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The Palang Dharma Party ( Thai : พรรคพลังธรรม , RTGS :  Phak Phalang Tham ; translated as "power of Dharma ", or "moral force", PDP for short) was a Buddhist -inspired political party in Thailand founded by Chamlong Srimuang in 1988, associated with the Santi Asoke sect of Buddhism . The Thai word tham can be used to refer both to "morality", and "dharma", the teachings of Buddhism . Phak Phalang Tham was a political party, not to be confused with its precursor, Ruam Phalang ("collective force"), the campaign group that backed Chamlong Srimuang in the 1985 Bangkok gubernatorial election . To some extent, the PDP evolved into a political party from Ruam Phalang. The latter group was largely made up of Santi Asoke devotees, former Young Turks , and other political activists and community leaders. Many of the PDP's early members were drawn from the ranks of Ruam Phalang.

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66-602: The Palang Dharma Party was founded by Chamlong Srimuang in May 1988. A retired major general and former governor of Bangkok, Chamlong was a devout Buddhist with strong ties to the Santi Asoke sect; he is known for his current vows of chastity, his vegetarianism and his strict adherence to the Eight Precepts of Buddhism. Although Chamlong won the 1985 election for Bangkok governor as an independent backed by Ruam Phalang, in

132-461: A Democrat -led government coalition under Chuan Leekpai , but retired from it in 1995, depriving Chuan of his parliamentary majority and forcing him to resign. This led to several members leaving the party and the leadership was handed over to Prime Minister-to-be Thaksin Shinawatra , an exponent of the pragmatist faction. Already a successful businessman at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra joined

198-464: A Buddhist devotee dressed in white is observing the eight precepts all the time. As for the eighth precept, not sitting or sleeping on luxurious seats or beds, this usually comes down to sleeping on a mat on the floor. Though not specified in the precepts themselves, in Thailand and China, people observing the precepts usually stay in the temple overnight. This is to prevent temptations at home to break

264-495: A dangerous cult that could be dangerous to national security". Underlying this criticism is the implication that having Palang Dharma Party members in parliament would seem to legitimize Santi Asoke, and by extension appear to allow for the creation of a new Thai Buddhist order which would disrupt religious and political stability within the nation. Ultimately, while the Palang Dharma Party's founder Chamrong Srimuang

330-530: A direction increasingly distant from its founding Buddhist-inspired principles, thus further widening the divide between divergent party factions. Thaksin himself, as the face of the Phalang Dharma Party, served to further diminish the party's reputation with the public. Specifically, according to British writer Chris Baker and Thai economist Pasuk Phongpaichit , whereas Chamlong had steered the PDP in

396-513: A full-scale inquisition of the Santi Asoke sect, as orthodox sangha members became involved. Phra Sophon Ganabhorn, the assistant abbot of Wat Bowonniwet , the most prestigious royal temple in Bangkok, denounced Santi Asoke as a potential "threat to the stability of Buddhism in Thailand". The abbot went on to claim that "As a top administrator who could become prime minister in the future, [Chamlong] should not support Santi Asoke, which has introduced

462-550: A sacrifice, whereas the Buddhist and Jain practices were not. Also, according to some scholars, Brahmanism did not migrate to the early Buddhist region till some time after the advent of Buddhism. Instead, Asian religion scholar Benjamin Schonthal and religion scholar Christian Haskett suggest that the Buddhist and Jain practice originate from a common, informal sāmaṇa culture, sāmaṇa (Pāli; Sanskrit : śrāmaṇa ) referring to

528-446: Is a list of moral precepts that are observed by Nuns, or Upāsakas and Upasikās ( lay Buddhists ) on Uposatha (observance days ) and special occasions. They are considered to support meditation practice , and are often observed when staying in monasteries and temples. They include ethical precepts such as refraining from killing any living being, but also more specific ones, such as abstaining from entertainments. The tradition of keeping

594-600: The dasa sil mata in Sri Lanka, observe the eight or ten precepts all the time as part of their way of life. Among the eight precepts, the first precept is about not killing animals. As recorded in the Edicts of Aśoka , there was a custom that he had established not to kill animals on the uposatha days, which indicates that by this time observance of Buddhist uposatha had become a state institution in India. The custom

660-529: The Black May , that led to the resignation of Suchinda. In June 1988, the Palang Dharma Party released a brief "platform policy" document, submitted to the Interior Ministry as part of the required party registration procedures. The majority of the party's policies, presented under five headings in eighteen numbered points, were relatively general in nature; they included "improving the quality of

726-616: The Democrats ' landslide victory as an indicator of voters' demands from the new government: "a prime minister and a good economic team" in the face of economic hard times, a package neatly offered by the Democrats' "cure for economy" campaign pledge. Thaksin went on to say, "What we [the PDP] have done [through Parliament in the past] has been rejected by society. We offered the best we could. We have never done anything bad." That is, in terms of

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792-692: The Pāli language used in Thai ceremonies: In Thailand, when the eight precepts are taken, it is believed that if one of them is broken, they are all broken. In the Pāli tradition, the precepts are described in the Dhammika Sutta , part of the Sutta-Nipāta . In many medieval Chinese texts, the order of the last three items is different, with numbers 6 and 8 switched. In the context of uposatha practice, observing

858-410: The bureaucracy , fighting corruption , decentralizing power, spreading wealth to the countryside, supporting increased employment, and creating a better military". According to Southeast Asian politics specialist Duncan McCargo , there were definite advantages to the "vagueness" of this document. Firstly, the policy program revealed nothing about the wide range of conflicting views that existed within

924-475: The uposatha . The Jain way is criticized as being more focused on outward appearance than substance, and the Buddhist practice is dubbed as genuine moral discipline. The eight precepts are meant to give lay people an impression of what it means to live as a monastic, and the precepts "may function as the thin end of a wedge for attracting some to monastic life". People who are observing the eight precepts are sometimes also addressed differently. The objective of

990-528: The 2000s, the eight precepts were still observed with great strictness, as was noticed by Religion scholar Jonathan Walters in his field research. In Theravāda traditions in the West, the eight precepts are observed as well. 1988 Thai general election General elections were held in Thailand on 24 July 1988. The Thai Nation Party emerged as the largest party, winning 87 of the 357 seats. Voter turnout

1056-536: The Buddha as a model figure. Religion scholar J. H. Bateson and Pāli scholar Shundō Tachibana have argued that the eight precepts may be partly based on pre-Buddhist brahmanical practices ( vrata ) during the fast on the full and new moon, but more recent scholarship has suggested that early Buddhist and Jain uposatha practices did not originate in Brahmanism. The brahmin poṣadha was held in preparation for

1122-545: The Eight Precepts on weekly observance days is still widely practiced in all Theravadin Buddhist countries and communities worldwide. Based on pre-Buddhist sāmaṇa practices, the eight precepts are often upheld on the Buddhist observance days ( Sanskrit : upavasatha, poṣadha, pauṣadha , Pali : uposatha, posaha ), and in such context called the uposatha vows or one-day precepts . In some periods and places

1188-590: The March and September 1992 general elections (41 and 47 seats, respectively), as well as a reasonably healthy number of seats in the July 1995 election (23 seats). After 1992, Chamlong passed on the chairmanship to business tycoon and former Social Action Party politician Boonchu Rojanastien , but remained the party's de facto leader until 1995. After the parliamentary election in September 1992 , Phalang Dharma joined

1254-530: The PDP was obligated to meet the Interior Ministry's party registration standards, including presenting evidence of having reached the legally required minimum of five thousand members belonging to various parts of the country. Such a requirement would have proven difficult, had it not been for the remarkable breadth of Santi Asoke's network of adherents; the required number of signatures was quickly acquired within days, ultimately totaling 10,310 names at

1320-414: The Palang Dharma Party exacerbated existing conflict within the party. Specifically, a great number of PDP members objected to his holding the post of foreign minister, criticizing the appointment of "outsiders" such as new-generation businessmen to cabinet positions. Furthermore, after Chamlong relinquished party leadership to Thaksin in 1995, under the soon-to-be prime minister's leadership, the PDP moved in

1386-488: The Palang Dharma Party in November 1994, taking the post of a Cabinet foreign minister, marking his political debut. Thaksin identified with the "pragmatist" faction of the Palang Dharma Party, as opposed to the "temple" faction largely formed by Santi Asoke devotees such as PDP founder Chamlong Srimuang. Indeed, at the time of his entry to the party, Thaksin's career could have been described as "single-mindedly dedicated to

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1452-481: The burgeoning PDP by linking it heavily to Santi Asoke throughout their 1988 campaign. The Prachakorn Thai Party was well equipped to pursue such a tactic, given the strong, cohesive internal dynamics of the party's experienced campaign team. Their cause resonated with the Parian Tham Association, a conservative Buddhist organization which denounced Santi Asoke's "illegality" (due to its claim that it

1518-416: The direction of "cleaner and more principled politics", "...in the public mind, Thaksin was a concession hunter associated with some of the most flagrant 'money politicians'... and with the corrupt and discredited 1991-2 coup junta." On the subject of the PDP's eventual collapse in 1996 whilst under the leadership of Thaksin, Southeast Asian politics specialist Duncan McCargo writes, "In effect, Thaksin had—in

1584-407: The distribution of observance days. Early Buddhist texts relate that the Buddhist uposatha originated as a response to other contemporary mendicant sects. Specifically, in the Pāli texts of monastic discipline , King Bimbisāra requests the Buddha to establish an uposatha practice, to keep up with competing sects. The Buddha then has the monks assemble every fortnight , and later he also has

1650-592: The eight precepts continuously, even during his life as a politician. He has been a member of the Buddhist Santi Asoke movement, which interprets the eight precepts as eating one vegetarian meal a day. Srimuang's strict life following the precepts has led his friends to call him "half monk–half man". Just like the Santi Asoke, the Thai Dhammakaya Temple emphasizes eight precepts, especially in their training programs. In Sri Lanka, in

1716-427: The eight precepts is described by the Buddha in the early texts as "cleansing of the sullied mind through expedient means" ( Pali : upakkamena ). The Pāli texts describe that one undertakes the eight precepts on the observance days following the example of the enlightened disciples of the Buddha . In the early texts, the Buddha is described as drawing a distinction between the Buddhist and Jain ways of upholding

1782-464: The eight precepts is different from the five in that they are less moral in nature, but more focused on developing meditative concentration , and preventing distractions. Indeed, in Sri Lanka, lay devotees observing the eight precepts are expected to spend much time and effort on meditation, focusing especially on meditation on the parts of the body . This is intended to develop detachment. On regular observance days, Buddhist lay devotees often observe

1848-529: The eight precepts, and helps foster the community effort in upholding the precepts. According to ethicist Damien Keown , the eight precepts were derived from the regulations described in the Brahmajala Sutta , an Early Buddhist Text . Since in this discourse the Buddha describes his own behavior, Keown argues that the eight precepts and several other moral doctrines in Buddhism are derived from

1914-532: The eight precepts. In that context, the eight precepts are also called the uposatha vows (Sanskrit and Pali: upavāsa ; Sanskrit: poṣadhaśīla , Pali: uposatha-sīla ). When laypeople stay in a Buddhist monastery or go on a meditation retreat, they also observe the eight precepts often; they are also upheld during yearly festivals such as Vesak . Presently, the uposatha vows are mostly associated with Theravāda Buddhism in South and Southeast Asia, but it

1980-580: The end, however, beyond the seemingly unifying umbrella cause of "morality" and anti-corruption taken up by the Palang Dharma Party, what ultimately appears to have held the party together, at least for a time, was the tenuous leadership and popularity of Chamlong himself. Throughout its existence, the party suffered from the division between the Santi Asoke members like Chamlong who intransigently insisted on their principles and rejected compromise (the so-called "temple" faction), and its pragmatic faction of secular politicians who wanted to advance their careers and

2046-404: The fact that Chamlong himself refrained from running for a seat in the 1988 election did nothing to improve the public's early impressions of the fledgling political party. Lastly, prior to the election, a number of prominent "moral" figures, including Police Colonel Seri Temiyavej, withdrew their potential candidacies, further weakening the PDP's party base. Nevertheless, Chamlong's popularity and

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2112-431: The first time members of the Palang Dharma Party would run for elective office since the party's creation only two months prior. Although hesitant at first to endorse the creation of the Palang Dharma Party publicly, as the election approached, Santi Asoke members, including the Buddhist sect's founder, Phra Phothirak, showed their support for the party in a number of ways. For one, in order be recognized as an official party,

2178-526: The following years Chamlong's political future seemed to be increasingly compromised by his lack of backing by a formal political party. Ahead of the 1988 general election, he founded the Palang Dharma Party, although only after gaining the approval of an initially reluctant Phra Photirak, the founder and leader of the Santi Asoke Buddhist sect. As the election day approached, Santi Asoke members, including Photirak, provided out massive support for

2244-515: The freedom to make policies as they saw fit down the road. More significant than the Palang Dharma Party's policies themselves, however, was its Buddhist-inspired ideology of "virtuous politics". The Palang Dharma Pledge, which could be found in Palang Dharma's policy booklet, outlined four objectives: to act only "in accordance with morality", to refrain from vote-buying, not to lie, and not to aspire to political office. According to Chamlong,

2310-561: The large number of candidates put forth by the Palang Dharma Party appeared to endanger the positions of already-established political parties in the Thai Parliament. For the Prachakorn Thai Party leader Samak Sundaravej in particular, the rise of the PDP posed a direct threat to Samak's prime ministerial aspirations. Thus as part of their election strategy, Samak and his Prachakorn Thai Party attempted to discredit

2376-561: The late 19th century in Sri Lanka, there was a renewed interest in the tradition of observing the eight precepts, during the time of the Buddhist revival . This was mostly because of the influence of Anagarika Dharmapāla (1864–1933), who observed the ten precepts (similar to the eight) continuously, maintaining a status between lay person and monk. The interest was further fostered by campaigns emphasizing Buddhist religious practice on traditional observance days . The Thai politician Chamlong Srimuang (b. 1935) has been known for observing

2442-442: The latter remark, Palang Dharma had supposedly "always gone by the ethics, never bought votes and none of its ministers have ever been cited for corruption". Following his resignation, Thaksin expressed his belief that the PDP would remain struggling for continued existence and growth due to "its own limitations caused by its strict adherence to principles". Specifically, while the former party leader professed having great respect for

2508-420: The latter's undoing in the 1988 election campaign. Political opponents exploited this connection, pointing to "slip-ups" such as that of Dokya , the Santi Asoke magazine, which had labeled the emerging PDP as a "golden dream" and had quoted Phothirak as having said "religion and politics were one and the same". By this point, what had begun as a campaign strategy to discredit Chamlong and his PDP had escalated into

2574-445: The main purposes of the half-day fast is to lessen desire, improve fitness and strength, and decrease sleepiness. Historically, Chinese Buddhists have interpreted the eight precepts as including vegetarianism. The seventh precept is sometimes also interpreted to mean not wearing colorful clothes, which has led to a tradition for people to wear plain white when observing the eight precepts. This does not necessarily mean, however, that

2640-421: The monks teach lay people and recite the monastic code of discipline on the same days. Many of these practices were consciously borrowed from other sāmaṇa sects, as the uposatha ceremony became part of a wide program by the Buddha to make the spiritual practice of his followers "unique, disciplined and sincere". In 6th-century Korea, the eight precepts came to be associated with worship of Maitreya , due to

2706-424: The new political party. Chamlong founded the party in an attempt to "purify" Thai politics, as rampant corruption was often used to justify military coups d'état . With the Palang Dharma Party, a new type of politics was introduced to Thailand. The party's program was based on Buddhist principles. However the popularity of its leader contributed more to the party's success than its political platform. Palang Dharma

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2772-461: The non- Vedic religious movement current at the time of early Buddhism and Jainism. They base their argument on textual evidence that Jain and other samana also upheld uposatha practices. Finally, an earlier, less well-known theory by Indologist Jean Przyluski proposes a Babylonian origin. Przyluski argued that the lunar calendar followed in Buddhist uposatha practice was more likely to be based on Neo-Babylonian influence than Vedic, based on

2838-551: The party declined. By 1996, the Palang Dharma Party had fallen into near-total collapse due to factional conflicts within the party. The final decisive blow was struck in the November 1996 election , in which the PDP managed to procure only a single parliamentary seat, a devastating result compared to its respectable 23 seats won in the last election of July 1995. Almost immediately following the PDP's sobering electoral defeat, party leader Thaksin resigned from his top position. He cited

2904-419: The party's influence. The "temple faction", or "believers", fundamentally rejected the role of money in Thai politics, but advocated self-sacrifice, hard work, sincerity and morality, even if this should mean to confine the role of the party to one of a minor, uninfluential, oppositional party. The secular faction, or "careerists", on the other hand were convinced that, in order to lead the country's development in

2970-524: The political establishment, as represented by Palang Dharma, and Chamlong's campaign for "clean politics" can be seen as one of the factors that led to the 1998 constitutional change. On 14 July 1998, Thaksin launched the Thai Rak Thai Party , which was joined by many former Phalang Dharma leaders. Eight Precepts In Buddhism , the Eight Precepts ( Sanskrit : aṣṭāṇga-śīla or aṣṭā-sīla , Pali : aṭṭhaṅga-sīla or aṭṭha-sīla )

3036-405: The political party, even upon its founding; that is, certain members' preferences for European-style democratic elements, the "village socialism " favored by Santi Asoke devotees, or the "ethical capitalism " supported by the more successful business-minded members. Furthermore, the lack of clearly delineated and specific policy promises in the Palang Dharma's publications gave elected party members

3102-419: The precepts were widely observed, such as in 7th–10th-century China by government officials. In modern times, there have been revival movements and important political figures that have observed them continuously. The first five of the eight precepts are similar to the five precepts , that is, to refrain from killing living beings, stealing, damaging speech, and to abstain from intoxicating drink or drugs, but

3168-434: The purpose of the party was not to serve its members' personal desires to further their political careers, but rather to set an example "which might inspire the formation of other parties with similar principles, leading to a radical change in Thai political culture". Specifically, in terms of social policies, Palang Dharma hoped to encourage people "to lead clean, diligent, frugal, honest, and self-sacrificing daily lives". In

3234-417: The pursuit of wealth", standing in stark opposition to that of "temple" faction party members who practiced lifestyles of thrift and moderation. Despite their apparent differences with Chamlong's religious principles, Thaksin as well as other wealthy "new-generation Bangkok businessmen" were reputedly drawn to the PDP due to its anti-corruption agenda and its promotion of "new-style" politics. Thaksin's joining

3300-439: The right direction, the party had to expand, to invite capable professionals and business people, to forge alliances and to join the government. The "temple faction" deemed the pragmatists to be opportunistic and suspected them of capitalising on the good reputation of the party and its founder. The "careerists" again considered the "believers" naive, out of touch with reality and unelectable if standing alone. Party leader Chamlong

3366-409: The running. Chamlong had won the public over in the 1985 Bangkok gubernatorial election with his memorable and impressive ascetic Buddhist lifestyle, convincing voters of his sincerity, integrity, and modesty. Constituents admired the ethics of the former major general who, as a successful individual and well-known public figure, had given up his worldly possessions in order to live in a way that won over

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3432-512: The space of twelve months—destroyed the bulk of the political 'credit' built up by Chamlong and the Phalang Tham over eleven years of hard work in the capital. Phalang Tham had become part of the problem with Thai politics, rather than part of the solution." Under Thaksin the party moved away from religious policies and joined the coalition government of Banharn Silpa-archa , in which Thaksin served as deputy prime minister. From that time on,

3498-486: The third precept is abstinence of all sexual activity instead of refraining from sexual offenses. The final three precepts are to abstain from eating at the wrong time (after midday); to abstain from entertainment such as dancing, singing, music, watching shows, as well as to abstain from wearing garlands, perfumes, cosmetics, and personal adornments; and to abstain from luxurious seats and beds. To summarise, following anthropologist Barend Jan Terwiel 's translation from

3564-468: The time of submission. In addition, the Palang Dharma Party chose to vie for over 300 parliamentary seats, a greater number than any other party at the time. Close to half of the PDP candidates selected to run were Santi Asoke followers. Unlike those who belonged to Ruam Phalang in 1985, the newly created PDP's members in 1988 were not simply campaigning on behalf of Chamlong; that is, a single charismatic personality. Rather, they themselves were candidates in

3630-431: The underlying ideology of the PDP, he believed it nevertheless failed to "adjust its thinking to keep up with the modern world", having found the party to be "too innocent", "disorganized", and "backward looking" in his time at the PDP's helm. Chamlong ran again for governor of Bangkok in 1996 , but lost and left politics. Despite the political ground lost by the PDP in 1996 and in the following years, Buddhist criticism of

3696-403: The urban poor. In comparison, these new Palang Dharma candidates who presented themselves in "peasant garb", promoted chastity and vegetarianism, and denounced materialistic temptations were initially perceived by some of the electorate as "oddities, people out of sympathy with ordinary needs and popular opinion" who had left behind "normal" Thai society in their moral quest for purity. In addition,

3762-421: The wisdom of the Buddha." Observance does not need to be temporary, however: some lay devotees choose to undertake the eight precepts continuously to improve themselves in morality. The eight precepts are also undertaken by people preparing for ordination as a monk, sometimes called anagarika in Pāli or pha khao in Thai. Furthermore, many nuns in Buddhist countries, such as the mae chi in Thailand or

3828-415: The work of Hyeryang, a Korean monk that wrote a tract about these matters. In 7th–10th-century China, government officials would often observe the eight precepts for one or more months a year, during which they often invited monks to teach them at home. On the same months that were designated for such religious observance, called the chai , the government also refrained from executing death penalties. In

3894-808: Was 64%. Leaders of the top five elected political parties, consisting of the Thai Nation Party , the Social Action Party , the Democrat Party , the Ruam Thai Party and the Thai Citizen Party , discussed forming a government. All agreed that General Prem Tinsulanonda , the incumbent prime minister, should continue in office, and met with him his residence at Ban Si Sao Thewet on the evening of 27 July. However, Tinsulanonda refused to serve as prime minister for

3960-464: Was a Santi Asoke follower. The other thirteen MPs were elected on the basis of other, more "traditional" reasons: they had previous parliamentary experience, they held high positions in the military, they were medical doctors or had a PhD, etc. In the following years the Palang Dharma Party would grow in popularity, especially within Bangkok, due in great part to the continued popularity of its founder. The PDP would go on to win admirable victories in both

4026-597: Was a widespread practice in China as well, and is still practiced. In practice, in Theravāda traditions, the precepts are mostly observed by faithful devotees above 40 years of age. Since the eight precepts are often observed for one day, they are also known as the one-day precepts . Sometimes a formula is recited confirming the observance for one day (and one night): "I undertake to observe in harmony during this day and this night these eight precepts that have been designed by

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4092-493: Was able to use this factionalism to his benefit. He played off the factions against each other to defend and stabilize his own top position. He presented convincing, reasonable professionals as the party's figureheads, while the "temple faction" embodied the party's conscience and sought to tame some representatives' ambitions. Chamlong impinged upon the party's leadership elections, and threatened to resign when he felt his authority challenged. The July 1988 general election marked

4158-549: Was most strictly observed on the full moon and the day following. The third precept is about maintaining chastity. Buddhist tradition therefore requires lay people to be chaste on observance days, which is similar to the historical Indian tradition of being chaste on parvan days. As for the sixth rule, this means not having food after midday, with an allowance for fluids, in imitation of a nearly identical rule for monks. Physician Ming-Jun Hung and his co-authors have analyzed early and medieval Chinese Buddhist Texts and argue that

4224-411: Was not under the jurisdiction of sangha authority) and the sect's ties to the Palang Dharma Party. In June 1988, a Prachakorn Thai Party member admitted that his party had aided the organization in printing and distributing around 50,000 leaflets which condemned the PDP throughout Bangkok . Unfortunately, the fact Santi Asoke had made no secret of its affiliation with the Palang Dharma Party proved to be

4290-579: Was particularly popular with the urban middle-class in the Bangkok region . There it won 49 out of 55 seats in the 1990 elections for the Bangkok City Council and 32 out of 35 seats in the 1992 parliamentary election . Palang Dharma became a major force in Thai politics during the early-1990s. Its leader Chamlong was a key figure in the 1992 middle class protests against the military rule of Prime Minister Suchinda Kraprayoon , commonly known as

4356-477: Was successful in winning Bangkok governorship in 1985 on his anti-corruption and Buddhist principles-inspired platform, the PDP was not as fortunate in its 1988 general election results. Of 357 total seats in Parliament, the PDP won only 14; that is, 3.9 percent of the available seats. Testifying to the effects of the harmful press against Santi Asoke, of the few newly elected PDP members of parliament , only one

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