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43-509: The NRA-PVF was established in 1976 as an NRA subsidiary and registered as a political action committee (PAC). The NRA-PVF operates a rating system for political candidates that assesses their support for gun-rights. It also helps its members locate an NRA Election Volunteer Coordinator (EVC) for their area and to register to vote. Until the 1960s, the NRA had often downplayed gun control issues, even backing some minor legislation. With passage of

86-435: A 527 group but that also engages in many nonpolitical activities. Republican / conservative leaning groups are highlighted in pink , Democratic / liberal leaning groups are highlighted in blue . A total of $ 415,784,148 was spent by these organizations alone, $ 214,580,543 of which was spent by Republican/conservative groups and $ 201,203,605 of which was spent by Democratic/liberal groups. Some of these listings identify

129-574: A candidate's character and fitness for office off limits to 527s specifically. In Carey et al. v. FEC – RADM James J. Carey, USN (ret), chairman of the National Defense PAC, along with the PAC and a prospective donor, brought suit after the FEC deadlocked on a 2010 Advisory Opinion Request (see AO 2010-20), in which the PAC sought permission to operate both an independent expenditure PAC and

172-690: A candidate, regardless of whether or not they contained "express advocacy". The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of this provision in McConnell v. Federal Election Commission . Based on that decision, many persons urged the Federal Election Commission (FEC) to use its regulatory power to extend campaign finance laws to cover these groups. The Commission held hearings in April 2004 to determine whether or not 527s should be regulated under campaign finance rules, but concluded that

215-510: A candidate. Thus, organizations could run ads discussing candidates and issues without being subject to campaign finance restrictions, so long as they avoided such express advocacy. The McCain-Feingold law, also known as the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, extended certain campaign finance limitations to broadcast advertisements run within 60 days of a general election or 30 days of a primary election if they mentioned

258-474: A parent organization that has created a 527 group but that also engages in many nonpolitical activities. Democratic / liberal leaning groups are highlighted in blue , Republican / conservative leaning groups are highlighted in pink . A total of $ 303,309,245 was spent by these organizations alone, $ 178,397,267 of which was spent by Democratic/liberal groups and $ 117,112,322 of which was spent by Republican/conservative groups. Some of these listings identify

301-471: A parent organization that has created a 527 group but that also engages in many nonpolitical activities. Democratic / liberal leaning groups are highlighted in blue , Republican / conservative leaning groups are highlighted in pink . A total of $ 439,709,105 was spent by these organizations alone, $ 307,324,096 of which was spent by Democratic/liberal groups and $ 132,385,009 of which was spent by Republican/conservative groups. *Joint Victory Campaign 2004

344-461: A parent organization that has created a 527 group but that also engages in many nonpolitical activities. Democratic/liberal leaning groups are highlighted in blue, Republican/conservative leaning groups are highlighted in pink. A total of $ 171,045,165 was spent by these organizations alone, $ 121,665,587 of which was spent by Democratic/liberal groups and $ 49,379,578 of which was spent by Republican/conservative groups. Some of these listings identify

387-523: A point scale of A+ to F. An NRA "A+" candidate, such as Todd Tiahrt , is one who has "not only an excellent voting record on all critical NRA issues, but who has also made a vigorous effort to promote and defend the Second Amendment", whereas an NRA "F" candidate is a "true enemy of gun owners' rights". Since 2010 the NRA-PVF has taken an increasingly hard line on ratings, with the result that by

430-431: A third classification, independent expenditure-only committees, which are colloquially known as "super PACs". Most of the 4,600 active, registered PACs, named "connected PACs", sometimes also called "corporate PACs", are established by businesses, non-profits, labor unions, trade groups, or health organizations. These PACs receive and raise money from a "restricted class", generally consisting of managers and shareholders in

473-585: A traditional PAC that could make contributions to candidates and was subject to fundraising restrictions. Carey's victory in the court now allows organizations to operate both traditional and "Super" PACs. A February 2010 poll from the Pew Research Center found that 68 percent of Americans disapprove of the Supreme Court's decision to allow corporations to make expenditures on behalf of candidates during elections. Seventeen percent approve of

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516-838: A way dominant parties can capture seats from other parties. A leadership PAC sponsored by an elected official cannot use funds to support that official's own campaign. However, it may fund travel, administrative expenses, consultants, polling, and other non-campaign expenses. In the 2018 election cycle, leadership PACs donated more than $ 67 million to federal candidates. Super PACs, officially known as "independent expenditure-only political action committees," are unlike traditional PACs in that they may raise unlimited amounts from individuals, corporations, unions, and other groups to spend on, for example, ads overtly advocating for or against political candidates. However, they are not allowed to either coordinate with or contribute directly to candidate campaigns or political parties. Super PACs are subject to

559-455: The 2018 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 29,349,895 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: In the 2020 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 28,276,448 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: In the 2022 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 28,051,395 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: In

602-405: The 2024 election , the top ten PACs donated a total of $ 25,995,526 (directly, and via their affiliates and subsidiaries) to federal candidates: 527 organization A 527 organization or 527 group is a type of U.S. tax-exempt organization organized under Section 527 of the U.S. Internal Revenue Code ( 26 U.S.C.   § 527 ). A 527 group is created primarily to influence

645-766: The Federal Election Campaign Act as amended by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (also known as the McCain–Feingold Act). At the state level, an organization becomes a PAC according to the state's election laws . Contributions to PACs from corporate or labor union treasuries are illegal, though these entities may sponsor a PAC and provide financial support for its administration and fundraising. Union-affiliated PACs may solicit contributions only from union members. Independent PACs may solicit contributions from

688-639: The Gun Control Act of 1968 , an increasing number of NRA members, became more involved in gun politics and gun rights. Along with the creation of its lobbying arm, the Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA), with activist Harlon Carter as director, in 1976 the NRA established its non-partisan political action committee (PAC), the Political Victory Fund, in time for the 1976 elections . The NRA-PVF endorsed Ronald Reagan in

731-577: The Progress for America Voter Fund , and the Secretary of State Project . Internal Revenue Code section 527 was enacted as part of Public Law No. 93-625 on January 3, 1975. In the case of Buckley v. Valeo , the U.S. Supreme Court attempted to draw a limit on the extent to which campaign finance laws could regulate speech about politics. The Court's answer was that campaign finance laws could reach only party and candidate committees, organizations with

774-477: The 1980 presidential campaign, the first NRA presidential endorsement. By 1998, the NRA-PVF ranked as "one of the biggest spenders in congressional elections". In the 2004 elections, 95% of the NRA-PVF endorsed federal candidates and 86% of the endorsed state candidates were elected. By 2008, during the elections, the PVF spent millions "on direct campaign donations, independent campaign expenditures and on mobilizing

817-607: The 2020 US elections there was only one Democrat candidate left with a top "A" rating—down from 25% of Democrat candidates in 2010. By 2022, no Democrat received a top grade. Mike Spies, who has been reporting on the gun lobby since 2015, wrote a series called "The Gunfighters", which investigated the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA) on state gun policy and politics. In his March 17, 2016 article published in The Trace , Mike Spies described how

860-678: The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) created rules for disclosure, which made it so all donations received by PACs must go through a central committee maintained by said PAC. Furthermore, it required PACs to file regular reports with the Federal Election Commission(FEC) disclosing anyone who has donated at least $ 200. The Supreme Court has declared unconstitutional limits imposed on PACs by the legislature under First Amendment grounds in many cases, starting with Buckley v. Valeo . Throughout

903-572: The Federal Elections Commission of illegal coordination between the groups and rival political campaigns. These formal complaints included: In 2006 and 2007 the FEC fined a number of organizations, including MoveOn and Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, for violations arising from the 2004 campaign. The FEC's rationale was that these groups had specifically advocated the election or defeat of candidates, thus making them subject to federal regulation and its limits on contributions to

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946-542: The NRA began to use their scoring system to influence judicial nominations. The first attempt was during the confirmation proceedings of Supreme Court justice Sonia Sotomayor in 2009 at the request of Mitch McConnell and again in 2010 with Elena Kagan . In 2011, the NRA opposed Caitlin Halligan 's nomination to the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit and as a result, Senate Republicans blocked her confirmation. In 2016,

989-591: The NRA opposed the nomination of Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court because he did not "respect the individual right to bear arms"—in 2007, Garland had "cast a vote in favor of allowing his court to review a crucial opinion by a three-judge panel that had found D.C.'s handgun ban unconstitutional." This article was cited in The Second Amendment and Gun Control: Freedom, Fear, and the American Constitution which presented both sides of

1032-816: The Public Relations Firm (Advertisers) Ackerman McQueen lawsuit against the NRA, in 2021. In May 2023, Randy Kozuch was named the interim Executive Director of the NRA Chief Lobbyist, who previously worked with the NRA-ILA for almost 30 years. Political action committee In the United States, a political action committee ( PAC ) is a tax-exempt 527 organization that pools campaign contributions from members and donates those funds to campaigns for or against candidates, ballot initiatives , or legislation . The legal term PAC

1075-466: The candidate. Although 527 organizations were in common use by the 1990s, in the wake of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act , which limited the ability of political parties to raise money, 527s rose to much greater prominence and visibility. Swift Boat was one such group, which ran controversial and highly effective ads critical of the 2004 Democratic Party candidate, John Kerry . A reported $ 9.45 million came from just 3 private individuals. On

1118-529: The case of a corporation or members in the case of a non-profit organization, labor union or other interest group. As of January 2009, there were 1,598 registered corporate PACs, 272 related to labor unions and 995 to trade organizations. Groups with an ideological mission, single-issue groups, and members of Congress and other political leaders may form "non-connected PACs". These organizations may accept funds from any individual, connected PAC, or organization. As of January 2009, there were 1,594 non-connected PACs,

1161-410: The debate between those who "favour more gun controls and those who would prefer fewer of them." Chris W. Cox served as the NRA's chief lobbyist and principal political strategist between 2002 and 2019. In this role he also served as the NRA-PVF chairman, and "has directed NRA's electoral efforts at every level." There were some internal disputes that led to Cox's departure. NRA-Watch Group transcribed

1204-747: The election or defeat of a candidate or party. There are no upper limits on contributions to 527s and no restrictions on who may contribute. There are no spending limits imposed on these organizations. The organizations must register with the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), publicly disclose their donors and file periodic reports of contributions and expenditures. Because they may not expressly advocate for specific candidates or coordinate with any candidate's campaign, many 527s are used to raise money to spend on issue advocacy and voter mobilization. Examples of 527s are Swift Boat Veterans for Truth , The Media Fund , America Coming Together ,

1247-418: The expenditures, and 15 percent of respondents said they were unsure. An October 2010 Bloomberg poll found that 47 percent of Americans say they would be less likely to support a political candidate if his campaign was supported by advertising paid for by anonymous business groups. According to the pollster, 41 percent said that it would not matter, and 9 percent said they would be more likely to back

1290-571: The fastest-growing category. Elected officials and political parties cannot give more than the federal limit directly to candidates. However, they can set up a leadership PAC that makes independent expenditures . Provided the expenditure is not coordinated with the other candidate, this type of spending is not limited. Under the FEC (Federal Election Commission) rules, leadership PACs are non-connected PACs, and can accept donations from individuals and other PACs. Since current officeholders have an easier time attracting contributions, Leadership PACs are

1333-585: The general public and must pay their own costs from those funds. Federal multi-candidate PACs may contribute to candidates as follows: In its 2010 case Citizens United v. FEC , the Supreme Court of the United States overturned sections of the Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (also known as the McCain–Feingold Act) that had prohibited corporate and union political independent expenditures in political campaigns. Citizens United declared it

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1376-534: The highlighted details in the deposition that Cox testified in about the revolving details about his departure and resignation as Chairman of the PAC. It was rumored by the New York Times that Cox was interested in plotting a coup of the CEO Wayne Lapierre because of his financial misconduct. However, during Cox's testimony he found it, "not only false, but offensive". His testimony was a part of

1419-472: The law did not cover these independent 527 organizations unless they directly advocated the election or defeat of a candidate or engaged in broadcast advertising mentioning within the 30- and 60-day windows specified by Congress in the McCain-Feingold law. Nevertheless, Federal Election Commission rulings after the 2004 election attempted to extend the reach of the law to advertisements which questioned

1462-534: The liberal side, contributor George Soros contributed $ 23.7 million to 527s, and Peter Lewis of Progressive Insurance contributed another $ 23.2 million to 527s in 2004. Prominent 527s that supported Democrats included America Coming Together , MoveOn.org, and the Media Fund. Under federal election law, coordination between an election campaign and a 527 group is not allowed. The heavy spending of key 527 groups to attack presidential candidates brought complaints to

1505-539: The major purpose of electing candidates, or speech that "expressly advocated" the election or defeat of candidates. The determination of whether a group had the major purpose of electing candidates depended, in turn, on whether "express advocacy" was the group's primary activity. In footnote 6 of the Buckley opinion, the Court limited "express advocacy" to words and phrases such as "Smith for Congress", "elect", "defeat", or other specific calls for action to vote for or against

1548-414: The most aggressive grassroots operation in NRA history." In 2012, NRA-PVF income was $ 14.4 million and expenses were $ 16.1 million. By 2014, the NRA-PVF income rose to $ 21.9 million with expenses of $ 20.7 million. Through the Political Victory Fund, the NRA began to rate political candidates "irrespective of party affiliation—based on voting records, and public statements" on their positions on gun rights on

1591-403: The organizations. Some of these listings identify a parent organization that has created a 527 group but that also engages in many nonpolitical activities. Republican / conservative leaning groups are highlighted in pink , Democratic / liberal leaning groups are highlighted in blue , neutral groups are not highlighted. Some of these listings identify a parent organization that has created

1634-457: The past 30 years, campaign donations from PACs have been increasingly growing, with $ 333 million being raised in 1990 to $ 482 million in 2022. Even with the major growth, PAC contributions only made up 23% of the money raised by House candidates and only 10% for senate candidates, despite media coverage which tends to exaggerate contributions. Federal law formally allows for two types of PACs: connected and non-connected. Judicial decisions added

1677-529: The same organizational, reporting, and public disclosure requirements of traditional PACs. A hybrid PAC (sometimes called a Carey Committee) is similar to a super PAC, but can give limited amounts of money directly to campaigns and committees, while still making independent expenditures in unlimited amounts. OpenSecrets maintains a list of the largest PACs by election cycle on its website OpenSecrets.org. Their list can be filtered by receipts or different types of expenses, political party, and type of PAC. In

1720-522: The selection, nomination , election , appointment or defeat of candidates to federal, state or local public office. Technically, almost all political committees, including state, local, and federal candidate committees, traditional political action committees (PACs), " Super PACs ", and political parties are "527s". However, in common practice the term is usually applied only to such organizations that are not regulated under state or federal campaign finance laws because they do not "expressly advocate" for

1763-448: Was created in pursuit of campaign finance reform in the United States . Democracies of other countries use different terms for the units of campaign spending or spending on political competition (see political finance ). At the U.S. federal level, an organization becomes a PAC when it receives or spends more than $ 1,000 for the purpose of influencing a federal election, and registers with the Federal Election Commission (FEC), according to

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1806-527: Was established after the U.S. Congress prohibited unions from giving direct contributions to political candidates. This restriction was initially imposed in 1907 on corporations through the Tillman Act . The Smith–Connally Act extended its coverage to labor unions in 1943. A series of campaign reform laws enacted during the 1970s facilitated the growth of PACs after these laws allowed corporations, trade associations, and labor unions to form PACs. In 1971

1849-588: Was unconstitutional to prohibit corporations and unions from spending from their general treasuries to promote candidates or from contributing to PACs. It left intact these laws' prohibitions on corporations or unions contributing directly to a candidate or candidate committee. The political action committee emerged from the labor movement of 1943. The first PAC was the CIO-PAC , formed in July 1943 under CIO president Philip Murray and headed by Sidney Hillman . It

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