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50-488: The Lower Murray languages form a branch of the Pama–Nyungan family . They are: Dixon treats these as isolates, either because they are not close or are too poorly attested to demonstrate they are close. Bowern (2011) adds Peramangk . This Australian Aboriginal languages -related article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Pama%E2%80%93Nyungan languages The Pama–Nyungan languages are

100-626: A single landmass for most of their human history, having been separated by the Torres Strait only 8000 years ago, and that a deep reconstruction would likely include languages from both. However, Dixon later abandoned his proto-Australian proposal, and Foley's ideas need to be re-evaluated in light of recent research. Wurm also suggested the Sepik–Ramu languages have similarities with the Australian languages, but believed this may be due to

150-560: A complicated gender system, diverge from it. Proto-Pama–Nyungan may have been spoken as recently as about 5,000 years ago, much more recently than the 40,000 to 60,000 years indigenous Australians are believed to have been inhabiting Australia . How the Pama–Nyungan languages spread over most of the continent and displaced any pre-Pama–Nyungan languages is uncertain; one possibility is that language could have been transferred from one group to another alongside culture and ritual . Given

200-827: A composite of Usher's and Ross' classifications, Palmer et al. do not address the more tentative families that Usher proposes, such as Northwest New Guinea . The coherence of the South Bird's Head , East Bird's Head , Pauwasi , Kwomtari , and Central Solomons families are uncertain, and hence are marked below as "tentative." Papuan independent language families (43 families) Papuan isolates and unclassified languages (37 total) Glottolog 4.0 (2019), based partly on Usher, recognizes 70 independent families and 55 isolates. The following families are identified by Timothy Usher and Edgar Suter in their NewGuineaWorld project: In addition, poorly attested Karami remains unclassified. Extinct Tambora and

250-406: A language, they are short and utilise a reduced set of the language's phonemic inventory . Both phenomena greatly increase the possibility of chance resemblances, especially when they are not confirmed by lexical similarities. Sorted by location north Irian : Sandaun Province : Sepik River : Bismarck Archipelago : Former isolates classified by Ross: Languages reassigned to

300-481: A mid- Holocene expansion of Pama–Nyungan from the Gulf Plains of northeastern Australia. Pama–Nyungan languages generally share several broad phonotactic constraints: single-consonant onsets, a lack of fricatives, and a prohibition against liquids (laterals and rhotics) beginning words. Voiced fricatives have developed in several scattered languages, such as Anguthimri , though often the sole alleged fricative

350-591: A mixture of histories that reflect both contact and inheritance. Bowern and Atkinson's computational model is currently the definitive model of Pama–Nyungan intra-relatedness and diachrony. Papuan languages New Guinea is the most linguistically diverse region in the world. Besides the Austronesian languages, there arguably are some 800 languages divided into perhaps sixty small language families, with unclear relationships to each other or to any other languages, plus many language isolates . The majority of

400-524: A number of instances". However, he considered this not evidence of a connection between (Great) Andamanese and Trans–New Guinea, but of a substratum from an earlier migration to New Guinea from the west. Greenberg also suggested a connection to the Tasmanian languages . However, the Tasmanian peoples were isolated for perhaps 10,000 years, their disappearance wiped out their languages before much

450-596: A single ancestral language... when a language is termed 'Papuan', this claims nothing more than that a language is not Austronesian. Most Papuan languages are spoken by hundreds to thousands of people; the most populous are found in the New Guinea Highlands , where a few exceed a hundred thousand. These include Western Dani (180,000 in 1993) and Ekari (100,000 reported 1985) in the western (Indonesian) highlands, and Enga (230,000 in 2000), Huli (150,000 reported 2011), and Melpa (130,000 reported 1991) in

500-555: A substratum effect, but nevertheless believed that the Australian languages represent a linguistic group that existed in New Guinea before the arrival of the Papuan languages (which he believed arrived in at least two different groups). The West Papuan , Lower Mamberamo , and most Torricelli languages are all left-headed , as well as the languages of New Britain and New Ireland . These languages all have SVO word order , with

550-429: Is /ɣ/ and is analysed as an approximant /ɰ/ by other linguists. An exception is Kala Lagaw Ya , which acquired both fricatives and a voicing contrast in them and in its plosives from contact with Papuan languages . Several of the languages of Victoria allowed initial /l/ , and one— Gunai —also allowed initial /r/ and consonant clusters /kr/ and /pr/ , a trait shared with the extinct Tasmanian languages across

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600-464: The Lower Burdekin languages . A few more inclusive groups that have been proposed, such as Northeast Pama–Nyungan (Pama–Maric), Central New South Wales , and Southwest Pama–Nyungan , appear to be geographical rather than genealogical groups. Bowern & Atkinson (2012) use computational phylogenetics to calculate the following classification: According to Nicholas Evans ,

650-906: The Austronesian family : Unclassified due to lack of data: Unaccounted for: Søren Wichmann (2013) accepts the following 109 groups as coherent Papuan families, based on computational analyses performed by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (ASJP) combined with Harald Hammarström 's (2012) classification. Some of the groups could turn out to be related to each other, but Wichmann (2013) lists them as separate groups pending further research. 9 families have been broken up into separate groups in Wichmann's (2013) classification, which are: An automated computational analysis ( ASJP 4) by Müller, Velupillai, Wichmann et al. (2013) found lexical similarities among

700-591: The East Papuan languages have not been addressed, except to identify Yele as an Austronesian language. Joseph Greenberg proposed an Indo-Pacific phylum containing the (Northern) Andamanese languages , all Papuan languages, and the Tasmanian languages , but not the Australian Aboriginal languages . Very few linguists accept his grouping. It is distinct from the Trans–New Guinea phylum of

750-479: The Takia language has. The Reef Islands – Santa Cruz languages of Wurm's East Papuan phylum were a potential 24th family, but subsequent work has shown them to be highly divergent Austronesian languages as well. Note that while this classification may be more reliable than past attempts, it is based on a single parameter, pronouns, and therefore must remain tentative. Although pronouns are conservative elements in

800-602: The comparative method . In his last published paper from the same collection, Ken Hale describes Dixon's scepticism as an erroneous phylogenetic assessment which is "so bizarrely faulted, and such an insult to the eminently successful practitioners of Comparative Method Linguistics in Australia, that it positively demands a decisive riposte." In the same work Hale provides unique pronominal and grammatical evidence (with suppletion) as well as more than fifty basic-vocabulary cognates (showing regular sound correspondences) between

850-526: The Australian languages, a later migration bringing the West Papuan, Torricelli and the East Papuan languages and a third wave bringing the most recent pre-Austronesian migration, the Trans–New Guinea family. Two of Wurm's isolates have since been linked as the and since Wurm's time another isolate and two languages belonging to a new family have been discovered, Foley summarized the state of

900-595: The Bass Strait. At the time of the European arrival in Australia, there were some 300 Pama–Nyungan languages divided across three dozen branches. What follows are the languages listed in Bowern (2011b) and Bowern (2012) ; numbers in parentheses are the numbers of languages in each branch. These vary from languages so distinct they are difficult to demonstrate as being in the same branch, to near-dialects on par with

950-1145: The Papuan languages are spoken on the island of New Guinea, with a number spoken in the Bismarck Archipelago , Bougainville Island and the Solomon Islands to the east, and in Halmahera , Timor and the Alor archipelago to the west. The westernmost language, Tambora in Sumbawa , is extinct. One Papuan language, Meriam , is spoken within the national borders of Australia , in the eastern Torres Strait . Several languages of Flores , Sumba , and other islands of eastern Indonesia are classified as Austronesian but have large numbers of non-Austronesian words in their basic vocabulary and non-Austronesian grammatical features. It has been suggested that these may have originally been non-Austronesian languages that have borrowed nearly all of their vocabulary from neighboring Austronesian languages, but no connection with

1000-598: The Papuan languages of Timor has been found. In general, the Central–Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages are marked by a significant historical Papuan influence, lexically, grammatically, and phonologically, and this is responsible for much of the diversity of the Austronesian language family. The "Papuan languages" are a strictly geographical grouping, and does not imply a genetic relationship . The concept of Papuan (non-Austronesian) speaking Melanesians as distinct from Austronesian -speaking Melanesians

1050-567: The Papuan region is the Trans–New Guinea phylum , consisting of the majority of Papuan languages and running mainly along the highlands of New Guinea. The various high-level families may represent distinct migrations into New Guinea, presumably from the west. Since perhaps only a quarter of Papuan languages have been studied in detail, linguists' understanding of the relationships between them will continue to be revised. Statistical analyses designed to pick up signals too faint to be detected by

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1100-560: The Proto-Northern-and-Middle Pamic (pNMP) family of the Cape York Peninsula on the Australian northeast coast and Proto-Ngayarta of the Australian west coast, some 3,000 km apart (as well as from many other languages), to support the Pama–Nyungan grouping, whose age he compares to that of Proto-Indo-European . Bowern offered an alternative to Dixon's binary phylogenetic-tree model based in

1150-504: The central inland portions of the continent do Pama–Nyungan languages remain spoken vigorously by the entire community. The Pama–Nyungan family was identified and named by Kenneth L. Hale , in his work on the classification of Native Australian languages. Hale's research led him to the conclusion that of the Aboriginal Australian languages, one relatively closely interrelated family had spread and proliferated over most of

1200-524: The classifications below. Joseph Greenberg proposed that the Andamanese languages (or at least the Great Andamanese languages ) off the coast of Burma are related to the Papuan or West Papuan languages. Stephen Wurm stated that the lexical similarities between Great Andamanese and the West Papuan and Timor–Alor families "are quite striking and amount to virtual formal identity [...] in

1250-530: The closest relative of Pama–Nyungan is the Garawan language family , followed by the small Tangkic family. He then proposes a more distant relationship with the Gunwinyguan languages in a macro-family he calls Macro-Pama–Nyungan . However, this has yet to be demonstrated to the satisfaction of the linguistic community. In his 1980 attempt to reconstruct Proto-Australian, R. M. W. Dixon reported that he

1300-440: The comparative method, though of disputed validity, suggest five major Papuan stocks (roughly Trans–New Guinea , West , North , East , and South Papuan languages); long-range comparison has also suggested connections between selected languages, but again the methodology is not orthodox in historical linguistics. The Great Andamanese languages may be related to some western Papuan languages, but are not themselves covered by

1350-593: The continent of Australia are often referred to, by exclusion, as non-Pama–Nyungan languages, though this is not a taxonomic term. The Pama–Nyungan family accounts for most of the geographic spread, most of the Aboriginal population, and the greatest number of languages. Most of the Pama–Nyungan languages are spoken by small ethnic groups of hundreds of speakers or fewer. Many languages, either due to disease or elimination of their speakers, have become extinct, and almost all remaining ones are endangered in some way. Only in

1400-486: The continent, while approximately a dozen other families were concentrated along the North coast. Evans and McConvell describe typical Pama–Nyungan languages such as Warlpiri as dependent-marking and exclusively suffixing languages which lack gender, while noting that some non-Pama–Nyungan languages such as Tangkic share this typology and some Pama–Nyungan languages like Yanyuwa , a head-marking and prefixing language with

1450-733: The differences between the Scandinavian languages . Down the east coast, from Cape York to the Bass Strait , there are: Continuing along the south coast, from Melbourne to Perth: Up the west coast: Cutting inland back to Paman, south of the northern non-Pama–Nyungan languages, are Encircled by these branches are: Separated to the north of the rest of Pama–Nyungan is Some of inclusions in each branch are only provisional, as many languages became extinct before they could be adequately documented. Not included are dozens of poorly attested and extinct languages such as Barranbinja and

1500-629: The eastern (PNG) highlands. To the west of New Guinea, the largest languages are Makasae in East Timor (100,000 in 2010) and Galela in Halmahera (80,000 reported 1990). To the east, Terei (27,000 reported 2003) and Naasioi (20,000 reported 2007) are spoken on Bougainville. Although there has been relatively little study of these languages compared with the Austronesian family, there have been three preliminary attempts at large-scale genealogical classification, by Joseph Greenberg , Stephen Wurm , and Malcolm Ross . The largest family posited for

1550-402: The families that appear when comparing pronouns may be due to pronoun borrowing rather than to genealogical relatedness. However, Ross argues that Papuan languages have closed-class pronoun systems, which are resistant to borrowing, and in any case that the massive number of languages with similar pronouns in a family like Trans–New Guinea preclude borrowing as an explanation. Also, he shows that

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1600-467: The features that would allow for a phylogenetic approach. This finding functioned as a kind of rejoinder to Dixon's scepticism. Our work puts to rest once and for all the claim that Australian languages are so exceptional that methods used elsewhere in the world do not work on this continent . The methods presented here have been used with Bantu, Austronesian, Indo-European, and Japonic languages (among others). Pama-Nyungan languages, like all languages, show

1650-472: The following language groups. Note that some of these automatically generated groupings are due to chance resemblances. Bill Palmer et al. (2018) propose 43 independent families and 37 language isolates in the Papuasphere, comprising a total of 862 languages. A total of 80 independent groups are recognized. While Pawley & Hammarström 's internal classification of Trans-New Guinea largely resembles

1700-416: The following: He believes that Lower Murray (five families and isolates), Arandic (2 families, Kaytetye and Arrernte), and Kalkatungic (2 isolates) are small Sprachbunds . Dixon's theories of Australian language diachrony have been based on a model of punctuated equilibrium (adapted from the eponymous model in evolutionary biology ) wherein he believes Australian languages to be ancient and to have—for

1750-404: The influence of contact and bilingualism . Similarly, several groups that do have substantial basic vocabulary in common with Trans–New Guinea languages are excluded from the phylum because they do not resemble it grammatically. Wurm believed the Papuan languages arrived in several waves of migration with some of the earlier languages (perhaps including the Sepik–Ramu languages ) being related to

1800-757: The literature. Besides Trans–New Guinea and families possibly belonging in TNG ( see ), he accepted the proposals for, Malcolm Ross re-evaluated Wurm's proposal on purely lexical grounds. That is, he looked at shared vocabulary, and especially shared idiosyncrasies analogous to English I and me vs. German ich and mich . The poor state of documentation of Papuan languages restricts this approach largely to pronouns . Nonetheless, Ross believes that he has been able to validate much of Wurm's classification, albeit with revisions to correct for Wurm's partially typological approach. (See Trans–New Guinea languages .) Ethnologue (2009) largely follows Ross. It has been suggested that

1850-421: The lowest levels of his classification, most of which he inherited from prior taxonomies. Foley (1986) divides Papuan languages into over sixty small language families, plus a number of isolates. However, more recently Foley has accepted the broad outline if not the details of Wurm's classification, as he and Ross have substantiated a large portion of Wurm's Trans–New Guinea phylum. According to Ross (see below),

1900-451: The main problem with Wurm's classification is that he did not take contact-induced change into account. For example, several of the main branches of his Trans–New Guinea phylum have no vocabulary in common with other Trans–New Guinea languages, and were classified as Trans–New Guinea because they are similar grammatically . However, there are also many Austronesian languages that are grammatically similar to Trans–New Guinea languages due to

1950-666: The more egalitarian New Guinea societies.) Ross has proposed 23 Papuan language families and 9–13 isolates. However, because of his more stringent criteria, he was not able to find enough data to classify all Papuan languages, especially many isolates that have no close relatives to aid in their classification. Ross also found that the Lower Mamberamo languages (or at least the Warembori language—he had insufficient data on Pauwi) are Austronesian languages that have been heavily transformed by contact with Papuan languages, much as

2000-476: The most part—remained in unchanging equilibrium with the exception of sporadic branching or speciation events in the phylogenetic tree . Part of Dixon's objections to the Pama–Nyungan family classification is the lack of obvious binary branching points which are implicitly or explicitly entailed by his model. However, the papers in Bowern & Koch (2004) demonstrate about ten traditional groups, including Pama–Nyungan, and its sub-branches such as Arandic, using

2050-547: The most widespread family of Australian Aboriginal languages , containing 306 out of 400 Aboriginal languages in Australia. The name "Pama–Nyungan" is a merism : it is derived from the two end-points of the range, the Pama languages of northeast Australia (where the word for "man" is pama ) and the Nyungan languages of southwest Australia (where the word for "man" is nyunga ). The other language families indigenous to

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2100-559: The principles of dialect geography . Rather than discarding the notion that multiple subgroups of languages are genetically related due to the presence of multiple dialectal epicentres arranged around stark isoglosses , Bowern proposed that the non-binary-branching characteristics of Pama–Nyungan languages are precisely what we would expect to see from a language continuum in which dialects are diverging linguistically but remaining in close geographic and social contact. Bowern offered three main advantages of this geographical-continuum model over

2150-529: The punctuated equilibrium model: First, there is a place for both divergence and convergence as processes of language change; punctuated equilibrium stresses convergence as the main mechanism of language change in Australia. Second, it makes Pama-Nyungan look much more similar to other areas of the world. We no longer have to assume that Australia is a special case. Third, and related to this, we do not have to assume in this model that there has been intensive diffusion of many linguistic elements that in other parts of

2200-421: The relationship of cognates between groups, it seems that Pama–Nyungan has many of the characteristics of a sprachbund , indicating the antiquity of multiple waves of culture contact between groups. Dixon in particular has argued that the genealogical trees found with many language families do not fit in the Pama–Nyungan family. Using computational phylogenetics , Bouckaert, Bowern & Atkinson (2018) posit

2250-581: The term Papuan. The most widely used classification of Papuan languages is that of Stephen Wurm , listed below with the approximate number of languages in each family in parentheses. This was the scheme used by Ethnologue prior to Ross's classification (below). It is based on very preliminary work, much of it typological , and Wurm himself has stated that he does not expect it to hold up well to scrutiny. Other linguists, including William A. Foley , have suggested that many of Wurm's phyla are based on areal features and structural similarities, and accept only

2300-559: The two cases of alleged pronoun borrowing in New Guinea are simple coincidence, explainable as regular developments from the protolanguages of the families in question: as earlier forms of the languages are reconstructed, their pronouns become less similar, not more. (Ross argues that open-class pronoun systems, where borrowings are common, are found in hierarchical cultures such as those of Southeast Asia and Japan , where pronouns indicate details of relationship and social status rather than simply being grammatical pro-forms as they are in

2350-511: The world are resistant to borrowing (such as shared irregularities). Additional methods of computational phylogenetics employed by Bowern and Atkinson uncovered that there were more binary-branching characteristics than initially thought. Instead of acceding to the notion that Pama–Nyungan languages do not share the characteristics of a binary-branching language family, the computational methods revealed that inter-language loan rates were not as atypically high as previously imagined and do not obscure

2400-461: Was first suggested and named by Sidney Herbert Ray in 1892. In accordance with William A. Foley (1986): The term 'Papuan languages' must not be taken in the same sense as 'Austronesian languages'. While all Austronesian languages are genetically related in one family, in the sense that they all descend from a common ancestral language called Proto-Austronesian spoken some 6,000 years ago... [Papuan languages] do not all trace their origins back to

2450-496: Was recorded of them, and few linguists expect that they will ever be linked to another language family . William A. Foley (1986) noted lexical similarities between R. M. W. Dixon 's 1980 reconstruction of proto- Australian and the languages of the East New Guinea Highlands . He believed that it was naïve to expect to find a single Papuan or Australian language family when New Guinea and Australia had been

2500-477: Was unable to find anything that reliably set Pama–Nyungan apart as a valid genetic group. Fifteen years later, he had abandoned the idea that Australian or Pama–Nyungan were families. He now sees Australian as a Sprachbund ( Dixon 2002 ). Some of the small traditionally Pama–Nyungan families which have been demonstrated through the comparative method , or which in Dixon's opinion are likely to be demonstrable, include

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