Marúbo is a Panoan language of Brazil .
30-479: Marubo is an agglutinative language with and SOV word order. It has a graded tense system where what tense is used it determined by the distance in time between the time of reference (usually the time of speaking) and the time in which the mentioned even happened. Marubo, unlike most Panoan languages, does not have prefixes to refer to various body parts. The Marubo Language is considered threatened due to competition with Portuguese . This article related to
60-510: A certain geographic area are all agglutinative they are necessarily related phylogenetically. In the past, this assumption led linguists to propose the so-called Ural–Altaic language family , which included the Uralic and Turkic languages, as well as Mongolian, Korean, and Japanese. Contemporary linguistics views this proposal as controversial, and some of whom refer to this as a language convergence instead. Another consideration when evaluating
90-428: A head-final phrase structure. Persian utilizes a noun root + plural suffix + case suffix + postposition suffix syntax similar to Turkish. For example, the phrase "mashinashuno nega mikardam" meaning 'I was looking at their cars' lit. '(cars their at) (look) (i was doing)'. Breaking down the first word: We can see its agglutinative nature and the fact that Persian is able to affix a given number of dependent morphemes to
120-573: A proposed group by R. David Paul Zorc (1986) and Robert Blust (1991; 2005; 2019) that include all the languages of the Philippines and northern Sulawesi , Indonesia —except Sama–Bajaw (languages of the "Sea Gypsies") and the Molbog language —and form a subfamily of Austronesian languages . Although the Philippines is near the center of Austronesian expansion from Taiwan , there
150-503: A root morpheme (in this example, car). Almost all Austronesian languages , such as Malay , and most Philippine languages , also belong to this category, thus enabling them to form new words from simple base forms. The Indonesian and Malay word mempertanggungjawabkan is formed by adding active-voice, causative and benefactive affixes to the compound verb tanggung jawab , which means "to account for". In Tagalog (and its standardised register, Filipino ), nakakapágpabagabag ("that which
180-485: Is a typical feature of agglutinative languages that there is a one-to-one correspondence between suffixes and syntactic categories. For example, a noun may have separate markers for number, case, possessive or conjunctive usage etc. The order of these affixes is fixed; so we may view any given noun or verb as a stem followed by several inflectional and derivational "slots", i.e. positions in which particular suffixes may occur, and/or preceded by several "slots" for prefixes. It
210-571: Is another agglutinating language: as an extreme example, the expression Muvaffakiyetsizleştiriveremeyebileceklerimizdenmişsinizcesine is pronounced as one word in Turkish, but it can be translated into English as "as if you were of those we would not be able to turn into a maker of unsuccessful ones". The "-siniz" refers to plural form of you with "-sin" being the singular form, the same way "-im" being "I" ("-im" means "my" not "I". The original editor must have mistaken it for "-yim". This second suffix
240-448: Is done by adding different prefixes or suffixes to the root of the verb: dakartzat , which means "I bring them", is formed by da (indicates present tense), kar (root of the verb ekarri → bring), tza (indicates plural) and t (indicates subject, in this case, "I"). Another example would be the declension: Etxean = "In the house" where etxe = house. Agglutination is used very heavily in most Native American languages , such as
270-456: Is often the case that the most common instance of a given grammatical category is unmarked, i.e. the corresponding affix is empty. The number of slots for a given part of speech can be surprisingly high. For example, a finite Korean verb has seven slots (the inner round brackets indicate parts of morphemes which may be omitted in some phonological environments): Moreover, passive and causative verbal forms can be derived by adding suffixes to
300-513: Is relatively little linguistic diversity among the approximately 150 Philippine languages, suggesting that earlier diversity has been erased by the spread of the ancestor of the modern Philippine languages . One of the first explicit classifications of a "Philippine" grouping based on genetic affiliation was in 1906 by Frank Blake, who placed them as a subdivision of the "Malay branch" within Malayo-Polynesian (MP), which at that time
330-410: Is typically found in suffixes. Hungarian uses extensive agglutination in almost every part of it. The suffixes follow each other in special order based on the role of the suffix, and many can be heaped, one upon the other, resulting in words conveying complex meanings in compacted forms. An example is fiaiéi, where the root "fi(ú)-" means "son", the subsequent four vowels are all separate suffixes, and
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#1732786786687360-454: Is upsetting/disturbing") is formed from the root bagabag ("upsetting" or "disquieting"). In East Asia , Korean is an agglutinating language. Its uses of ' 조사 ', ' 접사 ', and ' 어미 ' makes Korean agglutinate. They represent tense , time , number , causality, and honorific forms. Japanese is also an agglutinating language, like Korean, adding information such as negation , passive voice , past tense , honorific degree and causality in
390-492: Is used as such "Oraya gideyim" meaning "May I go there" or "When I get there") and "-imiz" making it become "we". Similarly, this suffix means "our" and not "we". Tamil is agglutinative. For example, in Tamil, the word " அதைப்பண்ணமுடியாதவர்களுக்காக " ( ataippaṇṇamuṭiyātavarkaḷukkāka ) means "for the sake of those who cannot do that", literally "that to do impossible he [plural marker] [dative marker] to become". Another example
420-446: Is verb conjugation. In all Dravidian languages, verbal markers are used to convey tense, person, and mood. For example, in Tamil, " சாப்பிடுகிறேன் " ( cāppiṭukiṟēṉ , "I eat") is formed from the verb root சாப்பிடு- ( cāppiṭu- , "to eat") + the present tense marker -கிற்- ( -kiṟ- ) + the first-person singular suffix -ஏன் ( -ēṉ ). Agglutination is also a notable feature of Basque . The conjugation of verbs, for example,
450-528: The Bantu languages of eastern and southern Africa are known for a highly complex mixture of prefixes, suffixes and reduplication. A typical feature of this language family is that nouns fall into noun classes. For each noun class, there are specific singular and plural prefixes, which also serve as markers of agreement between the subject and the verb. Moreover, the noun determines prefixes of all words that modify it and subject determines prefixes of other elements in
480-559: The Batanic languages , constituting Yami , Itbayat , and Ivatan , should in fact be considered as a primary MP branch. In an evaluation of the lexical innovations among the Philippine languages, Alexander Smith (2017) regards the evidence for a Philippine subgroup as weak, and concludes that "they may represent more than one primary subgroup or perhaps an innovation-defined linkage ". Chen et al. (2022) present further arguments for
510-516: The Indigenous languages of the Americas is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Agglutination In linguistics , agglutination is a morphological process in which words are formed by stringing together morphemes , each of which corresponds to a single syntactic feature. Languages that use agglutination widely are called agglutinative languages . For example, in
540-480: The Inuit languages , Nahuatl , Mapudungun , Quechua , Tz'utujil , Kaqchikel , Cha'palaachi and Kʼicheʼ , where one word can contain enough morphemes to convey the meaning of what would be a complex sentence in other languages. Conversely, Navajo contains affixes for some uses, but overlays them in such unpredictable and inseparable ways that it is often referred to as a fusional language. As noted above, it
570-560: The Sangiric , Minahasan , and Gorontalo groups. The genetic unity of a Philippines group has been rejected particularly by Lawrence Reid . This arose with problems in reconstructing Philippine subgroups within MP (Pawley, 1999; Ross, 2005). In a recent state-of-the art on the classification of Philippine languages, he provides multidisciplinary arguments on the field's methodological and theoretical shortcomings since Conant's description in
600-439: The Philippine languages being a convergence area rather than a unified phylogenetic subgroup. The Philippine group is proposed to have originated from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and ultimately from Proto-Austronesian . There have been several proposals as to the composition within the group, but the most widely accepted groupings today is the consensus classifications by Blust (1991; 2005) and Reid (2017); however, both disagree on
630-725: The above proposal is that some languages, which developed from agglutinative proto-languages, lost their agglutinative features. For example, contemporary Estonian has shifted towards the fusional type. (It has also lost other features typical of the Uralic families, such as vowel harmony .) Examples of agglutinative languages include the Uralic languages , such as Finnish , Estonian , and Hungarian . These have highly agglutinated expressions in daily usage, and most words are bisyllabic or longer. Grammatical information expressed by adpositions in Western Indo-European languages
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#1732786786687660-473: The agglutinative language of Turkish , the word evlerinizden ("from your houses") consists of the morphemes ev-ler-i-n-iz-den . Agglutinative languages are often contrasted with isolating languages , in which words are monomorphemic, and fusional languages , in which words can be complex, but morphemes may correspond to multiple features. Although agglutination is characteristic of certain language families, this does not mean that when several languages in
690-506: The base, which could be seen as the null-th slot. Even though some combinations of suffixes are not possible (e.g. only one of the aspect slots may be filled with a non-empty suffix), over 400 verb forms may be formed from a single base. Here are a few examples formed from the word root ga 'to go'; the numbers indicate which slots contain non-empty suffixes: Although most agglutinative languages in Europe and Asia are predominantly suffixing,
720-463: The early 1900s. This includes Malayo-Polynesian archeology (Spriggs, 2003; 2007; 2011), and Bayesian phylogenetic analyses (Gray et al., 2009) substantiating the multiplicity of historical diffusion and divergence of languages across the archipelago. He suggests that the primary branches under this widely acknowledged Philippine group should instead be promoted as primary branches under Malayo-Polynesian . Malcolm Ross (2005) earlier also noted that
750-479: The existence of a Philippine group as a single genetic unit. An earlier classification by Zorc (1979) is presented below. From approximately north to south, a Philippine group according to his analysis of previous reconstructions are divided into two main subgroups, Northern or "Cordilleran" and Southern or "Sulic". Note that the groupings herein no longer reflect widely accepted classifications or naming conventions today. For example South Extension nowadays reflects
780-958: The same verb phrase. For example, the Swahili nouns -toto ("child") and -tu ("person") fall into class 1, with singular prefix m- and plural prefix wa- . The noun -tabu ("book") falls into class 7, with singular prefix ki- and plural prefix vi- . The following sentences may be formed: yu-le 1SG -that m-tu 1SG -person m-moja 1SG -one m-refu 1SG -tall a-li 1SG -he-past y-e 7SG - REL -it ki-soma 7SG -read ki-le 7SG -that ki-tabu 7SG -book ki-refu 7SG -long yu-le m-tu m-moja m-refu a-li y-e ki-soma ki-le ki-tabu ki-refu 1SG-that 1SG-person 1SG-one 1SG-tall 1SG-he-past 7SG-REL-it 7SG-read 7SG-that 7SG-book 7SG-long 'That one tall person who read that long book.' wa-le 1PL -that wa-tu 1PL -person wa-wili 1PL -two Philippine languages The Philippine languages or Philippinic are
810-488: The verb form. Common examples would be hatarakaseraretara ( 働かせられたら ) , which combines causative, passive or potential, and conditional conjugations to arrive at two meanings depending on context "if (subject) had been made to work..." and "if (subject) could make (object) work", and tabetakunakatta ( 食べたくなかった ) , which combines desire, negation, and past tense conjugations to mean "I/he/she/they did not want to eat". Turkish , along with all other Turkic languages ,
840-413: The whole word means "[plural properties] belong to his/her sons". The nested possessive structure and expression of plurals are quite remarkable (note that Hungarian uses no genders). Persian has some features of agglutination, making use of prefixes and suffixes attached to the stems of verbs and nouns, thus making it a synthetic language rather than an analytic one. Persian is an SOV language, thus having
870-513: The widely established Central Luzon , and North Mangyan within Cordilleran is not supported by later reconstructions; the group containing Yami , Ivatan and Itbayat is called " Bashiic " in Zorc (1977) and remains generally accepted. From approximately north to south, the Philippine languages are divided into 12 subgroups (including unclassified languages): Formerly classified as one of
900-495: Was considered as a family. Blake however encompasses every language within the geographic boundaries of the Philippine archipelago to be under a single group. Formal arguments in support of a specific "Proto-Philippines" were followed by Matthew Charles in 1974, Teodoro Llamzon in 1966 and 1975, and Llamzon and Teresita Martin in 1976. Blust (1991) two decades later updates this based on Zorc's (1986) inclusion of Yami , and
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