating links between Conservative Party supporters and the financial spoils of privatization. In addition to its own reporting, the magazine carried as an insert the newsletter of the Social Justice Coalition, a grassroots citizens organization formed to oppose Grant Devine's government. While

3366-562: The Briar Patch was printed on a Gestetner machine at the Saskatoon Community Clinic at a cost of $ 300 a month. The improved printing techniques allowed circulation to expand to 2,000 copies by 1974. From the beginning, it was clear the publication intended to be more than an information sheet. Its very name represented a critical stance, being a playful pun on the last name of an unpopular local welfare officer named Brierley. The idea of media-empowered citizen engagement

3465-732: The CCF and the Canadian Labour Congress . Woodrow Lloyd , a key Douglas cabinet minister, succeeded him as party leader and premier, and completed the implementation of Medicare. With the creation of the NDP, the Saskatchewan CCF became the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, Saskatchewan Section of the New Democratic Party, or CCF-NDP. This was the name under which the party contested the 1964 election . By then,

3564-458: The CCF swept to power In the 1944 election , winning 47 of 52 seats to form the first socialist government in Canada or the United States. Despite the fact that the province saw tens of thousands of residents move away during the Depression, the province remained the third most populous in the country; it was also the most indebted, and it remained predominantly rural. The party was elected on

3663-440: The Charter. Blakeney's government was defeated in the 1982 election by the resurgent Progressive Conservatives led by Grant Devine . The loss has been attributed to a variety of factors, including public fatigue with constitutional matters, a loss of union support over NDP support for federal wage and price controls and conflicts with organized labour late in its term, and PC promises to provide tax and interest relief. The NDP

3762-455: The College of Physicians and Surgeons of Saskatchewan agreed to the alterations and terms of the "Saskatoon Agreement". The program was introduced and was soon adopted across Canada. After doing much of the preliminary work on Medicare, Douglas resigned as party leader and premier in 1961 to become the founding leader of the federal New Democratic Party (NDP), which was formed by a merger of

3861-613: The Indigenous front, critical coverage of northern uranium development proved to be a popular topic. Activities of the women's movement, including early efforts to establish childcare programs and women's shelters, were also frequently reported on. Many articles were critical of the provincial government of the day, headed by the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party (NDP). In January 1978, the non-profit society re-incorporated as Briarpatch, Inc., and changed

3960-404: The NDP forming government again from 1971 to 1982 and from 1991 to 2007, the party was long considered Saskatchewan's natural governing party. Moreover, Saskatchewan was long seen as the regional centre for CCF and NDP politics on the national stage. However, the party saw its influence diminish after losing government in 2007, posting its weakest election results since the party's earliest days in

4059-468: The NDP increased its vote share and captured 30 seats to return to a majority government. After the election, Hermanson resigned as Saskatchewan Party leader and was replaced by Brad Wall . The new leader made a concerted effort to moderate the Opposition's image, shifting away from social conservative policies and arguing that it was the best party to manage the booming economy. Importantly, Wall made

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4158-583: The SGGA association with the Liberals, left the association to form the Farmer's Union of Canada. The groups would reconcile in forming the Wheat Pool producers' cooperative, and merged in 1926 to form the United Farmers of Canada (UFC) under the leadership of George Hara Williams . The new group was opposed to participating in electoral politics and favoured cooperative development, while building

4257-547: The Saskatoon Family Service Bureau, were expensive to produce and the thermofax paper quality was poor. As a result, no copies are known to survive today. However, the gamble of pushing ahead without a budget paid off; with a successful publication in hand, UCWIC was able to obtain a $ 2,500 federal grant from Canada's Human Resource Development Agency (HRDA) in November 1973. Thereafter, Notes from

4356-704: The UFC connected with M.J. Coldwell , the leader of the Independent Labour Party. In 1932, the groups agreed to merge and form the Farmer-Labour Group, or Farmer-Labour Party, with Coldwell as leader. The same year, Farmer-Labour participated in the founding conference of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation in Calgary , a new national party under the banner of "Farmer-Labour-Socialist", which had

4455-439: The Waffle. Under Blakeney, the NDP returned to power with a strong majority in the 1971 election on a platform entitled the "New Deal for People". The platform promised greater government intervention in the economy and a focus on equitable social programming, along with support for organized labour. The arrival of the 1970s energy crisis , which rapidly increased energy commodity prices, including for oil and uranium, provided

4554-548: The Young New Democrats. Wiebe ran an explicitly anti-neoliberal campaign, advocating for a leftward shift for the party; Wiebe ultimately finished third with 23% on the third ballot. Calvert, who ran a more traditional social democratic campaign, promising a greater focus on social programs, defeated Axworthy on the final ballot with 58% of nearly 18,000 votes. With the victory, Calvert immediately succeeded Romanow as premier. Although his government did not represent

4653-575: The basis of the Progressive Party , an agrarian and social democratic party that won the second most seats in the 1921 federal election , including 15 of Saskatchewan's 16 seats. United Farmers parties rose to power in Alberta and Manitoba , but the political aspirations of farmers in Saskatchewan at the provincial level were largely bound together with the provincial Liberal Party , which dominated provincial politics and carefully maintained

4752-582: The corporate agenda and present workable alternatives." RWDSU Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union ( RWDSU ) is a labor union in the United States and Canada. Founded in 1937, the RWDSU represents about 60,000 workers in a wide range of industries, including but not limited to retail, grocery stores, poultry processing, dairy processing, cereal processing, soda bottlers, bakeries, health care, hotels, manufacturing, public sector workers like crossing guards, sanitation, and highway workers, warehouses, building services, and distribution. In 1943,

4851-420: The crisis, which stabilized the province's finances, returning to a balanced budget by 1995, but at a cost. Spending cuts included downsizing rural healthcare and schooling as well as agricultural support, further entrenching the growing urban-rural divide in provincial politics. Moreover, the embrace of neoliberal " third way " politics by the NDP was controversial within the party, alienating those who felt it

4950-518: The decision, however case was finally lost in the Federal Court of Appeal. The loss of charitable status did not impact donations, however, and indeed may have served to increase donations during this time. Over the years, Briarpatch' s subscriber base expanded across Canada and internationally. In 2004, with the assistance of a Canada Magazine Fund grant, the magazine undertook a reader survey that revealed readers outside Saskatchewan had become

5049-408: The dominant political parties to respond to the crisis created a renewed climate for political engagement and in particular for criticism of the political and economic system. The UFC decided to formalize itself as a socialist political alternative. In 1931, the UFC participated in a march on Regina to protest against government indifference to the farmer's plight during the Depression. During the event,

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5148-452: The election, triggering another leadership race . Meili again entered the leadership race and was joined by two MLAs— Trent Wotherspoon and Cam Broten —and former federal NDP candidate Erin Weir . On March 9, 2013, Broten was narrowly elected leader, defeating Meili by 44 votes. Broten fared little better than Lingenfelter. In the 2016 election , the party won ten seats, and Broten became

5247-489: The federal government over resource taxation, and joined with Alberta in its opposition to the federal National Energy Program , which exacerbated a new wave of western alienation sentiment. These developments were not without controversy; uranium development in particular proved contentious within the NDP as environmental and peace activists favoured a moratorium on the resource. However, the Blakeney government also created

5346-473: The fight over Medicare had taken a particular toll, and the CCF-NDP were defeated by Ross Thatcher 's Liberals. At its convention in November 1967, the party fully adopted the NDP name. The change was controversial, in part because it broke with a rich tradition, and also because the merger with organized labour that it represented raised concerns that the party was abandoning its agrarian roots. This came at

5445-436: The first elected female leader of the party, and its fourth leader since Calvert retired in 2009. The leadership election revealed that party membership had decreased substantially since the last race; while more than 13,000 members were eligible to vote in 2018, just over 7,000 were eligible in 2022, with fewer than 5,000 casting ballots. Under Beck's leadership, the party began to see a resurgence in popular support. Ahead of

5544-542: The founding of the Saskatchewan Party in an attempt to unite opposition to the NDP. Former Reform Party MP Elwin Hermanson was chosen as its leader, and with eight MLAs the party immediately formed the Official Opposition. Running on a platform of tax cuts and social conservative policies, Hermanson's party had a strong 1999 election performance, narrowly edging out the NDP in the popular vote; however,

5643-538: The magazine helped create a network of Regina journalists working for New Breed , Briarpatch, The North Central News, and University of Regina's student paper, The Carillon , for a combined circulation of 17,000. Called the Regina News Agency, the project lasted long enough to provide lively shared coverage of events during Trudeau's 1978 visit to Saskatchewan. In 1979, the NDP government abruptly cancelled Briarpatch' s funding, which had risen to $ 54,000

5742-409: The magazine publishes a special issue dedicated to labour topics. As of 2024, Briarpatch is led by Editor, Meera Eragoda, and Publisher, John Cameron. Briarpatch covers a variety of social justice issues like peace, equality, environment, democracy, racism , sexual orientation and class differences. Maude Barlow once said that Briarpatch is "one of the few voices that will still challenge

5841-413: The magazine won several journalism awards during this time, it also attracted less favourable attention from right-wing opponents. In 1987, Revenue Canada followed up on a citizen's complaint and revoked Briarpatch's official charitable status, held since 1975, meaning the magazine could no longer issue tax receipts to donors. A lawyer worked on behalf of Briarpatch for free for the next eight years to appeal

5940-449: The majority audience. In response, Briarpatch began actively recruiting freelance contributions from beyond Saskatchewan, and began filtering local stories through a national lens. Additional annual federal grants helped Briarpatch carry out national advertising campaigns, bolstering the transition to what today is a national magazine. Once again, the magazine became reliant on government funding to fill out its budget, and once again funding

6039-414: The members agreed to produce an independent newsletter that would: act as a communications link for low income people; provide educational workshops and media access; and "evaluate, analyze, and provide constructive criticism of government programs and dealings with low income people known to the public." A seven-member board was chosen to oversee operations of the magazine, named The Briar Patch, in honour of

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6138-515: The need for a provincial investigative journalism undertaking, similar to the role Briarpatch had played during the Devine government years. Briarpatch responded by launching a sister publication, The Sasquatch , in March, 2009. However, The Sasquatch was unable to meet revenue targets, and Briarpatch - already stressed by the loss of federal funding - decided to cease publishing The Sasquatch after eight issues. Briarpatch publishes six times

6237-421: The new party failed to make inroads in urban centres, and won 25 seats compared to 29 for the NDP, who nearly swept the seats in Regina and Saskatoon. The NDP's 29 seats were one shy of a majority, and the party was forced to rely on the support of three elected Liberal MLAs to form government. In 2000, Romanow announced that he would be retiring; this set off a leadership race that differed from 1987, when Romanow

6336-503: The notwithstanding clause. The clause enables provinces to override sections of the Charter. Blakeney argued that it was an important check on appointed courts by democratically elected governments; while courts could rule on certain legal rights, they had less purview to rule on moral rights—such as the right to healthcare—that can only be enacted and enforced by governments. In essence, Blakeney asserted that certain rights should not be given precedence over others because they were included in

6435-485: The original newsletter. The society created a distribution system by which organizations could buy bundles of magazines at bulk rates and sell individual copies for 25 cents each, gaining some income while spreading the magazine. For core funding, The Briar Patch turned to the Saskatchewan Coalition of Anti-Poverty Organizations (SCAPO), which provided $ 2,500 from its pool of federal funds. Added to this

6534-480: The overarching CCF platform came with the 1956 Winnipeg Declaration , which downplayed socialism in embracing a mixed-economy model, which the party had done in practice in Saskatchewan since forming government. By the late 1960s, the party at all levels became gripped by a factional dispute with the Waffle Movement , which consisted of NDP members advocating for a return to the party's socialist roots, with

6633-404: The party doubled its seat count in the 1938 election and maintained its place as the Opposition, its popular support was actually lower than in 1934. In 1939, Williams' unwavering support for the war also alienated pacifists, one of whom, Carlyle King, unsuccessfully challenged Williams for the party presidency the following year. Tommy Douglas , a charismatic federal CCF MP and baptist minister,

6732-442: The party embraced " third way " politics, a form of neoliberalism that favours a reduced role for the state in the economy. By the first decade of the twenty-first century, observers noted that the province's main parties—the NDP and the Saskatchewan Party, a relatively new conservative party—were "crowding the centre", with a broad consensus favouring neoliberal approaches to more traditional social democratic approaches. This shift

6831-469: The party failed to win any rural seats outside of the far north of the province, or to break through in smaller urban centres, which kept the party in Opposition, albeit the province's largest in nearly two decades. The Saskatchewan NDP has undergone a series of ideological transformations over the course of its history, dating back to its days as the CCF. It has also been subject to factional disputes. Overall, what began as an explicitly socialist party in

6930-456: The party's socialist roots, including through the nationalization of key industries; it was particularly concerned with American control of the Canadian economy. The Waffle was contentious. Its Manifesto for an Independent Socialist Canada was defeated in a vote at the 1969 federal NDP convention. However, one person who voted in support was Woodrow Lloyd, who saw its potential for revitalizing

7029-407: The party. The episode, and resistance to Lloyd's willingness to open the party to debate, contributed to Lloyd's decision to resign as leader in 1970. Lloyd's resignation triggered a contentious leadership race featuring Allan Blakeney , a former civil servant and cabinet minister in the Douglas and Lloyd governments; Roy Romanow , a young lawyer who had joined the caucus in 1967 and was considered

7128-487: The point that the province was facing the prospect of bankruptcy. Moreover, the PC government's privatization of a range of crown corporations, including PotashCorp, constrained government revenue. Romanow appealed to the standard of fiscal management set by the Douglas government to emphasize the need to prioritize the fiscal crisis. However, he and finance minister Janice MacKinnon adopted an austerity approach to dealing with

7227-540: The proposed Employee Rights Act . She alleged that RWDSU Local 578 pressured or tricked several of her co-workers into signing authorization cards to join the union, rather than participating in a secret ballot. Following the voluntary recognition of the union by Americold, Ms. Cox filed a successful decertification petition. After the decertification election, RWDSU filed an appeal with the National Labor Relations Board. The NLRB ultimately upheld

7326-736: The prospect of windfall resource profits, while also precipitating a series of confrontations between the province, industry, and the federal government over the control of and revenues from resources. Saskatchewan embarked on a programme of nationalizing the province's natural resources, including the creation of SaskOil —a central campaign of the Saskatchewan Waffle— PotashCorp , and the Saskatchewan Mining Development Corporation , in order to secure significant resource revenue. The NDP, with Romanow as attorney general, also went to court with

7425-515: The province was intense due to the opposition of the province's doctors, who were backed by the American Medical Association . The AMA feared that public healthcare would spread to other parts of the continent if introduced in one part. In July 1962 the doctors staged the 23-day Saskatchewan doctors' strike . Despite a concerted attempt to defeat the controversial Medical Care Insurance Act, the strike eventually collapsed and

7524-798: The publication's title to a single word, Briarpatch. Board and staff sharpened the focus on independent journalism, joining the Canadian Periodical Publishers Association and attending the founding conference of the Canadian Investigative Journalism Association. In essence, Briarpatch's primary raison d'être was by now well grounded within common definitions of accountability journalism, i.e. carrying out investigations and holding establishment structures to account for policy decisions. As well, Briarpatch's alliances had expanded to other third sector media practitioners. In 1978

7623-636: The role of the state in the provincial economy—including in the realms of insurance ( SGI ), utilities ( SPC ), and transportation ( STC )—and approved new labour relations, public service, and farm security acts. The government also pursued some ill-fated business adventures, including shoe, box, and brick factories. In 1947 the government approved the Saskatchewan Bill of Rights , the first of its kind in Canada. The party also pursued modern infrastructure development, building thousands of kilometres of new roads, connecting towns, villages, and farms to

7722-413: The second straight party leader to lose their own seat. Broten resigned, triggering a third party leadership race in less than a decade. The election, which took place on March 3, 2018, came down to a contest between former contenders Meili—now a sitting MLA—and Wotherspoon, who had finished second and third, respectively, in 2013. Meili, in his third bid for party leadership, was chosen leader with 55% of

7821-531: The statement that "no CCF Government will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism", advocating for a "full programme of socialized planning". However, almost immediately the party demonstrated a willingness to work with other parties and to moderate its platform in its quest for electoral success, and early CCF governments tended to be labeled "democratic socialist". These CCF governments were also considered populist in nature, which at times tempered its socialist outlook. The first significant moderation to

7920-770: The union organized a labor strike at the Montgomery Ward & Co. department store, after company management refused to comply with a War Labor Board order to recognize the union and institute the terms of a collective bargaining agreement the board had worked out. The strike involved nearly 12,000 workers in Jamaica, New York ; Detroit , Michigan ; Chicago , Illinois ; St. Paul, Minnesota ; Denver, Colorado ; San Rafael, California ; and Portland, Oregon . Ward's then cut wages and fired many union activists, with company chairman Sewell Avery later alleging "government has been coercing both employers and employees to accept

8019-592: The union's locals, who accused the national leadership of incompetence in the planning and conduct of the strike. In 1954, the Distributive, Processing, and Office Workers of America (itself formed from the merger of the United Office and Professional Workers of America ; the Food, Tobacco and Agricultural Workers Union ; and locals that had left the RWDSU 4 years ago), merged with the RWDSU. It also absorbed

8118-613: The unionization at Americold, throwing out the uncounted ballots from the decertification election. In 2019, Amazon cancelled its plans to build a corporate headquarters, HQ2 , in Queens, New York City, after strong opposition from some local politicians, activists, and the RWDSU. The day before Amazon announced pulling out, union personnel met with Amazon executives to ask Amazon to remain neutral toward unionization at its new Staten Island distribution center, where employees were attempting to unionize. According to The New York Times , "There

8217-487: The unionization drive according to preliminary calculations, and the RWDSU has alleged improprieties by Amazon. Saskatchewan New Democratic Party The Saskatchewan New Democratic Party ( Saskatchewan NDP or Sask NDP ), branded as the Saskatchewan New Democrats , is a social democratic political party in Saskatchewan , Canada. The party was founded in 1932 as the Farmer-Labour Group and

8316-457: The vote. Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic —during which Meili renewed his medical license to work at testing facilities—the NDP persistently called for the implementation of more public health measures than the governing Saskatchewan Party, now under the leadership of Scott Moe , was implementing; the province was one of the hardest hit by the pandemic in Canada. The 2020 provincial election

8415-657: Was $ 3,800 from the Protestant, Lutheran, Roman Catholic and Anglican Aid Committee (PLRA, later called PLURA with the addition of the United Church). Although the grants were small, it was enough to keep the magazine above water until it received its first substantive funding, a $ 36,000 grant from the Saskatchewan Department of Social Services, in April 1975. With this funding, the magazine moved into

8514-739: Was a betrayal of the party's roots and core ideology, and who would have preferred a renewed program of nationalization to increase revenues. One faction even left the party to help found the New Green Alliance , which later became the Saskatchewan Green Party. After the NDP was re-elected in 1995, neither the PCs nor the Liberal Opposition saw a clear path back to power. In 1997, four MLAs from each party—all representing rural districts—joined together to announce

8613-468: Was abruptly cut in 2008-09, shortly after the election of a Conservative Party of Canada government under Stephen Harper - and once again, Briarpatch turned to its readers, launching a successful donor drive to make up for the shortfall. The transition to a national magazine did not occur without some loss of local accountability journalism. Following the election of Brad Wall's Saskatchewan Party in 2007, several longtime Briarpatch supporters pointed to

8712-424: Was divisive within the party, seen by parts of the party as a betrayal of its core principles. In recent years, more left-wing candidates have struggled to gain influence in the party. Ryan Meili, who was seen as left-leaning, took three tries to win the party leadership, and resigned amid rumours that the party favoured a more centrist orientation. In the last leadership race, Carla Beck defeated Kaitlyn Harvey, who

8811-415: Was elected party leader June 6, 2009, with Meili's outsider campaign finishing in second with 45% of votes. Lingenfelter led the party into the 2011 election , which proved to be its worst showing in 30 years, with the party reduced to nine seats as Wall's Saskatchewan Party secured a large majority. Lingenfelter failed to secure his own Regina seat—a first for a NDP leader—and announced his resignation after

8910-586: Was engaged in the lives of some 500 welfare recipients, through a co-operative buying club, a co-operative daycare, and advocacy work. It was also allied with several other grassroots organizations and service agencies, under the umbrella of the Saskatchewan Coalition of Anti-Poverty Organizations (SCAPO), giving rise to discussions about the need for a communications vehicle for the various agencies and their members. Although they had no budget, in August 1973 Fischer, Hoskings, and Fisher decided to press forward and create

9009-659: Was entitled " The Land Back Issue ," and which was co-edited by Nickita Longman, Emily Riddle , and Alex Wilson. That same year, the Alberta Magazine Publishers Association named Briarpatch the Saskatchewan Magazine of the Year, crediting its "sharp editorial edge," and stating that Briarpatch "has really come into its own with timely, important stories that are consistently well-told and well packaged." Every October/November

9108-533: Was explained in this 1977 description of the newsletter's founding ethos: Despite the challenges of operating on shoe-string funding, within a year Notes from the Briar Patch had an impressive distribution network and a desire to become its own independent entity. At the same time, UCWIC was winding down. In 1974 the Briar Patch Society was incorporated, with a membership fee set at $ 1. At the society's first general meeting, held February 21–22, 1974,

9207-553: Was held during the pandemic. In the election, the NDP won 13 seats while the Saskatchewan Party won its fourth consecutive majority government. Meili won his seat and vowed to stay on as leader. However, Meili received just 72% support at the party's 2021 convention leadership review, and days after the NDP lost a February 2022 by-election in the northern Athabasca district, Meili announced that he would be resigning as party leader. The ensuing leadership race saw Regina MLA Carla Beck defeat Saskatoon lawyer Kaitlyn Harvey—Beck became

9306-580: Was known as the Saskatchewan section of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) from 1935 until 1967. While the party is affiliated with the federal New Democratic Party , the Saskatchewan NDP is considered a "distinctly homegrown" party given the role of the province in its development and the party's history in the province. The party currently forms the Official Opposition and is led by Carla Beck . The CCF emerged as

9405-460: Was made possible by a renewed boom in commodity prices, which led to significant increases in resource revenue for the province. Calvert also purposefully drew a stark contrast between his party's support for the province's major remaining crown corporations and Hermanson's party's willingness to consider further privatization. While the Saskatchewan Party led polling heading into the 2003 general election and managed to increase its seat count to 28,

9504-404: Was persuaded to challenge Williams for the leadership and succeeded in defeating him for the party presidency in 1941 and for the party leadership in 1942. In the early 1940s, the party focused intently on grassroots engagement and political education, and party membership expanded accordingly, growing from approximately 4,000 at the outset of the war to approximately 24,000 by 1944. Douglas and

9603-424: Was reduced to nine seats in the worst defeat a sitting CCF/NDP government had suffered in Saskatchewan. Despite the defeat, Blakeney continued to lead the NDP in Opposition. In the 1986 election , the NDP narrowly won the popular vote, but the concentration of that vote in urban centres translated to only 25 seats. Winning just nine seats outside of Regina and Saskatoon, the election emphasized how much had changed for

9702-777: Was unchallenged for the leadership. The 2001 leadership election was highly contested—the seven candidates on the ballot made it the biggest in the party's history. Moreover, for the first time the party employed a one member, one vote policy, rather than a delegated election. The perceived front runner was Chris Axworthy , a former NDP MP and current MLA who was serving as justice minister under Romanow. Three other sitting cabinet ministers also ran in Buckley Belanger , Joanne Crofford , and Maynard Sonntag . They were joined by former MLA and United Church minister Lorne Calvert , former National Farmers Union president Nettie Wiebe , and Scott Banda, who had once served as president of

9801-421: Was upheld by a United States Court of Appeals ( United States v. Montgomery Ward & Co. , 150 C. 2d 369), but the seizure was terminated in 1945 by President Harry S. Truman . Despite the federal government's intervention, RWDSU never did achieve a firm foothold at Montgomery Ward. Union membership at the company dropped to zero by 1948. The Montgomery Ward strike only strengthened the criticism coming from

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