64-694: The Downing Street Declaration was a joint declaration issued on 15 December 1993 by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom , John Major , and the Irish Taoiseach ( English : Prime Minister ), Albert Reynolds , at the British Prime Minister's office in 10 Downing Street . The declaration affirmed both the right of the people of Ireland to self-determination , and that Northern Ireland would be transferred to
128-499: A constitutional anomaly in the 21st century. Both contend that such powers lack direct democratic legitimacy due to not being regulated by parliamentary statutes and raise concerns over accountability. Elliot and Thomas have pointed out that judicial intervention in cases such as Miller I and Miller II , where the Supreme Court exercised scrutiny over the use of prerogative powers by the government to prorogue parliament during
192-633: A declaration and to adopt a policy that would allow for the creation of a 'new, independent Ireland'. The exercise of self-determination and the role of the British government had been a key component of the Hume-Adams talks in 1988. In the 26-page record of their inter-party dialogue the term 'self-determination' appeared no fewer than 54 times. While Sinn Fein attributed the essence of the Irish problem to Britain's 'colonial interference', Hume argued that
256-722: A divided Ireland to exercise collective self-determination was dual referenda in both the North and the South, a concept that would feature not only in the Downing Street Declaration, but later in the Good Friday Agreement . These early ideas and discussions were refined through Reid's dialogue with Martin Mansergh whose commentary on Reid's proposals represents one of the earliest attempts to reconcile
320-425: A pan-Nationalist front in the late 1980s by bringing John Hume's SDLP and members of Fianna Fáil into conversation with Gerry Adams and other Sinn Féin leaders. Reid argued that a declaration by the British government which recognised the right of the Irish people to self-determination would enable a Republican ceasefire and he called for an Irish Peace Conference to 'persuade' the British government to make such
384-441: A vote of no confidence, they are often expected to resign from office or request the monarch dissolve parliament to call a general election. The prime minister acts as the principal advisor to the monarch, who is the head of state, a capacity that has evolved gradually during the history of the office. Bagehot says that despite the monarch holding certain theoretical executive powers, in practice, these powers are often executed upon
448-522: Is able to wield considerable power in the passing of legislation through their ability to manage party discipline and cohesion in voting patterns. Bogdanor states that this largely depends upon the prime minister being the leader of the largest party in the Commons, which can pass legislation without any or little resistance if they can command the confidence of the House. This aspect of prime ministerial power
512-413: Is authorised with broader support from and within the government. The prime minister must constantly maintain the confidence of the House of Commons because, as Bagehot notes, the power of the prime minister derives from their ability to command a majority in the House in order to pass legislation and continue the functions of government. If a prime minister loses the confidence of the House, which occurs in
576-497: Is based on an uncodified constitution , meaning that it is not set out in any single document. The British constitution consists of many documents, and most importantly for the evolution of the office of the prime minister, it is based on customs known as constitutional conventions that became accepted practice. In 1928, Prime Minister H. H. Asquith described this characteristic of the British constitution in his memoirs: In this country we live ... under an unwritten Constitution. It
640-467: Is informal and often carried out by the office of Whips, who makes sure that MPs remain loyal and vote on the government line. The political scientist Anthony King said that the prime minister's influence over legislation is further solidified through their ability to shape policy before it reaches parliament. King further argued that the shaping of legislation, on many occasions, involves the collaborative efforts of cabinet ministers and civil servants, but
704-592: Is often through party discipline and having a reliable majority of MPs who vote in support of the government's priorities. Another essential part of the parliamentary powers possessed by the prime minister is determining the composition of the Cabinet. According to Professor Robert Hazell, the prime minister not only chooses cabinet members but also dictates the collective decision-making process of members as well. The prime minister most often would chair cabinet meetings and may determine their frequency, thereby controlling
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#1732773055989768-730: Is true that we have on the Statute-book great instruments like Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights which define and secure many of our rights and privileges; but the great bulk of our constitutional liberties and ... our constitutional practices do not derive their validity and sanction from any Bill which has received the formal assent of the King, Lords and Commons. They rest on usage, custom, convention, often of slow growth in their early stages, not always uniform, but which in
832-504: The 2024 general election . The position of prime minister was not created; it evolved slowly and organically over three hundred years due to numerous Acts of Parliament , political developments, and accidents of history. The office is therefore best understood from a historical perspective. The origins of the position are found in constitutional changes that occurred during the Revolutionary Settlement (1688–1720) and
896-451: The G7 and G20 . 58 people (55 men and 3 women) have served as prime minister, the first of whom was Robert Walpole taking office on 3 April 1721. The longest-serving prime minister was also Walpole, who served over 20 years, and the shortest-serving was Liz Truss , who served seven weeks. The current prime minister is Keir Starmer , who succeeded Rishi Sunak on 5 July 2024, following
960-549: The Good Friday Agreement negotiations began, and did not significantly stall the 1998 peace agreement. Although the final declaration was a triumph of diplomacy and negotiation between the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, its origins are more complex, and can be traced to the work of the Redemptorist priest, Father Alec Reid . The idea of a joint declaration emerged from his attempts to create
1024-530: The Republic of Ireland from the United Kingdom only if a majority of its population was in favour of such a move. It also included, as part of the prospective of the so-called "Irish dimension", the principle of consent that the people of the island of Ireland had the exclusive right to solve the issues between North and South by mutual consent. The latter statement, which later would become one of
1088-556: The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union , was successful in keeping check over the authority of both the prime minister and the government. The evolving usage of prerogative powers also has signalled tension between tradition and accountability. Authors Paul Craig and Adam Tomkins state that the absence of a written constitution gives a prime minister greater leeway in employing their given prerogative powers without limits that in turn would create uncertainty although
1152-400: The advice of the prime minister, the sovereign exercises many statutory and prerogative powers, including high judicial, political, official and Church of England ecclesiastical appointments; the conferral of peerages and some knighthoods, decorations and other important honours. Bagehot identifies the prime minister as the leader of the "efficient" part of government that functions within
1216-437: The "machinery of government" that allows them to guide legislation that align with their party's political and ideological priorities. Brazier argues that the legislative power of the prime minister has greatly expanded following the post-war period and that as a result, the prime minister now directly authorises supervision over government bills and has a consequential role in the introduction of legislation. The prime minister
1280-594: The 'inalienable right' of the Irish people to 'the exercise in common of self-determination without external intervention' with the practical need to seek the consent of 'both parts of Ireland'. Peter Brooke 's Whitbread speech in November 1990 gave new impetus to the initiative. Brooke stated publicly, as recommended by Hume, that the 'British Government has no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland', wording that would be incorporated into
1344-660: The Anglo-Irish summit of 3 December, but neither leader wanted to walk away from the initiative, and committed themselves 'to continue working urgently for a successful outcome'. The task of refining the text was delegated once more to Seán Ó hUiginn and Quentin Thomas, with final amendments made on 14 December 1993. The text was broadcast from a live press conference in Downing Street on 15 December 1993 and widely distributed in Northern Ireland with an accompanying note from
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#17327730559891408-581: The British no longer had selfish interest in maintaining their presence in Ireland, and that the focus should instead be on resolving the divisions within Ireland itself over how self-determination was exercised, by persuading and obtaining the consent of the Unionist population for a unified Ireland, something the Sinn Féin delegation described as a 'Unionist veto'. Hume's proposed solution that would enable
1472-475: The British officially refrained from drafting, they were happy to supply 'texts and references'. During September to November, the text took shape and incorporated amendments from Jim Molyneaux , Archbishop Eames, and Reverend Roy Magee, designed to make the text more palatable to the Unionist population, including the list of rights which would feature in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. With
1536-440: The British system, there is a unity of powers rather than separation . Walter Bagehot described the office of prime minister as the "keystone of the Cabinet arch" that maintained while the prime minister can hold significant power over the executive, it is often exercised collectively through the Cabinet (Government). Ministerial responsibility is also an aspect of a prime minister's executive authority. The prime minister leads
1600-465: The Declaration addressed the "boundary question" of who would be allowed to vote in a referendum, which it stated the people of the island of Ireland. Therefore, the idea of self-determination gave legitimacy to any constitutional decision taken by the people of the island of Ireland for the people of the island of Ireland. Subsequently, this meant that these issues were generally accepted by the time
1664-640: The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland the following day. [REDACTED] Category Prime Minister of the United Kingdom The prime minister of the United Kingdom is the head of government of the United Kingdom . The prime minister advises the sovereign on the exercise of much of the royal prerogative , chairs the Cabinet , and selects its ministers . As modern prime ministers hold office by virtue of their ability to command
1728-438: The abilities to declare war, negotiate treaties and deploy the armed forces have historically been part of the monarch's royal authority but have slowly evolved into a function of the office of prime minister. Despite this, the exercise of the prime minister's prerogative powers in these matters is under the oversight of parliament. It is often by convention that a prime minister must seek the approval of parliament before committing
1792-415: The advice and recommendation of the prime minister and the cabinet. This is considered a major principle of the "unity of powers" that exists within a constitutional monarchy in which the monarch "reigns but does not rule". According to Brazier, the prime minister advises the monarch on matters such as the dissolution of parliament and appointments to the House of Lords, but these decisions are often made with
1856-663: The agenda for policy and steering decisions in their preferred direction. Additionally, the prime minister can exercise considerable control over parliamentary time. Authors Alexander Horne and Gavin Drewry state that the prime minister uses this power through the Leader of the House of Commons , by which they are able to allocate time for government bills and often ensuring access to this time over private members' bills. The prime minister's parliamentary powers also extend to foreign relations. Contemporary historian Anthony Seldon says that
1920-410: The cabinet which makes the holder of that office bear responsibility for the collective conduct of the government. Professor Rodney Brazier points out that the since the prime minister wields significant sway over policy, that power must be subjected to the conclusion and input of Cabinet ministers. This prevents the office of prime minister from becoming more dominant and also ensures that executive power
1984-534: The centuries. The office of prime minister itself is not explicitly mentioned in parliamentary law but is developed by constitutional conventions and therefore it is defined by precedent and tradition. Bogdanor notes that the prime minister's power in parliament is exhibited by their control of the executive (the Cabinet) and their ability to influence the legislative agenda. The ability of the prime minister to influence legislation, according to academic Philip Norton ,
Downing Street Declaration - Misplaced Pages Continue
2048-463: The confidence of the House of Commons , they sit as members of Parliament . The office of prime minister is not established by any statute or constitutional document, but exists only by long-established convention , whereby the monarch appoints as prime minister the person most likely to command the confidence of the House of Commons. In practice, this is the leader of the political party that holds
2112-493: The conflict, and committed the two governments to cooperation in the interests of the 'future welfare and prosperity of both parts of Ireland'. This endeavour is set in the context of broader European integration, an aspect which would be toned down by British officials in later versions. Paragraph 4 was at the heart of Hume's declaration. The British Prime Minister was to declare Britain no longer had any ‘selfish, strategic, political or economic interest’ in Ireland. Its sole interest
2176-414: The consent of parliament. The prime minister leads the executive in directing government policy and maintaining coordination between government departments which is dependent upon the cooperation and consent of ministers. Foreign policy and national security are areas in which the prime minister has traditionally enjoyed more authority under what are known as prerogative powers. Vernon Bogdanor argues that
2240-493: The constitutional hierarchy, the premiership was given little formal recognition until the 20th century; the legal fiction was maintained that the sovereign still governed directly. The position was first mentioned in statute only in 1917, in the schedule of the Chequers Estate Act . Increasingly during the 20th century, the office and role of prime minister featured in statute law and official documents; however,
2304-438: The course of time received universal observance and respect. The relationships between the prime minister and the sovereign, Parliament and Cabinet are defined largely by these unwritten conventions of the constitution. Many of the prime minister's executive and legislative powers are actually royal prerogatives which are still formally vested in the sovereign , who remains the head of state . Despite its growing dominance in
2368-676: The final declaration. Perhaps buoyed by this initial success and its cautious welcome in Republican circles, in October 1991, Hume went on to draft what is generally accepted to be the first full version of the Joint Declaration, published in Mallie and McKittrick (1996). Borrowing language from earlier Reid papers, the opening paragraphs lamented the 'tragedy and suffering' caused by the 'legacy of history' and past failures to resolve
2432-449: The front burner', but he was terrified of the fall out of and Unionist reaction if it emerged that he had been involved in drafting a secret agreement, particularly one which had emerged from John Hume's talks with Sinn Féin. Initially British officials would not then negotiate a joint text, although they did provide some comments. As time went on, however, the responsibility for drafting was devolved to Seán Ó hUiginn and Quentin Thomas. While
2496-474: The future of Northern Ireland. In Paragraph 5, the Taoiseach reciprocated by affirming that the exercise of the self-determination by the people of Ireland could only be achieved 'with the agreement and consent of the people of Northern Ireland'. The final paragraph indicated the intention to establish a permanent Irish Peace Convention to enable dialogue about Ireland's political future. The British government
2560-487: The goal of enacting the legislative agenda of their political party. In an executive capacity, the prime minister appoints (and may dismiss) all other Cabinet members and ministers , and co-ordinates the policies and activities of all government departments, and the staff of the Civil Service. The prime minister also acts as the public "face" and "voice" of His Majesty's Government, both at home and abroad. Solely upon
2624-420: The government to steer legislation through both Houses of Parliament. Although the prime minister does not possess the power to introduce legislation directly, their control of the cabinet and their role as leader of the largest political party in the House of Commons enables them substantial influence over any legislative agenda. Bagehot points out that this power is based on the prime minister's ability to operate
Downing Street Declaration - Misplaced Pages Continue
2688-477: The granting of honours. Brazier argues that prerogative powers allow the prime minister to act within the "authority of the crown" in situations where neither convention nor statutory law applies. As noted by both Bagehot and Brazier, areas in which the prime minister authorises their given prerogative powers are matters of foreign affairs. In recent occasions, the 2003 invasion of Iraq saw Prime Minister Tony Blair deploying British troops to Saudi Arabia without
2752-471: The immediate consent or approval of parliament. Brazier says the rise of parliamentary and public scrutiny has led to calls for reform and checks on the use of prerogative powers. The only prime minister who did not seek parliamentary or legal consent for military action was Anthony Eden during the Suez Crisis in 1956. Professors Mark Elliot and Robert Thomas argue that prerogative powers present
2816-669: The largest number of seats in the Commons. The prime minister is ex officio also First Lord of the Treasury (prior to 1905 also the official title of the position), Minister for the Civil Service , the minister responsible for national security , and Minister for the Union . The prime minister's official residence and office, by virtue of being the First Lord of the Treasury, is 10 Downing Street in London. Early conceptions of
2880-415: The nation to military action. In addition to this, the prime minister also exerts informal influence over public policy. Brazier notes this is due to the prime minister often being the leader of the largest party in government, therefore having a direct impact in initiating policy both in government and during election campaigns. In the House of Commons, the prime minister guides the law-making process with
2944-412: The office of prime minister evolved as the " Primus inter pares " or "first among equals", however that does not differentiate on status and responsibility upon whoever is holding office. Historically, the prime minister has never been the first among equals at any time prior to 1868. Until now, that characterisation of the prime minister is reflective of the democratic nature of their position. The power of
3008-425: The office of prime minister has grown significantly since the first prime minister, Robert Walpole in 1721. Prime ministerial power itself evolved gradually alongside the office itself which have played an increasingly prominent role in British politics since the early 20th century . During the premierships of Tony Blair and Margaret Thatcher , prime ministerial power expanded substantially and their leadership in
3072-418: The office were described as "presidential" due to their personal yielding of power and tight control over the cabinet. The prime minister is regarded as one of the world's most powerful political leaders in modern times. As the leader of the world's sixth largest economy , the prime minister hold significant domestic and international leadership alongside being the leader of a prominent member state of NATO ,
3136-570: The points of the Good Friday Agreement , was key to produce a positive change of attitude by the republicans towards a negotiated settlement. The joint declaration also pledged the governments to seek a peaceful constitutional settlement, and promised that parties linked with paramilitaries (such as Sinn Féin ) could take part in the talks, so long as they abandoned violence. The Downing Street Declaration demonstrated to republicans and loyalists that political differences can be "negotiated and resolved exclusively by peaceful political means". Contrary to
3200-451: The powers of the Crown, entrusting its authority to responsible ministers (the prime minister and Cabinet), accountable for their policies and actions to Parliament, in particular the elected House of Commons . Although many of the sovereign's prerogative powers are still legally intact, constitutional conventions have removed the monarch from day-to-day governance, with ministers exercising
3264-428: The prime minister acts as the main representative of the government in the international sphere, including in parliament, where treaties are ratified and international commitments are debated. The most significant powers given to the prime minister are "prerogative powers". These are a set of constitutional privileges deriving from monarchial authority that have gradually evolved into tools of executive power managed by
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#17327730559893328-401: The prime minister and the government. Bagehot famously called the British system as one where "the executive power is now yielded by the prime minister" rather than the monarch, a shift from personal to political power. Prerogative powers allow the prime minister to act without the immediate or direct consent of parliament especially in circumstances such as declaring war, deployment of troops and
3392-463: The prime minister and the sovereign. The concept of " the Crown " resolves this paradox. The Crown symbolises the state's authority to govern: to make laws and execute them, impose taxes and collect them, declare war and make peace. Before the " Glorious Revolution " of 1688, the sovereign exclusively wielded the powers of the Crown; afterwards, Parliament gradually forced monarchs to assume a neutral political position. Parliament has effectively dispersed
3456-404: The prime minister depends on the support of their respective party and on the popular mandate. The appointment of cabinet ministers and granting of honours are done through the prime minister's power of appointment . The prime minister alongside the cabinet proposes new legislation and decide on key policies that fit their agenda which is then passed by an act of parliament . The power of
3520-531: The prime minister's approval is needed in order to initiate the legislative agenda. King's analysis of contemporary politcs showed that some prime ministers often bypass or overrule the cabinet on traditional discussion and to push through their preferred agendas with notable cases such as Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair. The prime minister's influence in the Houses of Parliament is derived from longstanding conventions and statutes that have gradually evolved through
3584-462: The prime minister's powers and relationships with other institutions still largely continue to derive from ancient royal prerogatives and historic and modern constitutional conventions. Prime ministers continue to hold the position of First Lord of the Treasury and, since November 1968, that of Minister for the Civil Service , the latter giving them authority over the civil service . Under this arrangement, Britain might appear to have two executives:
3648-503: The resulting shift of political power from the sovereign to Parliament. The prime minister is the head of the United Kingdom government . As such, the modern prime minister leads the Cabinet (the Executive). In addition, the prime minister leads a major political party and generally commands a majority in the House of Commons (the lower chamber of Parliament). The incumbent wields both significant legislative and executive powers. Under
3712-411: The right of the people of Ireland to self-determination and the principle of consent: "The British Government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish". Indeed,
3776-504: The suggestion that an inclusive settlement "would compromise no position or principle", the history of the declaration had already shown that compromise on all sides was the indispensable foundation of the Northern Ireland peace process. The declaration, after a meeting between Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams and American congressman Bruce Morrison , which was followed by a joint statement issued by Adams and John Hume ,
3840-530: The text poised and agreement apparently close in late November 1993, the whole initiative was nearly derailed when Robin Butler and David Blatherwick handed Albert Reynolds an alternative British draft on 26 November 1993, on the basis that they feared the current text would be unacceptable to a Unionist audience. Reynolds was furious, feeling that years of work and painstaking negotiation over precise phrases had been undermined. The fallout of this incident overshadowed
3904-602: The use of such powers by the prime minister is often constrained by political convention than by law. King Charles III [REDACTED] William, Prince of Wales [REDACTED] Charles III ( King-in-Council ) [REDACTED] Starmer ministry ( L ) Keir Starmer ( L ) Angela Rayner ( L ) ( King-in-Parliament ) [REDACTED] Charles III [REDACTED] [REDACTED] [REDACTED] The Lord Reed The Lord Hodge Andrew Bailey Monetary Policy Committee The British system of government
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#17327730559893968-622: Was considered sufficient by the Provisional Irish Republican Army to announce a ceasefire on 31 August 1994 which was then followed on 13 October by an announcement of a ceasefire from the Combined Loyalist Military Command . This ceasefire allowed Sinn Fein to be admitted to the "democratic process". The Downing Street Declaration was significant because it addressed major ideological obstacles to peace in Northern Ireland, such as
4032-486: Was first shown Hume's draft in December 1991. In 1992 further versions of the Declaration were drafted by Hume and Adams and shown to both governments, but the initiative began to develop greater momentum in 1993 with Albert Reynolds lending his weight to it, interrupting his holiday to hand over the latest version to Sir Robin Butler on 6 June 1993. Major had vowed at the outset of his premiership to put Northern Ireland 'on
4096-420: Was to promote peace and agreement among the inhabitants of the island. The audience was the Republican movement, as Hume endeavoured to remove the justification given for the armed struggle. Later versions of the Declaration returned, on British insistence, to the original Whitbread formula of 'no selfish strategic or economic interest' to avoid the implication that the British government was entirely indifferent to
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