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59-638: The event was reportedly watched by the Los Angeles FBI office, who later "refused to release the entire contents" of their documentation and activity. The Chicano Moratorium march in East L.A. was organized by Chicano activists Ramsés Noriega and Rosalio Muñoz . Muñoz was the leader of the Chicano Moratorium Committee until November 1970, when he was ousted by Eustacio (Frank) Martinez, a police informer and agent provocateur for

118-590: A letter to the editor of the Los Angeles Times in 1971, "in response to your [the Times' ] plea for some social facts to understand the strained situation between Chicanos and the police." In the letter, Muñoz details how "the current conflict between Chicanos and the police is a political confrontation that historically has its roots in the mid-1800s." He described the mass deportation of Mexican Repatriation (1929–36) by border patrol and law enforcement as

177-531: A critical event which "strained and intensified the anger of people of Mexican descent toward the law and law enforcement." Muñoz also recorded how the Zoot Suit Riots (1943) were framed by the press as being initiated by the zoot suiters, who applied a "historically permanent label that implied 'the Mexicans did it,' thereby simultaneously protecting the servicemen from public ridicule." Muñoz then cites

236-659: A driving rain. Las Adelitas de Aztlán , led by Gloria Arellanes , marched in the February march, which NCMC organizer Rosalío Muñoz sees as the first time a Chicana organization participated in its own right in a Chicano demonstration. A Chicano program on the local public television station produced a documentary of that march, used nationally by the committee to popularize its efforts. At the March Chicano Youth Conference, held in Denver, Rosalío Muñoz,

295-646: A feeling of accomplishment over the event. Muñoz and Ramsés Noriega had planned the event as a part of a series of protests throughout the Southwestern United States that would eventually culminate in the East Los Angeles march in August. The march was described by scholar Lorena Oropeza as "one of the largest assemblages of Mexican Americans ever." Muñoz opened the post-march rally stating "A year ago, when we started organizing against

354-507: A larger protest. Though the bus was stopped by San Bernardino police, the group dodged further confrontation and continued to the protest by telling them they were headed to the beach. Many of their delegation were subject to police violence during the protest and the number of arrests made this protest the largest LAPD group arrest during a riot. In addition, this was cited as the "largest urban uprising in California by people of color since

413-576: A minimum of five years prison time, $ 10,000, or both. In a statement written by Rosalio Munoz called CHALE CON EL DRAFT he brings an awareness to Anti-war sentiments during his draft induction ceremony by stating, "Today, the sixteenth of September, the day of independence for all Mexican peoples, I declare my independence of the Selective Service System. I accuse the government of the United States of America of genocide against

472-432: A people's riot; the people called it a police riot." Accounts of the deaths differ. According to police, Díaz ran a barricade in his car, which caused police to shoot him, and he subsequently crashed into a telephone pole. Journalist and professor Raúl Ruiz says Díaz was sitting in the passenger seat when he was shot in the back of the head. Police attribute Ward's death to a bomb planted by protesters. Witnesses thought it

531-545: A police department's "biological basis" report, which stated that "people of Mexican descent were biologically prone to criminal behavior." Muñoz described that Chicano protest action against discriminatory educational institutions, the Catholic Church , and the U.S. government's involvement in Vietnam has always been "met with police-initiated political violence." As a result, Muñoz described that Chicanos as well as

590-637: A rally in L.A. and instead hold one in San Gabriel. Tensions arose between the Chicano Moratorium and members of the East L.A. Brown Berets. As Rosalio Muñoz (Founder of the National Chicano Moratorium Committee) recalls, "there were constant fights along the way, even before we got to Oxnard. Rivalries with gangs along the way or fights over girls or drugs only added to the tension." Despite these bumps on

649-657: A representative from the Young Lords ; a Puerto Rican youth group similar to the Brown Berets ; and Anglo-American members of the local Peace Action Council," was being closely watched by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, who described it as "boisterous" and "cheerful." Muñoz received a hug from Ruben Salazar, who congratulated him for the success of the march: "You did it. You really did it." Organizers and other participants shared in

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708-673: A result, Muñoz concluded that "rather than calling off our protest, and returning to a life of fear under police totalitarian aggression we have to continue to protest for purposes of survival." Chicano Youth Liberation Conference Chicano Youth Liberation Conference was a conference held in Denver, Colorado in March 1969. It is also called the Denver Youth Conference . This was the first large scale gathering of Chicano/a youth to discuss issues of oppression, discrimination, and injustice. Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales and

767-403: A suspicion of being followed by the police. The Sheriff's Department files claim Wilson's action was accidental, and this conclusion was reaffirmed by authorities. But many questions remain about his actions that caused the death of Salazar. Gustav Montag Jr., a 24-year-old native of Sternowitz, Austria, is sometimes listed as a fatality on August 29, one who allegedly died fighting police. But he

826-565: Is Born" was a resolution that revised and updated the original Plan de Aztlan. This document announced the National Chicano Moratorium in August 1970. The participants established the independent "La Raza Unida" political party. Approximately 3000 people attended. This time, 18 states were represented by the participants, with over 100 organizations. The Chicana workshop presented a resolution stating: "The Chicana women resolve not to separate but to strengthen Aztlan,

885-660: Is a Chicano activist who is most recognized for his anti-war and anti- police brutality organizing with the Chicano Moratorium against the Vietnam War . On August 29, 1970, Muñoz and fellow Chicano activist Ramses Noriega organized a peaceful march in East Los Angeles, California in which over 30,000 Mexican Americans were in attendance to protest the war in Vietnam. The event became a site of police brutality after sheriffs attacked and tear gassed

944-730: The Black community are living in a " totalitarian -like atmosphere within a broader Los Angeles community," especially in the absence of political representation . Muñoz warned against the rise of the police in the United States as a "more powerful political force in our increasingly less-free democratic society," citing the Skolnic Report to the U.S. National Commission of the Causes and Prevention of Violence , which determined that "the ranks of law enforcement have become an ultraconservative social force which shrilly protest positive change." As

1003-458: The Brown Berets in Houston and Kingsville . Under the instruction of ATF agents Fernando Ramos and Jim Riggs, Martinez committed illegal acts "which allowed the police to make arrests and raid headquarters of the Chicano Moratorium Committee." Martinez spread rumors about Muñoz, who was chairman of the Chicano Moratorium Committee, that he was "too soft" and "not militant enough." This led to

1062-538: The Coachella and Imperial Valleys as well as members from the East L.A. Brown Berets, began organizing a march that would span over 800 miles from the U.S.-Mexico border to Sacramento . The march primarily focused on gathering support from rural communities which had a high population of Mexican farmworkers. Not only would this march serve as a protest against Reagan and his discriminatory views against Chicanos, but also to garner support for La Raza Unida Party to be on

1121-621: The U.S. Treasury Department after being arrested for possession of an illegal weapon in July 1969. Martinez was approached by an ATF agent referred to as "Tito Garcia" who stated that he "would not be charged for the Federal Firearms violation if he would work as informant and agent provocateur for that agency." He carried out assignments of infiltrating the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) and

1180-684: The ATF under instructions from his supervisors so they would be able to make arrests and raid NCMC headquarters. In 1971, the Moratorium Committee underwent a shift in their organizational focus from protesting the Vietnam War and police brutality against Chicanos to building support for La Raza Unida Party . This shift in support of RUP came after then California Governor Reagan's "right-wing attacks on minorities and working people". The Moratorium Committee, along with activist groups from

1239-622: The Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Enforcement Division (ATF) of the U.S. Treasury Department , who committed illegal acts to allow the police to raid the headquarters of the committee and make arrests. Muñoz had returned as co-chair of the Moratorium in February 1971. The Chicano Moratorium was a movement of Chicano activists that organized anti- Vietnam War demonstrations and activities in Mexican American communities throughout

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1298-487: The American population. War casualties with distinctive Spanish names were recorded at 19% compared with the 11.8% Spanish surname population of Southwestern America in 1960. Many young Chicanos felt they had become trapped in the draft system because they could only escape the draft if they were enrolled in school. Unfortunately, Chicano students had high dropout rates and very few made it to college, rendering them ideal for

1357-532: The Chicano student movement (UMAS) with David Sanchez and the Brown Beret organization. Draft resistance was a prevalent form of protest for Chicano anti-war activists, as it was for many youth at the time. Rosalio Muñoz , Ernesto Vigil, and Salomon Baldengro were some of the notable Chicanos who actively refused induction for the draft.“ For refusing to cooperate they faced a felony charge that could incur

1416-525: The Crusade for Justice were the main organizers, and they drafted and presented " El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan " at the conference, which played a major part in the national Chicano movement. Chicano students faced discrimination in society, including schools. Mexican Americans "were being psychologically colonized, rejecting their cultural heritage for the Anglo-American values proliferated through

1475-663: The Denver West High School walkouts , and his leadership gave him standing with youth in the area. The conference took place from March 27 to 31, 1969. Workshops focused on topics related to "Social Revolution" and "cultural" issues. These included creative workshops to create poetry, art, music, and writing, as well as lectures, seminars, and workshops about issues and problems for the Chicano community, organizational techniques, political philosophy, self defense, civil disobedience, and demonstration. Approximately 1500 Mexican-American youths attended from across

1534-557: The Mexican people. Specifically, I accuse the draft, the entire social, political, and economical system of the United States of America, of Creating a funnel which shoots Mexican youth into Viet Nam to be killed and to kill innocent men, women, and children. . . and of drafting their laws so that many more Chicanos are sent to Vietnam, in proportion to the total population, then they send off their own white youth..." Corky Gonzales wrote in an address, "My feelings and emotions are aroused by

1593-482: The Silver Dollar Café at the conclusion of the August 29 rally, killing Salazar. Wilson was never punished for his actions. Many regarded the killing of Salazar as an assassination, since Salazar was the most prominent Chicano voice. Moreover, he was actively investigating police malfeasance and he very actively called for police accountability. Salazar also told close confidants prior to his death that he had

1652-594: The Southwest and elsewhere from November 1969 through August 1971. There was a common anti-war sentiment growing among the Mexican American community that was made evident by a multitude of demonstrators chanting, "Our struggle is not in Vietnam but in the movement for social justice at home," which was a key slogan of the movement. It was coordinated by the National Chicano Moratorium Committee (NCMC) and led largely by activists from

1711-438: The Southwest and the city of Chicago was held at the Crusade headquarters in early December 1969. They began developing plans for nationwide mobilizations to be presented to a national Chicano Youth Liberation Conference planned for late March 1970. On February 28, 1970, a second Chicano Moratorium demonstration was held again in East Los Angeles, with more than 3,000 demonstrators from throughout California participating, despite

1770-421: The United States. Gonzales presented "El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan" at the conference, which energized the youth in the movement. The term "Chicanismo" was established. Students planned a massive school walkout for September 16, which is Mexican Independence Day. Students organized the walkouts in California, Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, and Colorado. Women at the conference held an impromptu workshop about

1829-497: The Watts uprising of 1965". Stores went up in smoke, scores were injured, and more than 150 were arrested. Three people were killed: Lyn Ward (a Brown Beret medic), Angel Gilberto Díaz (a Brown Beret from Pico Rivera Ca.), and Rubén Salazar , an award-winning journalist, news director of the local Spanish-language television station, and columnist for the Los Angeles Times . As the Chicano poet Alurista put it: "The police called it

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1888-596: The apartments surrounding campus, and against the U.S. war in Vietnam. Muñoz won with over 60 percent of the vote and became the first Chicano student president at UCLA (1968–69). His papers currently rest with the Online Archives of California. On August 29, 1970, Muñoz recalled that the march of 30,000, which included "a Black delegation from the Che Lumumba branch of the Communist Party ;

1947-574: The ballot. The five main issues the march would address were: the Raza Unida Party on the ballot, welfare, education, police, and the war. La Marcha de la Reconquista officially began on May 5, 1971, Cinco de Mayo , on the U.S.-Mexico border and was set to go until August of that same year. The march attracted various activist groups from around California including "Coachella-Indio area activists, MEChA students, members from La Raza Unida." Rallies were held in areas with larger populations, with

2006-763: The co-chair for the Los Angeles Chicano Moratorium, moved to hold a National Chicano Moratorium against the war on August 29, 1970. Local moratoriums were planned for cities throughout the Southwest and beyond, to build up for the national event on August 29. More than 20 local protests were held in cities such as Houston, Albuquerque, Chicago, Denver, Fresno, San Francisco, San Diego, Oakland, Oxnard, San Fernando , San Pedro Coachella Valley, and Douglas, Arizona . Most had 1,000 or more participants. The NCMC's largest march took place on August 29, 1970, at Laguna Park (now Ruben F. Salazar Park ). Between 20,000 and 30,000 participants, drawn from around

2065-437: The complete disregard of our present society for the rights, dignity and lives of not only people of other nations but of our own unfortunate young men who die for an abstract cause in a war that cannot be honestly justified by any of our present leaders". The Berets were opposed to the war because many Chicanos were being killed and wounded in disproportionate numbers in comparison to the population at an estimated rate of double

2124-597: The crowd, leading to the deaths of three people, including Muñoz's friend and Chicano journalist Ruben Salazar . Muñoz was a University of California, Los Angeles student who gained attention because of his position as class president, his strong position on Chicano politics, and his nonviolent protest ethics. Muñoz developed his Chicano identity and politics through inspiration from the Chicano Blowouts and in conversation with other Chicanos such as Moctesuma Esparza . Muñoz describes how he became attracted to

2183-515: The draft. The Vietnam War also diverted Federal funds away from social programs that aided poverty stricken barrios in the US. In several visits to colleges in Claremont, CA, Rosalío Muñoz discovered that Draft Boards allegedly attempted to discourage Chicano students from attending college by falsely telling them that student deferments were not available. During this time, many Chicano families opposed

2242-565: The first big rally taking place in Coachella where about 1,000 people attended. Student activist, María Elena Gaitán, was a featured speaker at this rally and throughout the march, rousing audiences with impassioned speeches in English and Spanish. Due to police tensions with the LAPD and the history of police brutality at rallies held by the Chicano Moratorium, the march organizers decided to skip

2301-467: The idea of Chicano nationalism through influences from Reies Lopez Tijerina , but "never became obsessed about the idea of the original homeland of the Aztecs somehow being the Chicano homeland as well," or the concept of Aztlán . Instead, Muñoz became more focused on what he referred to as creating more "concrete and practical social change" through activism: "I never fully became an idealogue." Muñoz

2360-685: The initial Moratoriums started in 1986 and have been transpiring every year since beginning with the Chicano Moratorium Barrio Unity Conference in San Diego. Every year, the original events have been commemorated and emulated by the National Chicano Moratorium Committee (NCMC). The Committee addressed the American war in Afghanistan. The theme of the 2013 NCMC commemoration was "Education for Liberation, Not Assimilation". Along with this theme NCMC commemorated

2419-552: The intention of sending him back to Texas." Martinez went public at this time, stating that he did so "for the simple reason that I was beginning to be aware that our people were being railroaded, and for another thing, I was being sold out. I had good intentions for working with the government. I believed in it. When I began to see how corrupt the government was in destroying my people, I couldn't see it anymore." Martinez remarked, "[I]t does not pay to be an informer, because when they no longer need you, they'll frame you." Muñoz authored

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2478-469: The life of Sal Castro who died earlier that year after his distinguished career in education, most notably supporting the East Los Angeles high school walkouts. An October 11, 1968 Los Angeles Freep article was headlined "Education, Not Eradication", began "Sal Castro won his teaching job back at Lincoln High School because the new militant Mexican American movement here demanded it and fought for it….” Rosalio Mu%C3%B1oz Rosalio Muñoz (born 1938)

2537-457: The many Chicano Moratoria. There is evidence that the National Chicano Moratorium Committee was infiltrated by an agent from The Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), which led to the ousting of leader Rosalio Muñoz . Eustancio Martinez revealed in a Los Angeles Press Club press release that he had worked as a police informer among Chicano activists for two years. Martinez told the press that he had been an informer and agent provocateur for

2596-429: The movement. The most influential concept was El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan. Conference was a celebration rather than strategic meeting, "but no other event had so energized Chicanos for continued commitment." Gonzales said the demonstrations were "not to have a cultural carnival" but provide political and educational understandings for people who attend. The second conference was held in March 1970. "Our New Nation

2655-493: The nation, marched down Whittier Boulevard in East Los Angeles. The rally was broken up by local police , who said that they had gotten reports that a nearby liquor store was being robbed. They chased the "suspects" into the park, and declared the gathering of thousands to be an illegal assembly. Monitors and activists resisted the attack, but eventually people were herded back to the march route of Whittier Boulevard. As protest organizer Rosalinda Montez Palacios recounts, "I

2714-456: The ousting of Muñoz, who was replaced by Martinez himself in November 1970. Martinez continued as chairman until March 1971. In August 1971, on the anniversary of the Chicano Moratorium, Martinez was charged with inciting a riot and interfering with a police officer, orders he had received from the ATF. However, Martinez stated that Riggs appeared and attempted to force him to plead guilty, "with

2773-479: The president later resigned, this opened a spot for Muñoz to run for the position, which he did with Ramses Noriega as his campaign manager. Muñoz notes how this was a part of his identity formation: "I ran as a Chicano. I was no longer Ross Muñoz. I was Rosalio Muñoz." He ran on a progressive platform, advocating for campus support for the United Farm Workers , disarming campus police, rent control in

2832-541: The public educational system. The conference's response to US psychological aggression was the development of a new identity founded in cultural nationalism." Students organized themselves across the country. Student organizations like the Mexican American Youth Organization and the United Mexican American Students had developed in Texas and California. Corky Gonzales was a main organizer in

2891-456: The role of feminist liberation, and "[i]t was the consensus of the group that the Chicana woman does not want to be liberated." This statement is complex, because the understanding of feminism at the time was so tied to White women's liberation at the expense of other women. The declaration is a statement for Chicano nationalism and cultural ties, which rejects feminist concerns that could divide

2950-611: The walkouts. Muñoz notes how the school wanted to recruit more "minority students" yet wanted to maintain the requirements of high GPA and SAT test scores, yet expressed that it was these stringent requirements which were actively excluding Chicano and Black students at schools such as East L.A. High School. His recommendation was adopted as the High Potential Program. The increasing visibility of Chicano student activism led to racist backlash, which eventually led to Muñoz resigning from student government. However, when

3009-472: The war because they felt it fragmented their families. The committee organized its first demonstration on December 20, 1969, in East Los Angeles, with over 1,000 participants. The groups won the early support of the Denver-based Crusade for Justice, led by Rodolfo Gonzales , also known as Corky Gonzales. A conference of anti-war and anti-draft Chicano and Latino activists from communities in

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3068-413: The war, there were very few of us," but now "a powerful call for social change " had been created. Muñoz proclaimed that "we have to begin organizing on the issue of police brutality, we have to bring an end to this oppression." In a bit of tragic irony , as noted by Oropeza, "shortly afterward, the bulk of demonstrators were running from the park in order to flee an assault by sheriff's deputies." Muñoz

3127-433: The way, the rally concluded in August 1971 at the state capitol with the biggest rally of the march. The end of the three-month Marcha de la Reconquista also marked the end of The National Chicano Moratorium Committee. Muñoz reflects back on the history of the committee as "being shaky but in one form or another it had survived. La Marcha represented a last effort to resuscitate the coalition." Celebratory events commemorating

3186-567: Was sabotaged and ousted as leader of the Chicano Moratorium by Eustacio (Frank) Martinez, who was 21 years old at the time. At a press conference at the Los Angeles Press Club in 1972, Martinez admitted that he had worked as a police informer among Chicano activists in Texas and California . Martinez stated that he had become an informant and agent provocateur for the Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Enforcement Division (ATF) of

3245-447: Was appointed as the United Mexican American Students (UMAS) student-faculty representative and chaired the committee on Chicano and Black student recruitment at UCLA. He advocated for the need "to recruit Chicano and Black students who might not meet the requirements of the UC system, and specifically at UCLA, but who showed promise and potential," including many students who had participated in

3304-487: Was caused by an exploding gas canister. Noting the multiple contusions on Ward's head, Ruiz suspects a police beating as the cause of death. The Moratorium became notable for the death of Ruben Salazar , a prominent investigative reporter known for his writings on civil rights and police brutality. Deputy Thomas Wilson of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department fired a tear gas canister into

3363-463: Was happening and once we controlled the burning from our eyes, many decided to fight back." Noriega, however, never saw helicopters on August 29 event, and he says none dropped tear gas. Nor do other reliable accounts mention helicopters. Noriega thinks there might be confusion with other demonstrations, at which helicopters were used. The LA protests also featured around one hundred members and affiliates from Denver, Colorado who wanted to take part in

3422-566: Was killed at the final moratorium demonstration, when nineteen others were wounded. Montag, according to his sister-in-law, went to the January 31 demonstration hoping to witness a riot, where a ricocheted buckshot pellet fired by police stuck him in the heart and killed him. The continuous clashes with the police made mass mobilizations problematic, but the commitment to social change lasted. Many community leaders, politicians, clergy, businessmen, judges, teachers, and trade unionists participated in

3481-569: Was sitting on the lawn directly in front of the stage resting after a long and peaceful march when out of nowhere appeared a helicopter overhead and started dropping canisters of tear gas on the marchers as we were enjoying the program. We began to run for safety and as we breathed in the teargas, were blinded by it. Some of us made it to nearby homes where people started flushing their faces with water from garden hoses. Our eyes were burning and tearing and we choked as we tried to breath [ sic ? ]. The peaceful marchers could not believe what

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