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57-604: The party was founded in 1910. Its main leader and spokesman was Dr Emilio Frugoni , a prominent advocate of socialist ideas in Uruguay. Its central organ was the newspaper Germinal , later superseded by El Sol . The party was a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1932 and 1940. In 1951 it joined the Socialist International , which it later left in 1960, and rejoined it in 1999. In 2017

114-733: A Party agreement on its position towards the October Revolution and Bolshevism . In the 1921 Congress, the PS voted to join the Comintern , and turned itself into the Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU); Frugoni refused to adhere to the party line , and refounded the PS as a non- communist group. In the 1928 elections, the PCU obtained 3,911 votes, and the PS 2,931. He became an opponent of authoritarian President Gabriel Terra in

171-439: A democracy). Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances. Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term. According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights from

228-543: A harsh critic of Soviet policies. In La Esfinge Roja (1948), the book containing his experiences, he wrote: In January 1963, he left the PS over internal disagreements, and created Movimiento Socialista, with which he ran in the elections of 1966. In 1966, he authored an Open Letter to the Socialists ; among other things, it stated that " an electoral campaign is nowadays an economical adventure ", and showed Frugoni's willingness to contribute his personal wealth. When

285-409: A high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power." Competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e.

342-422: A lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses. Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as coup-proofing (structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to

399-538: A means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy. While authoritarian regimes invest considerably in propaganda out of a belief that it enhances regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as to whether propaganda is effective. Andrew J. Nathan notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over- centralization of decision making, and

456-585: A member of Socialist Party of Uruguay, for the 2019 general election . Martinez arrived first at the first turn, but was defeated in the run-off by Luis Alberto Lacalle Pou of the National Party (also endorsed by Colorado Party and Open Cabildo ). For the first time in 15 years, the Broad Front was defeated at the polls. The party also lost its majority and in the Chamber of Representatives and

513-628: A region. A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories. A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders. A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes;

570-579: A strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups." Examples include Argentina under Juan Perón , Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro . A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories: Lai and Slater argue that single-party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization , patronage networks and coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing

627-749: A variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church , Falange , monarchists , technocrats and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support. According to Juan Linz the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a totalitarian one is that an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization while totalitarianism seeks to control and use them. Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on

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684-541: A variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice). Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes. An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate

741-479: A way that reinforces their power. Authoritarian legislatures, for example, are forums through which leaders may enhance their bases of support, share power, and monitor elites. Additionally, authoritarian party systems are extremely unstable and unconducive to party development, largely due to monopolistic patterns of authority. Judiciaries may be present in authoritarian states where they serve to repress political challengers, institutionalize punishment, and undermine

798-670: Is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties and little tolerance for meaningful opposition . A range of social controls also attempt to stifle civil society while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces , a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance through various means of socialization and indoctrination. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart identify authoritarianism in politicians and political parties by looking for values of security, conformity, and obedience. Authoritarianism

855-454: Is a political system characterized by the rejection of political plurality , the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo , and reductions in democracy , separation of powers , civil liberties , and the rule of law . Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon

912-581: Is a label used by various political scientists to characterize the most tyrannical strain of authoritarian systems; in which the ruling elite, often subservient to a dictator , exert near-total control of the social, political, economic, cultural and religious aspects of society in the territories under its governance. Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of

969-499: Is generally only regarding grievances that do not undermine the stability of the regime. An illiberal democracy , or procedural democracy , is distinguished from liberal democracy , or substantive democracy , in that illiberal democracies lack features such as the rule of law , protections for minority groups , an independent judiciary and the real separation of powers . A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research has extended

1026-404: Is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler or ruling party (often in a one-party state ) or other authority. The transition from an authoritarian system to a more democratic form of government is referred to as democratization . Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions . Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve

1083-682: The Senate , while remaining the largest party in the General Assembly. Due to its membership in the Broad Front , the party has endorsed the candidates of other parties on several occasions. Presidential elections in Uruguay are held using a two-round system , the results of which are displayed below. This article about a political party in Uruguay is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Emilio Frugoni Emilio Frugoni Queirolo (March 30, 1880 – August 28, 1969)

1140-459: The World Bank suggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the prevalence of corruption and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press are all associated with lower corruption. A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom . The nations with

1197-621: The 1930s, and was imprisoned, then exiled. Elected deputy in 1934, he had opposed the dictatorship enforced by the legislature, and, upon the swearing in of Terra, declared: He walked out of the Parliament to the PS headquarters as the former was stormed by police forces. In 1942, Frugoni was named Uruguay's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Soviet Union by President Juan José de Amézaga . He resigned his position in 1946 and returned to Montevideo, as he had become

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1254-542: The 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime. In 2020, almost half of all authoritarian systems had multi-party governments. Cabinet appointments by an authoritarian regime to outsiders can consolidate their rule by dividing

1311-491: The Southern United States after Reconstruction , as well as areas of contemporary Argentina and Mexico. Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of

1368-483: The authoritarian regime. Adam Przeworski has challenged this, noting that while authoritarian regimes do take actions that serve to enhance regime survival, they also engage in mundane everyday governance and their subjects do not hold a posture towards the regime at all moments of their life. He writes, "People in autocracies do not incessantly live under the shadow of dramatic historical events; they lead everyday routine lives." Similarly, Thomas Pepinsky has challenged

1425-653: The authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the legitimacy of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse. One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party which has been unusually resilient among authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in

1482-716: The authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler." According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship. According to Yale professor Juan José Linz there a three main types of political regimes today: democracies , totalitarian regimes and, sitting between these two, authoritarian regimes (with hybrid regimes ). According to University of Michigan professor Dan Slater, modern forms of authoritarianism are fundamentally dissimilar from historical forms of nondemocratic rule. He links modern authoritarianism to

1539-571: The beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations. Authoritarian regimes typically incorporate similar political institutions to that of democratic regimes, such as legislatures and judiciaries, although they may serve different purposes. Democratic regimes are marked by institutions that are essential to economic development and individual freedom, including representative legislatures and competitive political parties. Most authoritarian regimes embrace these political structures, but use it in

1596-445: The common mental image of an authoritarian state as one of grim totalitarianism, desperate hardship, strict censorship, and dictatorial orders of murder, torture and disappearances. He writes, "life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable." Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in authoritarian states because of

1653-497: The concept to that of hybrid regimes . Scholars such as Seymour Lipset , Carles Boix, Susan Stokes , Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into

1710-438: The drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail – and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian constitutionalist state, and connects

1767-574: The era of mass politics , which began with the French Revolution . Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others. Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes: According to Barbara Geddes , there are seven typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes, military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of

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1824-406: The exclusion of potential or supposed challengers by armed force. It uses political parties and mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime. Adam Przeworski has theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity." Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power , a leadership that

1881-540: The existence of left-wing authoritarianism as a psychological construct has been criticised, a study found evidence for both left-wing and right-wing authoritarianism. Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic elements. Authoritarian regimes may also be partly responsive to citizen grievances, although this

1938-636: The first three. Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz are corporatist or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian. Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are more personalistic or populist . Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules." Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which

1995-535: The freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse). Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist. Totalitarianism

2052-432: The government and the opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections. Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections. Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until

2109-539: The government of Jorge Pacheco Areco outlawed the PS and closed down El Sol and the PS headquarters ( La Casa del Pueblo ), Frugoni rejected the possibility that the patrimony could pass to the Movimiento Socialista. After his death, the Movimiento Socialista entered a tight alliance with the PS; nowadays, Frugoni's political thought is integrated in the party line of the PS. Authoritarianism List of forms of government Authoritarianism

2166-406: The implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts. Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting. According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in

2223-1205: The least terrorism are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism." Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies." A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties. Magen also stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013. Within national democratic governments, there may be subnational authoritarian enclaves. A prominent examples of this includes

2280-463: The mid-1970s but declined from then until the year 2000. Prior to 2000, dictatorships typically began with a coup and replaced a pre-existing authoritarian regime. Since 2000, dictatorships are most likely to begin through democratic backsliding whereby a democratically elected leader established an authoritarian regime. Authoritarianism is characterized by highly concentrated and centralized government power maintained by political repression and

2337-651: The modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power). He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do not arbitrarily arrest , political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as

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2394-424: The new Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir Lenin as a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state. The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet . Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ("the sort familiar in

2451-407: The opposition and co-opting outsiders. Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include: The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts. Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby

2508-572: The party once again withdrew from the Socialist International and joined the Progressive Alliance . In 1971, the party was one of the founding members of the Broad Front , a left-wing coalition than won the 2004 election , 2009 election and 2014 election , also electing one of its affiliates, Tabaré Vázquez , as president. It is currently led by Gonzalo Civila. The Broad Front supported Daniel Martinez ,

2565-545: The political fighting in 1904, and rose to the rank of Lieutenant . Upon the end of the conflict, he decided to, in his own words: In December 1904, Frugoni wrote his Profesión de fe socialista ("Socialist Testimonial") - which was partly published in the newspaper El Día . This was the start of a process leading to the creation of the PS. A while after that, he commented in his El Socialismo no es la violencia, ni el despojo, ni el reparto ("Socialism Is Not Violence, Nor Plunder, Nor Redistribution "): In 1920, he demanded

2622-436: The predominance of personal power over institutional norms. ... Few authoritarian regimes – be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist – have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions." Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that

2679-488: The promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large." Some scholars have challenged notions that authoritarian states are inherently brittle systems that require repression and propaganda to make people comply with

2736-415: The proportion of authoritarian regimes with elections and support parties has risen in recent years. This is largely due to the increasing popularity of democracies and electoral autocracies, leading authoritarian regimes to imitate democratic regimes in hopes of receiving foreign aid and dodging criticism. According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to

2793-411: The regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements." Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior. The Soviet Russia Constitution of 1918 , the first charter of

2850-714: The regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single-party regimes. John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism and collectivism , asserting that both stand in opposition to individualism . Duckitt writes that both authoritarianism and collectivism submerge individual rights and goals to group goals, expectations and conformities . According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created in social revolutions are far more durable than other kinds of authoritarian regimes. While

2907-408: The regular military; and developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another. Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring and reduce the likelihood of mass protests. However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness, and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract. A 2016 study shows that

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2964-727: The rule of a party or the military . States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", " hybrid regimes " or "competitive authoritarian" states. The political scientist Juan Linz , in an influential 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain , defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities: Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections to legislatures , free and competitive direct or indirect elections for executives , or both. Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack human rights such as freedom of religion , or countries in which

3021-539: The rule of law. Democratic and authoritarian arguably differ most prominently in their elections. Democratic elections are generally inclusive, competitive, and fair. In most instances, the elected leader is appointed to act on behalf of the general will. Authoritarian elections, on the other hand, are frequently subject to fraud and extreme constraints on the participation of opposing parties. Autocratic leaders employ tactics like murdering political opposition and paying election monitors to ensure victory. Despite this,

3078-626: The ruler has to maintain the support of other elites (frequently through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass public. According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman , authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as

3135-466: The state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents." The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime that emerged during and after the Cold War . Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without

3192-422: The theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars (sometimes called militarized interstate disputes ) causing fewer battle deaths with one another and that democracies have far fewer civil wars . Research shows that the democratic nations have much less democide or murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before applying liberal democratic policies. Research by

3249-525: Was a Uruguayan socialist politician, lawyer, poet, essayist, and journalist. He founded the Socialist Party of Uruguay (PS) in 1910 and was its first general secretary, as well as its first representative in the Chamber of Deputies . Born in Montevideo as one of the four children of Don Domingo Frugoni and Doña Josefina Queirolo, Emilio Frugoni joined José Batlle y Ordóñez 's camp during

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