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82-680: Veves should not be confused with the patipembas used in Palo , nor the pontos riscados used in Umbanda and Quimbanda , as these are separate African religions. Possible origins include the cosmogram of the Kongo people , or originated as the Nsibidi system of writing for the Igboid and Ekoid languages from West and Central Africa . According to Milo Rigaud, "The veves represent figures of

164-736: A nfumbe (or nfumbi ), a term deriving from the Kikongo word for a deceased individual, mvumbi . Alternative terms used for the dead in Palo include the Yoruba term eggun , or Spanish words like el muerto ("the dead") or, more rarely, espíritu ("spirit"). Practitioners will sometimes refer to themselves, as living persons, as the "walking dead". In Palo, the dead are often viewed as what Ochoa called "a dense and indistinguishable mass" rather than as discrete individuals, and in this collective sense they are often termed Kalunga . Palo teaches that

246-467: A nganga once they are passed the age of menopause , decades after their male contemporaries. Gay men are often excluded from Palo, and observers have reported high levels of homophobia within the tradition, in contrast to the large numbers of gay men involved in Santería. Palo is an initiatory religion. Rather than being practised openly, its practices are typically secretive, but revolve around

328-477: A walking cane , to indicate his jolly grandpa-like demeanor. The illustration also features coded images that reflect the matrilineal and patrilineal culture of the artist, providing information about their ancestral lineage. Offerings will typically be given; in Louisiana Voodoo , this would entail a cup of coffee and/or candies associated with the spirit. The spirit is generally meant to be invoked in

410-405: A Palo practitioner travels to a graveyard at night. There, they focus on a specific grave and seek to communicate with the spirit of the person buried there, typically through divination. Following negotiations, they create a trata (pact) with the spirit, whereby the latter agrees to serve the practitioner in exchange for promises of offerings. Once they believe that they have the spirit's consent,

492-503: A belief in the historical Kingdom of Kongo as Palo's place of origin, a place where the spirits are more powerful. There is no central authority in control of Palo, but separate groups of practitioners who operate autonomously. It is largely transmitted orally, and has no sacred text , nor any systematized doctrine. There is thus no overarching orthodoxy , and no strict ritual protocol, giving its practitioners scope for innovation and change. Different practitioners often interpret

574-474: A broom or whip. When a practitioner dies, their nganga may be disassembled if it is believed that the inhabiting nfumbi refuses to serve anyone else and wishes to be set free. The nganga may then be buried beneath a tree, placed into a river or the sea, or buried with the deceased initiate. Alternatively, Palo teaches that the nganga may desire a new keeper, thus being inherited by another practitioner. Palo teaches deference to teachers, elders, and

656-562: A common notion is that the keeper becomes like their nganga . A practitioner may receive their own nganga only once they have reached a certain level of seniority in the tradition, and the highest-ranking members may have multiple ngangas , some of which they have inherited from their own teachers. Some practitioners will consult a nganga to help them make decisions in life, deeming it omniscient . The nganga desires its keeper's attention; initiates believe that they often become jealous and possessive of their keepers. Ochoa characterised

738-652: A day of its creation, Palo custom holds that it must be fed with animal blood. Some practitioners will then bury the nganga , either in a cemetery or natural area, before recovering it for use in their rituals. [The nganga ] mediates and concretizes a mystical relationship between the spirit and its human counterpart, a relationship often described as a pact or bargain entered into ( pacto , trata ) and surrounded not by images of domestic nurturance, reciprocal exchange, and beneficial dependence, but by symbols of wage labor and payment, dominance and subalternity, enslavement and revolt. — Historian Stefan Palmié The nganga

820-516: A full mythology , its worldview includes a supreme creator divinity, Nsambi or Sambia. In the religion's mythology, Nsambi is believed responsible for creating the world and the first man and woman. This entity is regarded as being remote and inaccessible from humanity, and thus no prayers or sacrifices are directed towards it. The anthropologist Todd Ramón Ochoa, an initiate of Palo Briyumba, describes Nsambi as "the power in matter that pushes back against human manipulation and imposes itself against

902-412: A neophyte is being initiated, to help seal the pact between them. It is feared that a nganga that develops a taste for human blood will continually demand it, ultimately killing its keeper. As well as blood, the nganga will be offered food and tobacco, fumigated with cigar smoke and aspirated with cane liquor, often sprayed onto it by mouth. Initiates follow a specific etiquette when engaging with

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984-456: A non-Christian, although not necessarily of a Jew. Sometimes, the bones of a criminal or mad person are deliberately sought. Those observing Palo during the 1990s, including Ochoa and the medical anthropologist Johann Wedel, noted that judía ngangas were then rare. Many practitioners maintain that the two types of nganga should be kept separate to stop them fighting. Unlike ngangas cristianas , which only receive their keeper's blood at

1066-558: A person's will". In the context of Afro-Cuban religion, Nsambi has been compared to Olofi in Santería and Abasí in Abakuá. In Palo, veneration is directed towards ancestors and spirits of the natural world, both of which are called mpungus . According to the anthropologist Katerina Kerestetzi, a mpungu represents "a sort of minor divinity". Each mpungu commonly has its own names and epithets, and may display multiple aspects or manifestations, each with their own specific names. Among

1148-422: A piece of clothing from a grave may suffice. Practitioners will often claim that their nganga contains human remains even if it does not. The most important body part for this purpose is the skull, called the kiyumba . The human bones are termed the nfumbe , a Palo Kikongo word meaning "dead one"; it characterises both the bones themselves and the dead person they belonged to. Bones are selected judiciously;

1230-447: A praise house is usually someone who has previously consulted a palero or palera to request their aid, for instance in the area of health, love, property, or money, or in the fear that they have been bewitched. The Palo practitioner may suggest that the client's misfortunes result from their bad relationship with the spirits of the dead, and that this can be improved by receiving initiation into Palo. New initiates are called ngueyos ,

1312-406: A special handshake in which their right thumbs are locked together and the palms meet. Palo is organized around autonomous initiatory groups. Each of these groups is called a munanso congo ("Kongo House"), or sometimes a casa templo ("temple house"). Ochoa rendered this as "praise house". Their gatherings for ceremonies are supposed to be kept secret. Practitioners sometimes seek to protect

1394-474: A spirit-vessel called the nganga , a term which in Central Africa referred not to an object but to a man who oversaw religious rituals. This spirit-vessel is also commonly known as the prenda , a Spanish term meaning "treasure" or "jewel". Alternative terms that are sometimes used for it are el brujo (the sorcerer), the caldero (cauldron), or the cazuela (pot), while a small, portable version

1476-420: A structure in their backyard. This may be decorated in a way that alludes to the forest, for instance with the remains of animal species that live in forest areas, as the latter are deemed abodes of the spirits. When an individual practices both Palo and Santería, they typically keep the spirit-vessels of the respective traditions separate, in different rooms. Terms like nganga and prenda designate not only

1558-615: A term meaning "child" in the Palo Kikongo language. In the Briyumba and Monte traditions, new initiates are also known as pinos nuevos ("saplings"). Ngueyos may attend feasts for the praise house's nganga , to which they are expected to contribute, and may seek advice from it, but they will not receive their own personal nganga nor attend initiation ceremonies for the higher grades. Many practitioners are content to remain at this level and do not pursue further initiation to reach

1640-516: A wide range of objects, among the most important being sticks and human remains, the latter called nfumbe . In Palo, the presence of the nfumbe means that the spirit of that dead person inhabits the nganga and serves the palero or palera who possesses it. The Palo practitioner commands the nganga to do their bidding, typically to heal but also to cause harm. Those nganga primarily designed for benevolent acts are baptised; those largely designed for malevolent acts are left unbaptised. The nganga

1722-476: A world-embracing religion, rather than a world-renouncing one. Both men and women are allowed to practice Palo. While women can hold the religion's most senior positions, most praise houses in Havana are run by men, and an attitude of machismo is common among Palo groups. Ochoa thought that Palo could be described as patriarchal , and the scholar of religion Mary Ann Clark encountered many women who deemed

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1804-559: Is mayomberos . Another term applied to Palo practitioners in Cuba is ngangulero and ngangulera , meaning "a person who works a nganga ", the latter being the spirit-vessel central to the religion. The term carries pejorative connotations in Cuban society although some practitioners adopt it as a term of pride. A similarly pejorative term embraced by some adherents is brujo (witch), with Palo being one of several African-derived religions in

1886-413: Is "fed" with blood from sacrificed male animals , including dogs, pigs, goats, and cockerels. This blood is poured into the nganga , over time blackening it. Practitioners believe that the blood maintains the nganga's power and vitality and ensures ongoing reciprocity with its keeper. Human blood is typically only given to the nganga when the latter is created, so as to animate it, and later when

1968-580: Is "fed" with the blood of sacrificed animals and other offerings, while its will and advice is interpreted through divination . Group rituals often involve singing, drumming, and dancing to facilitate possession by spirits of the dead. Palo developed among Afro-Cuban communities following the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. It emerged largely from the traditional religions brought to Cuba by enslaved Bakongo people from Central Africa, but also incorporated ideas from Roman Catholicism,

2050-399: Is a living being but its main component is a dead man; it overflows with materiality but its body represents an invisible being; its word is infallible but its personality is drawn from the history of an ordinary person. — Anthropologist Katerina Kerestetzi The making of a nganga is a complex procedure. It can take several days, with its components occurring at specific times during

2132-454: Is connected to the oricha Ochosi and to Saint Norbert . However, mpungus play a less important role in Palo than the oricha do in Santería. There is also a difference in how the relationship between these entities is established; in Santería it is believed that the oricha call people to their worship, pressuring them to do so by inflicting sickness or misfortune, whereas in Palo it

2214-402: Is divided into multiple traditions or ramas , including Mayombe, Monte, Briyumba, and Kimbisa, each with their own approaches to the religion. Many practitioners also identify as Roman Catholics and practice additional Afro-Cuban traditions such as Santería or Abakuá . Palo is most heavily practiced in eastern Cuba although it is found throughout the island and abroad, including in other parts of

2296-543: Is organised through small autonomous groups called munanso congo , each led by a tata (father) or yayi (mother). Although teaching the existence of a creator divinity, commonly called Nsambi , Palo regards this entity as being uninvolved in human affairs and instead focuses its attention on the spirits of the dead. Central to Palo is the nganga , a vessel usually made from an iron cauldron. Many nganga are regarded as material manifestations of ancestral or nature deities known as mpungu . The nganga will typically contain

2378-415: Is physically unique, bearing its own individual name; some are deemed male, others female. It is custom that the nganga should not stand directly on either a wooden or tile base, and for that reason the area beneath it is often packed with bricks and earth. The nganga is kept in a domestic sanctum, the munanso , or cuarto de fundamento . This may be a cupboard, a room in a practitioner's house, or

2460-451: Is termed the nkuto . On rare occasions, a practitioner may also refer to the nganga as a nkisi (plural minkisi ). The minkisi are Bakongo ritual objects believed to possess an indwelling spirit and are the basis of the Palo nganga tradition, the latter being a "uniquely Cuban" development. The nganga comprises either a clay pot, gourd, or an iron pot or cauldron. This is often wrapped tightly in heavy chains. Every nganga

2542-452: Is the human practitioner who desires and instigates the relationship with the spirit. In Cuba, Palo is often regarded as being cruder, wilder, and more violent than Santería, with its spirits being fierce and unruly. Those initiates who work with both the oricha and the Palo spirits are akin to those practitioners of Haitian Vodou who conduct rituals for both the Rada and Petwo branches of

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2624-405: Is usually drawn on the floor by strewing a powder-like substance, commonly cornmeal , wheat flour, bark, red brick powder, or gunpowder, though the material depends entirely upon the ritual. In Haitian Vodou, a mixture of cornmeal and wood ash is used. Veves use symbolism to communicate which spirit is being called upon - for example, gatekeeper Papa Legba is invoked with a vèvè that features

2706-516: The lwa spirits; the oricha , like the Rada, are even-tempered, while the Palo spirits, like the Petwo, are more chaotic and unpredictable. The spirits of the dead play a prominent role in Palo, with Kerestetzi observing that one of Palo's central features is its belief that "the spirits of the dead mediate and organize human action and rituals." In Palo, the spirit of a dead person is referred to as

2788-569: The Cuban War of Independence resulted in an independent republic in 1898, the country's new constitution enshrined freedom of religion . Palo nevertheless remained marginalized by Cuba's Roman Catholic, Euro-Cuban establishment, which typically viewed it as brujería ( witchcraft ), an identity that many Palo practitioners have since embraced. In the 1960s, growing emigration following the Cuban Revolution spread Palo abroad. Palo

2870-463: The nfumbe , for instance with animal blood, rum, and cigars. In turn, the nfumbe offers services called trabajos , protects its keeper, and carries out their commands. Practitioners will sometimes talk of their nfumbe having a distinct personality, displaying traits such as stubbornness or jealousy. The nfumbe will rule over other spirits in the nganga , including those of plants and animals. Specific animal parts added are believed to enhance

2952-424: The nfumbe . A paper note on which the nfumbe' s name is written may also be added. Palo teaches that the nfumbe spirit then resides in the nganga . This becomes the owner's slave, making the relationship between the palero / palera and their nfumbe quite different from the reciprocal relationship that the santero / santera has with their oricha in Santería. The keeper of the nganga promises to feed

3034-413: The nganga , which is central to its ceremonies, trabajos ("works"), and divination. The language used in Palo ceremonies, as in its songs, is often called Palo Kikongo; a "Creole speech" based on both Kikingo and Spanish, it Hispanicizes the spelling of many Kikongo words and gives them new meanings. Practitioners greet one another with the phrase nsala malekum . They also acknowledge each other with

3116-411: The nganga . Kerestetzi observed that in Palo, "the nganga is not an intermediary of the divine, it is the divine itself [...] It is a god in its own right." Those who keep ngangas are termed the perros (dogs) or criados (servants) of the spirit-vessel, which in turn is deemed to protect them. The relationship that a Palo practitioner develops with their nganga is supposed to be lifelong, and

3198-481: The nganga . They typically wear white, go barefoot, and draw marks on their body to keep them "cool" and protect from the tumult of the dead. Practitioners kneel before the ngangas in greeting; they may greet them with the Arabic -derived phrase " Salaam alaakem, malkem salaam ." The nganga likes to be addressed in song and each nganga has particular songs that "belong" to it. Candles will often be burned while

3280-407: The palero / palera will dig up their bones, or at least collect soil from their grave, and take it home. After being removed from their grave, the bones of the nfumbe may undergo attempts to "cool" and settle them, being aspirated with white wine and aguardiente and fumigated with cigar smoke. Placing the bones in the spirit-vessel is perceived as sealing the pact between the practitioner and

3362-459: The tata and yayi are initiates of long-standing, referred to as a padre nganga if male and a madre nganga if female. The initiation of people to this level are rare. At their initiation ceremony to the level of padre or madre , a palero / palera will often be given their own nganga . The tata or yayi may choose not to tell the padre / madre the contents of the new nganga or instructions regarding how to use it, thus ensuring that

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3444-453: The tata or yayi ; if they serve the former then they are called a bakofula , if they serve the latter they are a mayordomo ("butler", "steward"). The madrinas and padrinas are often considered possessive of their student initiates. Experienced practitioners who run their own praise houses often vie with one another for prospective initiates and will sometimes try to steal members from each other. An individual seeking initiation into

3526-543: The Americas such as Venezuela, Mexico, and the United States. In many of these countries, Palo practitioners have faced problems with law enforcement for engaging in grave robbery to procure human bones for their nganga . Palo is an Afro-Cuban religion, and more broadly an Afro-American religion . Its name derives from palo , a Spanish term for sticks, referencing the important role that these items play in

3608-650: The Americas whose practitioners adopt the identity of the witch as a form of reappropriation . Palo is one of three major Afro-Cuban religions present on Cuba, the other two being Santería , which derives largely from the Yoruba religion of West Africa, and Abakuá , which has its origins in the Ekpe society of West Africa's Efik-Ibibio peoples. Many Palo initiates are also involved in Santería, Abakuá, Spiritism, or Roman Catholicism; some Palo practitioners believe that only baptised Roman Catholics should be initiated into

3690-412: The Briyumba tradition are for instance characterised by a ring of sticks extending beyond their rim. Objects may also be selected for their connection with the indwelling mpungu . A nganga of Sarabanda for instance may feature many metal objects, reflecting his association with metals and war. As more objects are added over time, typically as offerings, the quantity of material will often spill out from

3772-539: The Kongo religion, Palo also draws upon the traditional religions of other African peoples who were brought to Cuba, such as the West African Yoruba . These African elements combined with influences from Roman Catholicism and also from Spiritism , a French variant of Spiritualism . Palo's African heritage is important to practitioners, who often refer to their religious homeland as Ngola ; this indicates

3854-440: The astral forces... In the course of Vodou ceremonies, the reproduction of the astral forces represented by the veves obliges the lwa... to descend to earth." Every lwa has their own unique veve , although regional differences have led to different veves for the same lwa in some cases. Sacrifices and offerings are usually placed upon them, with food and drink being most commonly used. In ritual and other formalities, veve

3936-414: The better a nganga is cared for, the stronger it is and the better it can protect its keeper, but at the same time the more it is thought capable of dominating its keeper, potentially even killing them. Various stories circulating the Palo community tell of practitioners driven to disastrous accidents, madness, or destitution. Tales of a particular nganga' s rebelliousness and stubbornness contribute to

4018-552: The central cross of the veve . Veve can be made into screenprint, painting, patchwork, etc., as wall hangings, artworks, and banners. Palo (religion) Palo , also known as Las Reglas de Congo , is an African diasporic religion that developed in Cuba during the late 19th or early 20th century. It draws heavily upon the traditional Kongo religion of Central Africa, with additional influences taken from Roman Catholicism and from Spiritism . An initiatory religion practised by paleros (male) and paleras (female), Palo

4100-423: The community of practitioners to be too masculinist. Many Palo initiates maintain that women should not be given a nganga while they are still capable of menstruating; the religion teaches that a menstruating woman's presence would weaken the nganga and that the nganga's thirst for blood would cause the woman to bleed excessively, potentially killing her. For this reason, many female practitioners only receive

4182-464: The corner of the patio or an outhouse. They are often called a rinconcito ("little corner"). Offerings of food and drink are often placed at the rinconcito and allowed to decay. This is a practice also maintained by many followers of Santería, although this emphasis placed on the material presence of the dead differs from the Spiritist views of deceased spirits. A key role in Palo is played by

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4264-477: The day and month. The process of creating a new nganga is often kept secret, amid concerns that if a rival Palo practitioner learns the exact ingredients of the particular nganga , it will leave the latter vulnerable to supernatural attacks. When a new nganga is created for a practitioner, it is said to nacer ("spring forth" or "be born") from the "mother" nganga which rules the house. Elements may be removed from this parent nganga for incorporation into

4346-534: The day on which Jesus Christ was crucified, and thus paleros and paleras believe that the powers of nganga cristianas are temporarily nullified, allowing the nganga judías to be used. On Good Friday, a white sheet will often be placed over nganga cristianas to keep them "cool" and protect them during this vulnerable period. The nganga does not merely transcend different ontological categories, it also blurs common oppositions, for example between living and dead, material and immaterial, sacred and profane. It

4428-454: The dead are considered "hot". After this, markings known as firmas may be drawn onto the new vessel. During the process of constructing the nganga , an experienced Palo practitioner will divine to ensure that everything is going well. Corn husk packets called masangó may be added to establish the capacities of that nganga . The creator may also add some of their own blood, providing the new nganga with an infusion of vital force. Within

4510-516: The dead. According to Ochoa, the religion maintains that "speed, strength, and clever decisiveness" are positive traits for practitioners, while also exulting the values of "revolt, risk and change". The religion has not adopted the Christian notion of sin , and does not present a particular model of ethical perfection for its practitioners to strive towards. The focus of the practice is thus not perfection, but power. It has been characterised as

4592-520: The flesh-cutting process required for initiation into Palo. Comparisons have also been drawn between Palo and other African-derived traditions in the Americas. Certain similarities in practice have for instance been identified between Palo and Haitian Vodou . Palo also has commonalities with Obeah , a practice found in Jamaica, and it is possible that Palo and Obeah cross-fertilised via Jamaican migration to Cuba from 1925 onward. Although Palo lacks

4674-507: The individual comprises both a physical body and a spirit termed the sombra ("shade"), which are connected via a cordón de plata ("silver cord"). This conception reflects a combination of the Bakongo notion of the spirit "shadow" with the Spiritist notion of the perisperm , a spirit-vapor surrounding the human body. Once a person dies they are thought to gain additional powers and knowledge such as prescience . They can contact and assist

4756-468: The keeper seeks to work with the vessel. A glass of water may be placed nearby, intended to "cool" the presence of the dead, and to assist their crossing to the human world. Objects like necklaces, small packages, and dolls may be placed around the nganga so as to be vitalized with power, allowing them to be used in other rites. To ensure that a nganga does its keeper's bidding, the latter sometimes threatens it, sometimes insulting it or hitting it with

4838-432: The latter's initiation, ngangas judías are fed their keeper's blood more often; they are feared capable of betraying their keeper to drain more of their blood. Palo teaches that although nganga judías are more powerful, they are less effective. This is because nganga judías are scared of the nganga cristianas and thus vulnerable to them on every day of the year except Good Friday . In Christianity, Good Friday marks

4920-452: The living, but also cause them problems such as anxiety and sleeplessness. Paleros / paleras venerate the souls of their ancestors; when a group feast is held, the ancestors of the house will typically be invoked and their approval to proceed requested. To ascertain the consent of the dead, Palo's practitioners will often employ divination or forms of spirit mediumship from Spiritism. Some practitioners claim an innate capacity to sense

5002-513: The most prominent of these mpungu , at least in Havana , are Lucero, Sarabanda, Siete Rayos, Ma' Kalunga, Mama Chola, Centella Ndoki, and Tiembla Tierra. Others include Nsasi, Madre de Agua, Brazo Fuerte, Lufo Kuyo, Mama canata, Bután, and Baluandé. Each mpungu may have its own particular associations; Lucero for instance opens and closes paths while Sarabanda is seen as being strong and wild. The mpungus of nature are deemed to live in rivers and

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5084-409: The new creation. The first nganga of a tradition, from which all others ultimately stem, is called the tronco ("trunk"). The senior practitioner creating the nganga may ask a high-ranking initiate to assist them, something considered a great privilege. The new cauldron or vessel will be washed in agua ngongoro , a mix of water and various herbs; the purpose of this is to "cool" the vessel, for

5166-488: The only religion legally permitted on the island by the Spanish colonial government. The minkisi , spirit-vessels that were key to various Bakongo healing societies, provided the basis for the nganga of Palo. The religion took its distinct form around the late 19th or early 20th century, about the same time that Yoruba religious traditions merged with Roman Catholic and Spiritist ideas in Cuba to produce Santería . After

5248-409: The owner, or which have been obtained from far away, may be added, and the harder that these objects are to obtain, the more significant they are often considered to be. This varied selection of material can result in the nganga being characterised as a microcosm of the world. The precise form of the nganga , such as its size, can reflect the customs of the different Palo traditions. Ngangas in

5330-402: The physical vessel but also the spirit believed to inhabit it. For many practitioners, the nganga is regarded as a material manifestation of a mpungu deity. Different mpungu will lend different traits to the nganga ; Sarabanda for instance imbues it with his warrior skills. The mpungu involved may dictate the choice of vessel used for the nganga , as well as the stone placed in it and

5412-430: The praise house by placing small packets, termed makutos (sing. nkuto ), at each corner of the block around the building; these packets contain dirt from four corners and material from the nganga . Munanso congo form familias de religión ("religious families"). Each is led by a man or woman regarded as a symbolic parent of their initiates; this senior palero is called a tata nganga ("father nganga "), while

5494-511: The presence of spirits of the dead, and initiates are often expected to interact with these spirits and to try and influence them for their own personal benefit. In communicating with the dead, paleros and paleras are sometimes termed muerteros ("mediums of the dead"). The dead are also believed capable of existing within physical matter. They can for instance be represented by small assemblages of material, often discarded or everyday household objects, which are placed together, typically in

5576-414: The prestige of its keeper, as it indicates that their nganga is powerful. The contents of the nganga are termed the fundamentos , and are believed to contribute to its power. Sticks, called palos , are key ingredients; palos are selected from certain species of tree. The choice of tree selected indicates the branch of Palo involved, with the sticks believed to embody the properties and powers of

5658-442: The relationship between the palero / palera and their nganga as a "struggle of wills", with the Palo practitioner looking upon the nganga with "respect based on fear". The nganga is regarded as the source of a palero or palera's supernatural power. Within the religion's beliefs, it can both heal and harm, and in the latter capacity is thought capable of causing misfortune, illness, and death. Practitioners believe that

5740-402: The religion differently, resulting in highly variable practices. Several distinct traditions or denominations of Palo exist, called ramas ("branches"), with the main ramas being Mayombe, Briyumba, Monte, and Kimbisa. Practitioners are usually termed paleros if male, paleras if female, terms which can be translated as "one who handles tree branches". An alternative term for adherents

5822-414: The religion's practices. Another term for the religion is La Regla de Congo ("Kongo Rule" or "Law of Kongo") or Regla Congo , a reference to its origins among the traditional Kongo religion of Central Africa's Bakongo people . Palo is also sometimes referred to as brujería (witchcraft), both by outsiders and by some practitioners themselves. Although its beliefs and practices come principally from

5904-464: The rituals of the two traditions separate, with some Palo initiates objecting to the introduction of elements from Santería into their religion. If someone is to be initiated into both, generally they will be initiated into Palo first; some claim that this is because moving from Santería to Palo represents a spiritual regression, while others maintain that the oricha spirit placed within the adherent's body during Santería initiation would not tolerate

5986-448: The sea, as well as in trees, with uncultivated areas of forest regarded as being especially potent locations of spiritual power. Practitioners are expected to make agreements with these nature spirits. Particular mpungus are often equated with specific oricha spirits from Santería, as well as with saints from Roman Catholicism. Sarabanda, for example, is associated with the oricha Oggun and with Saint Peter , while Lufo Kuyo

6068-436: The senior palera is a yayi nganga ("mother nganga "). This person must have their own nganga and the requisite knowledge of ritual to lead others. This figure is referred to as the padrino ("godfather") or madrina ("godmother") of their initiates; their pupil is the ahijado ("godchild"). A person's rank within the house depends on the length of their involvement and the depth of their knowledge about Palo. Below

6150-535: The sex of the nfumbe is typically chosen to match the gender of the nganga it is being incorporated into. According to Palo tradition, an initiate should exhume the bones from a graveyard themselves, although in urban areas this is often impractical and practitioners instead obtain them through black market agreements with the groundskeepers and administrators responsible for maintaining cemeteries. Elsewhere, they may purchase humans remains through botánicas or obtain anatomical teaching specimens. By tradition,

6232-475: The skills of the nfumbe in the nganga ; a bat's skeleton for instance might give the nfumbe the ability to fly at night, a turtle would give it a ferocious bite, and a dog's head would give it a powerful sense of smell. The nganga generally divide into two categories, the cristiana (Christian) and the judía (Jewish). The terms cristiana and judía in this context reflect the influence of 19th-century Spanish Catholic ideas about good and evil, with

6314-590: The symbol, the firma , which is drawn onto it. The name of the nganga may refer to the indwelling mpungu ; an example would be a nganga called the "Sarabanda Noche Oscura" because it contains the mpungu Sarabanda. The nganga is deemed to be alive; Ochoa commented that, in the view of Palo's followers, the ngangas are not static objects, but "agents, entities, or actors" with an active role in society. They are believed to express their will to Palo's practitioners both through divination and through spirit possession. Palo revolves around service and submission to

6396-410: The teacher maintains control in their relationship with the student. A tata or yayi may be reluctant to teach their padres and madres too much about Palo, fearing that if they do so the student will break from their praise house to establish their own. A padre or madre will not have initiates of their own. A particular padre (but not a madre ) might be selected as a special assistant of

6478-449: The tradition. Practitioners often see these various religions as offering complementary skills and mechanisms to solve people's issues, or alternatively as each being best suited to resolving different problems. " Cruzar palo con cha " ("cross Palo with Ocha") is a phrase used to indicate that an individual practises both Palo and Santería, ocha being one of the terms used for Santería's deities. Those following both will usually keep

6560-544: The trees from which they came. Soil may be added from various locations, for instance from a graveyard, hospital, prison, and a market, as may water taken from a river, a well, and the sea. A matari stone, representing the specific mpungu linked to that nganga , may be incorporated. Other material added can include animal remains, feathers, shells, plants, gemstones, coins, razorblades, knives, padlocks, horseshoes, railway spikes, blood, wax, aguardiente liquor, wine, quicksilver , and spices. Objects that are precious to

6642-422: The vessel itself and be arranged around it, sometimes taking up a whole room. The mix of items produces a strong, putrid odour and attracts insects, with Ochoa describing the ngangas as being "viscerally intimidating to confront". Human bones are also typically included in the nganga . Some traditions, like Briyumba, consider this an essential component of the spirit-vessel; other initiates feel that soil or

6724-642: The word judía connoting something being non-Christian rather than being specifically associated with Judaism . Nganga cristianas are deemed "baptised" because holy water from a Catholic church is included as one of their ingredients; they may also include a crucifix. The human remains included in them are also expected to be that of a Christian. While nganga cristianas can be used to counter-strike against attackers, they are prohibited from killing. Conversely, nganga judías are used for trabajos malignos , or harmful work, and are capable of murder. Human remains included in nganga judías are typically those of

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