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74-400: Defunct ERE was a conservative, right-wing party, which also had some prominent centrist members, such as: Karamanlis resigned from the leadership of ERE in 1963 and was succeeded by Panagiotis Kanellopoulos . The cause of Karamanlis' resignation was the hotly contested elections of 1961 (known as elections of "violence and fraud"). According to official results, ERE won the elections. But

148-524: A machine gun forcibly entered his home. Andreas Papandreou escaped to the roof of his house, but surrendered after one of the soldiers held a gun to the head of his then-fourteen-year-old son George Papandreou . Papadopoulos' junta attempted to re-engineer the Greek political landscape by coup. Papadopoulos as well as the other junta members are known in Greece by the term "Aprilianoi" (Aprilians), denoting

222-501: A military court to be tried. Ioannis Ladas , then the director of ESA , recounted in a later interview that "Within twenty minutes every politician, every man, every anarchist who was listed could be rounded up ... It was a simple, diabolical plan". Georgios Papandreou was arrested after a nighttime raid at his villa in Kastri, Attica . Andreas was arrested at around the same time, after seven soldiers armed with fixed bayonets and

296-530: A previously-drafted action plan to move the coup forward. Under the command of paratrooper Brigadier General Kostas Aslanides, the LOK took over the Greek Defence Ministry while Pattakos gained control of communication centres, the parliament , the royal palace , and – according to detailed lists – arrested over 10,000 people. By the early morning hours, the whole of Greece was in the hands of

370-616: A book The Decline of Consumer Society , stating that consumerism had destroyed the Christian spiritual values of the West, leaving Greece as the last solitary outpost of Christian civilization. In the same book, Georgalas stated the solution to social problems was not as many believed increased employment, but instead "lengthy psycho-therapeutic programmes" which would create "the free man in harmonious co-existence with himself and his fellow beings". The British historian Richard Clogg described

444-410: A close relationship with the colonels who would figure in the later coup. In 1952, IDEA issued a manifesto stating that a dictatorship was the only possible solution to Greece's problems, which the Greek scholar Christos Kassimeris called an "astonishing" statement, since the communists had been defeated in 1949, Greece was enjoying a period of relative prosperity after living standards had collapsed in

518-496: A commanding general would automatically be obeyed. In the circumstances, middle-ranking pro-junta officers neutralised and arrested Constantine's royalist generals and took command of their units, and subsequently put together a force to advance on Kavala to arrest the King. The junta, not at all shaken by the loss of their figurehead premier, ridiculed Constantine by announcing that he was hiding "from village to village". Realising that

592-591: A left-wing coup. The LOK in particular were integrated into the European stay-behind network. Although there have been persistent rumors about an active support of the coup by the U.S. government, there is no evidence to support such claims. The timing of the coup apparently caught the CIA by surprise. Nevertheless, the United States did support the military dictatorship. After many years of conservative rule,

666-666: A national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis , Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became prime minister. On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens

740-505: A new party in 1974, New Democracy , which he himself described as being somewhat more moderate than the ERE. This article about a Greek political party is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Panagiotis Kanellopoulos Panagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos ( Greek : Παναγιώτης Κανελλόπουλος ; 13 December 1902 – 11 September 1986) was a Greek writer, politician and Prime Minister of Greece . He

814-414: A patient. We have put him in a plaster cast. We are checking him to find out if he can walk without the plaster cast. We break the initial cast, potentially to replace it with a new one, where necessary. The referendum shall become a general overview of the patient's capabilities. Let us pray for him never to need a cast again; and should he need one, we will put it to him. And the one thing I can promise you,

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888-537: A secret document known as Percentages agreement , which sought to avoid further conflict in Europe by dividing up Western and Soviet spheres of influence . In this negotiation, Greece was viewed by the British as an important asset against further communist progression into Europe. After the country's liberation in 1944, Greece descended into Civil War (1946-1949), fought between the communist forces and those loyal to

962-538: A similar vein, the junta attempted to steer Greek public opinion not only by propaganda but also by inventing new words and slogans, such as paleokommatismos ( Παλαιοκομματισμός , ' old-partyism ') to discredit parliamentary democracy , or Ellas Ellinon Christianon ( Ελλάς Ελλήνων Χριστιανών , ' Greece for Christian Greeks ') to underscore its ideology. The junta's main ideological spokesmen included Georgios Georgalas and journalist Savvas Konstantopoulos , both former Marxists . In 1970, Georgalas published

1036-407: A sort of unofficial spokesman for the regime. At a subsequent speech before a visiting group of Greek-Americans on 6 August 1968, Ladas quoted Friedrich Nietzsche 's statement that the ancient Greeks invented everything and went on to say: "Foreigners confess and acknowledge Greek superiority. Human civilization was wholly fashioned by our race. Even the enemies of Greece recognize that civilization

1110-421: A surgical bed, and who, should the surgeon not strap on the surgical bed during the operation and the anesthesia, there is a probability, rather than the surgery granting him the restoration of the health, to lead him to his death. ... The restrictions are the strapping of the patient to the surgical bed so that he will undergo the surgery without danger. In the same speech Papadopoulos continued: We have

1184-532: A year later, in 1964 which the Centre Union won with the second highest percentage in Greek history, 54 percent of the vote. Kanellopoulos remained leader of the party until 1967, when he formed a government which did not last more than a month, as it was overthrown by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974 . After 1967 ERE, like all political parties, was outlawed. It was never refounded. Karamanlis formed

1258-402: Is an exclusively Greek creation". Ladas went on to denounce young men with long hair as "the degenerate phenomenon of hippy-ism", calling hippies "anti-social elements, drug addicts, sex maniacs, thieves, etc. It is only natural that they should be enemies of the army and the ideals which the military way of life serves". Ladas ended his speech by arguing that Greeks for racial reasons were still

1332-494: The National Radical Union party (ERE). He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967 . He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the metapolitefsi (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos

1406-738: The Security Battalions had organized themselves into a secret society known as the IDEA ( Ieros Desmos Ellinon Axiomatikon –Holy Bond of Greek Officers). From 1947 onward, the Holy Bond was subsidized to the sum of $ 1 million annually by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) as one of Greece's main "democratic" (i.e. anti-communist) forces. Several of the future leaders of the junta, such as Georgios Papadopoulos , were members of IDEA. With American and British aid,

1480-469: The interwar dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas , leading to many scholars describing the regime as fascistic. Throughout his tenure as the junta strongman, Papadopoulos often employed what have been described by the BBC as gory medical metaphors, where he or the junta assumed the role of the "medical doctor". The supposed "patient" was Greece. Typically Papadopoulos or the junta portrayed themselves as

1554-458: The "Greek mentality" before holding elections. It also suspended most of the constitution's guarantees of civil rights until the restoration of civilian rule. In a legally controversial move, even under the junta's own Constitution, the Cabinet voted on 21 March 1972 to oust Zoitakis and replace him with Papadopoulos, thus combining the offices of regent and prime minister. It was thought Zoitakis

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1628-412: The "doctor" who operated on the "patient" by putting the patient's "foot" in an orthopedic cast and applying restraints on the "patient", tying him on a surgical bed and putting him under anesthesia to perform the "operation" so that the life of the "patient" would not be "endangered" during the operation. In one of his famous speeches Papadopoulos mentioned: We are in front of a patient who we have on

1702-523: The "elect of God", claiming the regenerated Ellas Ellinon Christianon ('Greece for Christian Greeks') would be the example to the rest of the world as maintained that people all over the world would regard his ideology of "Helleno-Christian civilization" alongside the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle as the summit of intellectual achievement. The Greek junta has been characterized as neo-fascist . The junta's ultranationalist , militaristic, and deeply anti-communist character has been liked to that of

1776-454: The 1940s, and Greek politics were stable. Kassimeris argued that since Papadopoulos played a large role in writing the 1952 manifesto, that it was his "personal ambition" rather than objective fear of the sway of Greek communists as motivation. In no way could Greece be presented as on the brink of a communist take-over in 1952. Greece was a vital link in the NATO defence arc which extended from

1850-513: The Colonels was a right-wing military junta that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. On 21 April 1967, a group of colonels overthrew the caretaker government a month before scheduled elections which Georgios Papandreou 's Centre Union was favoured to win. The dictatorship was characterised by policies such as anti-communism , restrictions on civil liberties , and the imprisonment, torture , and exile of political opponents . It

1924-655: The Greek Civil War (see Dekemvriana ) in the wake of the retreating German military. This was to be a lengthy and open-ended commitment by the British. The United States stepped in to further help the Greek government against the communist forces in 1947. In 1947, the United States formulated the Truman Doctrine , and began actively supporting a series of authoritarian governments in Greece, Turkey , and Iran in order to ensure that these states did not fall under Soviet influence. In 1945, officer veterans of

1998-487: The Greek Constitution the King could appoint whomever he wanted as prime minister, as long as Parliament endorsed the appointment with a vote of confidence or a general election was called. It was this government, sworn-in during the early evening hours of 21 April, that formalised the coup. It adopted a "Constituent Act", an amendment tantamount to a revolution, cancelling the elections and effectively abolishing

2072-402: The King should declare martial law as the monarchist constitution permitted him. According to Rallis, Constantine was receptive to the idea. According to U.S. diplomat John Day, Washington also worried that Andreas Papandreou would have a very powerful role in the next government, because of his father's old age. According to Robert Keely and John Owens, American diplomats present in Athens at

2146-472: The King's photo or any interviews. During this period, resistance against the colonels' rule became better organized among exiles in Europe and the United States. There was also considerable political infighting within the junta. Still, up until 1973, the junta appeared in firm control of Greece, and not likely to be ousted by violent means. The colonels preferred to call the coup an Ethnosotirios Epanastasis ( Εθνοσωτήριος Επανάστασις , 'revolution to save

2220-593: The Papandreou government for meddling in the investigation of the murder of MP Gregoris Lambrakis . Kollias was little more than a figurehead and real power rested with the army, and especially Papadopoulos, who emerged as the coup's strong man and became Minister to the Presidency of the Government. Other coup members occupied key posts. Up until then constitutional legitimacy had been preserved, since under

2294-610: The Secretary-general of the Ministry of Public Order, came to international prominence in the summer of 1968 when he personally beat up Panayiotis Lambrias, the editor of magazine Eikones for running an article saying that homosexuality was accepted as normal in ancient Greece. When the BBC's Greek service reported the incident, Ladas gave a rant at a press conference, claiming that the BBC was run by homosexuals, making him into

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2368-502: The army generals, who promised him that they would not take any action before the coming elections. However, the proclamations of Andreas Papandreou made them nervous, and they resolved to re-examine their decision after seeing the results of the elections. In 1966, Constantine sent his envoy, Demetrios Bitsios, to Paris on a mission to persuade former prime minister Constantine Karamanlis to return to Greece and resume his prior role in politics. According to uncorroborated claims made by

2442-441: The authoritarian government to come. This same government published and enforced a decree, already proclaimed on radio as the coup was in progress, instituting martial law. Constantine claimed he never signed that decree either. Coup attempt failed [REDACTED] Monarchy loyalists From the outset, the relationship between Constantine and the colonels was an uneasy one. The colonels were not willing to share power, whereas

2516-430: The authority of his and Norstad's word. When, in 1997, the former King reiterated Sulzberger's allegations, Karamanlis stated that he "will not deal with the former king's statements, because both their content and attitude are unworthy of comment". The deposed King's adoption of Sulzberger's claims against Karamanlis was castigated by Greece's left-leaning media, which denounced Karamanlis as "shameless" and "brazen". At

2590-474: The city. At the same time, a large number of small mobile units were dispatched to arrest leading politicians, authority figures, and ordinary citizens suspected of left-wing sympathies, according to lists prepared in advance. One of the first to be arrested was Lieutenant General Grigorios Spandidakis , Commander-in-Chief of the Greek Army . The colonels persuaded Spandidakis to join them, having him activate

2664-574: The civil war ended with the military defeat of the communists in 1949. The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and its ancillary organizations were outlawed ( Law 509/1947 ), and many Communists either fled the country or faced persecution. The CIA and the Greek military began to work together closely, especially after Greece joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization ( NATO ) in 1952. This included notable CIA officers Gust Avrakotos and Clair George . Avrakotos maintained

2738-405: The colonels. All leading politicians, including acting prime minister Panagiotis Kanellopoulos , had been arrested and were held incommunicado by the conspirators. At 6:00 a.m. EET , Papadopoulos announced that eleven articles of the Greek constitution were suspended. One of the consequences of these suspensions was that anyone could be arrested without warrant at any time and brought before

2812-513: The constitution, which would be replaced later. In the meantime, the government was to rule by decree. Since traditionally such Constituent Acts did not need to be signed by the Crown, the King never signed it, permitting him to claim, years later, that he had never signed any document instituting the junta. Critics claim that Constantine II did nothing to prevent the government (and especially his chosen prime minister, Kollias) from legally instituting

2886-536: The counter-coup had failed, Constantine fled Greece on board the royal plane, taking his family and the helpless Kollias with him. They landed in Rome early in the morning of 14 December. Constantine remained in exile during the remainder of military rule. Although he subsequently returned to Greece, the abolition of the monarchy in 1973 removed his status as King. The flight of Constantine and Kollias left Greece with no legal government or head of state. This did not concern

2960-470: The coup and certainly played an important role in the final decision to abolish the monarchy, sanctioned by the 1974 referendum. The only concession the King could achieve was to appoint a civilian as prime minister, rather than Spandidakis. Konstantinos Kollias , a former Attorney General of the Areios Pagos (supreme court), was chosen. He was a well-known royalist and had even been disciplined under

3034-561: The eastern border of Pakistan to the northernmost point in Norway . Greece in particular was seen as being at risk, having experienced a communist insurgency. In particular, the newly founded Hellenic National Intelligence Service (EYP) and the Mountain Raiding Companies (LOK) maintained a very close liaison with their American counterparts. In addition to preparing for a Soviet invasion, they agreed to guard against

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3108-491: The election of the Centre Union 's Georgios Papandreou as prime minister was a sign of change. In a bid to gain more control over the country's government than his limited constitutional powers allowed, the young and inexperienced King Constantine II clashed with liberal reformers. In July 1964, Papandreou announced his intention to fire those officers belonging to IDEA, whom the king did not want dismissed, claiming it

3182-552: The establishment of the Third Hellenic Republic . The 1967 coup and the following seven years of military rule were the culmination of 30 years of national division between the forces of the left and the right , that can be traced to the time of the resistance against Axis occupation of Greece during World War II . Worried by the strength of the communist partisan forces, National Liberation Front and ELAS , Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin drew up

3256-417: The field clear for him to return triumphant to Athens. In the early morning hours of 13 December, the King boarded the royal plane, together with Queen Anne-Marie , their two baby children Princess Alexia and Crown Prince Pavlos , his mother Frederika , and his sister, Princess Irene . Constantine also took with him Prime Minister Kollias. At first, things seemed to be going according to plan. Constantine

3330-505: The former monarch, Karamanlis replied to Bitsios that he would return only if the King imposed martial law, as was his constitutional prerogative. According to Cyrus L. Sulzberger correspondent for The New York Times , Karamanlis flew to New York City to meet with USAF General Lauris Norstad to lobby for a conservative coup that would establish Karamanlis as Greece's leader; Sulzberger alleges that Norstad declined to involve himself in such affairs. Sulzberger's account rests solely on

3404-440: The junta with a new government according to Paul Ioannidis in his book Destiny Prevails: My life with Aristóteles Onassis . Constantine took that as an encouragement to organize a counter-coup, although no direct help or involvement of the U.S. (or Britain) was forthcoming. The King finally decided to launch his counter-coup on 13 December 1967. Since Athens was militarily in the hands of the colonels, Constantine decided to fly to

3478-498: The largest party, but would not be able to form a single-party government and would be forced into an alliance with the United Democratic Left , which was suspected by conservatives of being a proxy for the banned KKE. This possibility was used as a pretext for the coup. Greek historiography and journalists have hypothesized about a "Generals' Coup", a coup that would have been deployed at Constantine's behest under

3552-474: The mandate to form a transitional government. After the metapolitefsi Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the metapolitefsi . Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris . Coup d%27%C3%A9tat of 21 April 1967 The Greek junta or Regime of

3626-559: The military junta. Instead the Revolutionary Council, composed of Pattakos, Papadopoulos, and Makarezos, appointed another member to the military administration, Major General Georgios Zoitakis , as regent . Zoitakis then appointed Papadopoulos as prime minister. This became the only government of Greece following the failure of the King's attempted counter-coup, as Constantine was unwilling to set up an alternative administration in exile. In hopes of giving legal sanction to

3700-510: The month of the coup. The term "Aprilianoi" has become synonymous with the term "dictators of 1974". When the tanks came to the streets of Athens on 21 April, the legitimate National Radical Union government, of which Rallis was a member, asked King Constantine to immediately mobilise the state against the coup; he declined to do so, and swore in a new government in accordance with the putschists' stipulations. The King, who had relented and decided to co-operate, claimed till his death that he

3774-501: The nation'). Their official justification was that a "communist conspiracy" had infiltrated Greece's bureaucracy, academia, press, and military, to such an extent that drastic action was needed to protect the country from communist takeover. Thus, the defining characteristic of the Junta was its staunch anti-communism . They used the term anarchokommounisté ( αναρχοκομμουνισταί , ' anarcho-communist ') to describe leftists in general. In

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3848-536: The newly returned government-in-exile , negating the. Clashes between the communist resistance and the Greek collaborationist Security Battalions , largely recruited as part of an anti-communist effort, during the World War II, led to further post-war political instability. One such was the Battle of Meligalas in 1944, in which partisans court martialled and then executed hundreds of collaborationist fighters and

3922-491: The opposition Centre Union and United Democratic Left accused the government of Karamanlis of massive fraud, did not acknowledge the result, and Centre Union's leader George Papandreou organised massive demonstrations ("uncompromising struggle") and called for new elections. Karamanlis felt gravely insulted and resigned from the Premiership and the leadership of the party. New elections were held in 1963 where ERE lost, and

3996-456: The pretext of combating communist subversion. Before the elections that were scheduled for 28 May 1967, with expectations of a wide Center Union victory, a number of conservative National Radical Union politicians feared that the policies of left-wing Centrists, including Andreas Papandreou (the son of Georgios Papandreou), would lead to a constitutional crisis. One such politician, George Rallis , proposed that, in case of such an "anomaly",

4070-426: The regime deployed extensive propaganda in favour of the new document while muzzling any opposition. Under the new constitution, the regency would continue until elections were held, unless the junta called Constantine back sooner (though Constantine never acknowledged, let alone recognized, the regency). However, the junta announced that the "Revolution of April 21" (as the regime called itself) would need time to reform

4144-420: The regime, the junta drafted a new constitution . It made the military the guardians of "social and political order", with wide autonomy from governmental and parliamentary oversight. It also heavily circumscribed the activities of political parties. The new constitution was approved in a 15 November referendum , with over 92 per cent approval. However, the referendum was conducted in less-than-free circumstances;

4218-640: The scheduled elections, a group of right-wing army officers led by Brigadier Stylianos Pattakos and Colonels George Papadopoulos and Nikolaos Makarezos seized power in a coup d'état . The colonels were able to seize power quickly by using elements of surprise and confusion. Pattakos was the commander of the Armour Training Centre ( Κέντρο Εκπαίδευσης Τεθωρακισμένων , ΚΕΤΘ), based in Athens. The coup leaders placed tanks in strategic positions in Athens , effectively gaining complete control of

4292-423: The small northern city of Kavala , where he hoped to be among troops loyal only to him. The vague plan that Constantine and his advisors had conceived was to form a unit that would invade and take control over Thessaloniki , where an alternative administration would be installed. Constantine hoped that international recognition and internal pressure between the two governments would force the junta to resign, leaving

4366-619: The start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the Omiros resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East , where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II . In November 1945, he served as prime minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in

4440-626: The time Constantine referred exclusively to Sulzberger's account to support the theory of a planned coup by Karamanlis, and made no mention of the alleged 1966 meeting with Bitsios, which he referred to only after both participants had died and could not respond. As it turned out, the constitutional crisis did not originate either from the political parties, or from the Palace, but from middle-rank army putschists . Coup successful [REDACTED] Greek Government [REDACTED] Hellenic Armed Forces On 21 April 1967, just weeks before

4514-464: The time, Constantine asked U.S. Ambassador William Phillips Talbot what the American attitude would be to an extra-parliamentary solution to the problem. To this the embassy responded negatively in principle – adding, however, that, "U.S. reaction to such a move cannot be determined in advance but would depend on circumstances at the time." Constantine denies this. According to Talbot, Constantine met

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4588-486: The traditional values of Orthodoxy (Greek Christianity). One of Papadopoulos' first acts after the coup was to change the pension laws to allow the veterans of the Security Battalions to collect pensions. A central part of the regime's ideology was xenophobia, which presented Greeks as the creators of civilization with the rest of the world jealous of the debts they owed to Greece. Colonel Ioannis Ladas ,

4662-584: The villagers housing them. Right-wing governments from the post-war period until it was ended during the Metapolitefsi continued to commemorate the anniversary as a marker of left-wing violence, and the event has remained a flash-point for generations. In 1944, British prime minister Winston Churchill was determined to halt the Soviet encroachment in the Balkans , and ordered British forces to intervene in

4736-441: The world's preeminent people, but had only declined of inadequate leadership, a problem which had been solved by the "revolution" of 21 April 1967. Ladas claimed that Greece under military leadership would be "cured" of its problems and resume its rightful place in the world. Clogg noted that before the coup, Ladas had been associated with the far-right 4th of August Party , and contributed many articles to that party's journal, which

4810-466: The writings of Georgalas and Konstantopoluos as "pretentious verbiage", claiming that they tended to use elaborate and impressive-sounding language to mask the shallowness of their theories. In essence, intellectuals like Georgalas and Konstantopoulos argued that materialism and consumerism were corroding the spiritual strength of the Greek people, and the military regime would "cure" the Greeks by restoring

4884-427: The young king, like his father before him, was used to playing an active role in politics and would never consent to being a mere figurehead, especially in a military administration. Although the colonels' strong anti-communist, pro-NATO, and pro-Western views appealed to the United States, President Lyndon B. Johnson – in an attempt to avoid an international backlash – told Constantine that it would be best to replace

4958-476: Was a "racist and anti-Semitic" magazine which glorified not only 4 August Regime, but also the Third Reich. The Greek novelist Yiorgos Theotokas once coined the term progonoplexia ( Προγονοπληξία , 'ancestoritis') to describe an obsession with the heritage of the past, which many felt that Papadopoulos and the rest of the junta suffered from. Papadopoulos often described the Greeks in his speeches as

5032-541: Was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union . Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis. His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of

5106-561: Was his royal prerogative to protect the IDEA officers, which in turn led to massive demonstrations in Athens, which had a republican flavour. The king dismissed Papandreou in 1965, causing a constitutional crisis known as the "Apostasia of 1965". After making several attempts to form governments, relying on dissident Centre Union and conservative MPs, Constantine II appointed an interim government under Ioannis Paraskevopoulos , and new elections were called for 28 May 1967. There were many indications that Papandreou's Centre Union would emerge as

5180-466: Was isolated and did not know what else to do. He has since claimed that he was trying to gain time to organise a counter-coup and oust the Junta. He did organise such a counter-coup; however, the fact that the new government had legal sanction, in that it had been appointed by the legitimate head of state, played an important role in the coup's success. The King was later to regret his decision bitterly. For many Greeks, it served to identify him indelibly with

5254-514: Was problematic and interfered too much with the military. The King's portrait remained on coins, in public buildings, etc., but slowly, the military chipped away at the institution of the monarchy: the royal family's tax immunity was abolished, the complex network of royal charities was brought under direct state control, the royal arms were removed from coins, the Navy and Air Force dropped their "Royal" names, and newspapers were prohibited from publishing

5328-494: Was ruled by Georgios Papadopoulos from 1967 to 1973, but an attempt to renew popular support in a 1973 referendum on the monarchy and gradual democratisation by Papadopoulos was ended by another coup by the hardliner Dimitrios Ioannidis . Ioannidis ruled until it fell on 24 July 1974 under the pressure of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus , leading to the Metapolitefsi ("regime change"; Greek : Μεταπολίτευση ) to democracy and

5402-525: Was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974 . Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens , Heidelberg and Munich . Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens . He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου). After

5476-467: Was well received in Kavala, which was under the command of a general loyal to him. The Hellenic Air Force and Navy , both strongly royalist and not involved in the junta, immediately declared for him and mobilised. Another of Constantine's generals effectively cut all communication between Athens and northern Greece. However, Constantine's plans were overly bureaucratic, naïvely supposing that orders from

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