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72-471: Minakatatomi-no-Kami (南方刀美神) Minakatatomi-no-Mikoto (御名方富命) Takeminakatatomi-no-Mikoto (建御名方富命, 健御名方富命) Suwa Myōjin (諏訪明神, 諏方明神) Suwa Daimyōjin (諏訪大明神, 諏方大明神) Suwa Hosshō Daimyōjin (諏訪法性大明神, 諏方法性大明神) Suwa Nangū Hosshō Kamishimo Daimyōjin (諏訪南宮法性上下大明神, 諏方南宮法性上下大明神) Suwa Shōichii Nangū Hosshō Daimyōjin (諏訪正一位南宮法性大明神, 諏方正一位南宮法性大明神) Suwa-no-Ōkami (諏訪大神) Suwa-no-Kami (諏訪神) Takeminakata (タケミナカタ), also known as Minakatatomi or Takeminakatatomi ,

144-598: A snake or dragon deity. The god is named 'Takeminakata-no-Kami' ( 建御名方神 ) in both the Kojiki (ca. 712 CE) and the Sendai Kuji Hongi (ca. 807-936 CE). Variants of the name found in the imperially commissioned national histories and other literary sources include the following: The etymology of the name '(Take)minakata(tomi)' is unclear. While most commentators seem to agree that take- (and probably -tomi ) are honorifics, they differ in how to interpret

216-405: A column of ice, and then changed it into a sword blade," and so forth ( 云々 , unnun ). "Upon arriving at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, Takeminakata-no-Kami said, 'I will go to no other place. And I will not disobey the commands of my father Ōkuninushi-no-Kami, and will not disobey the words of the words of my elder brother Yae-Kotoshironushi-no-Kami. I will yield this Central Land of

288-422: A column of ice, then again changed it into a sword blade. At this, he (Takeminakata) was afraid and drew back. Then [Takemikazuchi-no-Kami], in his turn, demanded [the right] to take hold of the arm of Takeminakata-no-Kami. When he took it, it was like taking hold of a young reed; he grasped it and crushed it, throwing it aside. Immediately, he (Takeminakata) ran away. They pursued him, and caught up with him by

360-673: A few deities/shrines are still often referred to as (dai)myōjin in popular usage even today. (E.g. Kanda Myōjin in Chiyoda, Tokyo , enshrining the deified vengeful spirit of Taira no Masakado ). Daimy%C5%8D From the shugo of the Muromachi period through the Sengoku period to the daimyo of the Edo period , the rank had a long and varied history. The backgrounds of daimyo also varied considerably; while some daimyo clans, notably

432-706: A go-to source for inquiries regarding the histories of various shrines across the country. It is also known that during his research for information regarding Suwa Shrine, Enchū sought the assistance of two Urabe clan members: Urabe Kanetoyo (卜部兼豊, of the Yoshida branch), then senior assistant director (神祇大輔, jingi taifu ) of the Jingi-kan, and Urabe Kanemae (卜部兼前, of the Hirano branch), either of whom may have been responsible for compiling "The Matter of Suwa Shrine." In other words, Enchu most likely did not (or could not) consult

504-470: A heavy boulder on his fingertips, saying, "Who is it who has come to our land and is talking so furtively? I wish to challenge you to a test of strength." When he took his hand, he caused ice to appear, and then he manifested a sword . Upon arriving at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, Takeminakata-no-Kami said, "I will go to no other place." This is the karmic origins of the [Suwa deity's] manifest trace (垂迹の本縁, suijaku no hon'en ). Although it

576-637: A heavy rock on his fingertips and engaged in a test of strength. He also took up a sword and exhibited valor. When he, leading [an army of] divine soldiers, arrived at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, he offered up the Central Land of the Reed Plains to the Heavenly Grandson. As his divine father had ceded the land, he made a vow to never go to another place. This is the account of this shrine's establishment. A third text found in

648-609: A hook made out of the wisteria plant (藤鎰), emerges victorious against Moriya, who used an iron hook (鐵鎰). After his victory, the god built his dwelling (what would become the Upper Shrine) in Moriya's land and planted the wisteria hook, which became a grove known as the 'Forest of Fujisuwa' (藤諏訪之森 Fujisuwa no mori ). Whereas the Kojiki portrays Takeminakata as an earthly god defeated by a deity from heaven, this myth notably features

720-579: A horse breeder who wielded great authority in the region, held Moriya in contempt for surrendering to Takeminakata and had messengers publicly harass him by calling him a coward. When Ganigawara's servants began to resort to violence by shooting arrows in Takeminakata's newly built house, Takeminakata retaliated by invading Ganigawara's turf. Mortally wounded by an arrow in the ensuing battle, Ganigawara begs forgiveness from Moriya and entrusts his youngest daughter to Takeminakata, who gives her in marriage to

792-508: A new class, the sengoku-daimyō , who arose from the ranks of the shugodai and jizamurai . Among the sengoku daimyō ( 戦国大名 ) were many who had been shugo-daimyō , such as the Satake , Imagawa , Takeda , Toki , Rokkaku , Ōuchi , and Shimazu . New to the ranks of the daimyo were the Asakura , Amago , Nagao , Miyoshi , Chōsokabe , Hatano, and Oda . These came from the ranks of

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864-691: A particularly fervent cult from various samurai clans during the medieval period such as the Hōjō or the Takeda . Takeminakata was also held to be the mythical ancestor of certain families who once served at the shrine as priests, foremost among them being the Suwa clan , the high priests of the Upper Shrine of Suwa who were also revered as living vessels of the god. Whereas in the Kojiki (ca. 712 CE) and later derivative accounts, Takeminakata appears as one of

936-474: A practice called sankin-kōtai . In 1869, the year after the Meiji Restoration, the daimyo, together with the kuge, formed a new aristocracy, the kazoku . In 1871, the han were abolished , and prefectures were established. In this year, around 200 daimyo returned their titles to the emperor, who consolidated their han into 75 prefectures. Their military forces were also demobilized, with

1008-465: A study of surviving manuscripts of the text, postulates that the Ekotoba was only introduced to Suwa itself no earlier than the 17th century, where it gradually gained acceptance among the priestly families of Suwa Shrine, who produced a number of copies of it. Soon, the influence of the Ekotoba can be seen in a number of texts from the area: a text penned by the hatamoto Suwa Morieda (1646-1695),

1080-535: Is a kami in Japanese mythology . Also known as Suwa Myōjin ( 諏訪明神 / 諏方明神 ) or Suwa Daimyōjin ( 諏訪大明神 / 諏方大明神 ) after Suwa Grand Shrine (Suwa Taisha) in Nagano Prefecture in which he is enshrined alongside his consort Yasakatome , Takeminakata is historically worshiped as a god of wind , water and agriculture , as well as a patron of hunting and warfare , in which capacity he enjoyed

1152-520: Is not in the actual sutra's text: "After I have passed into nirvana , during the Latter Day of the Law , I shall appear as a great shining/apparent deity (大明神) and save all sentient beings." Up until the early modern period, use of titles such as myōjin or gongen for many deities and their shrines were so widespread that these gods were rarely referred to by their proper names. For instance, both

1224-402: Is reckoned as the divine ancestor of the Moriya (守矢) clan, one of the former priestly lineages of the Upper Shrine. While medieval sources such as Nobushige's petition and the Ekotoba situate the battle between the two gods in the slopes of Mount Moriya somewhere in the vicinity of the Upper Shrine (modern Suwa City ), a variant legend first attested in Edo period texts instead place it on

1296-699: Is said in the Kuji Hongi that Amaterasu-Ōmikami gave a decree and sent two gods, Futsunushi-no-Kami (of Katori Shrine in Shimōsa Province ) and Takeikatsuchi-no-Kami (of Kashima Shrine in Hitachi ), down to the land of Izumo, where they declared to Ōanamuchi (of Kitsuki in Izumo [and] Miwa in Yamato ), "The Central Land of Reed-Plains is the land entrusted to our heir. Are you willing to give it up to

1368-493: Is supreme in virtue, and the people could not praise him [enough].' (可謂至徳也、已民無得而稱焉) This is he who is now known as Suwa Daimyōjin. As late as the 19th century (when awareness of the Kojiki 's contents had become much more widespread due to the efforts of kokugaku scholars), this positive reinterpretation of the kuni-yuzuri narrative continued to be found within Suwa: a mid-19th century genealogical chart of Takeminakata issued by

1440-504: Is thought to have been derived from myōjin (名神 'notable deity'), a title once granted by the imperial court to kami deemed to have particularly impressive power and virtue and/or have eminent, well-established shrines and cults. This term is first attested in the Shoku Nihongi , where offerings from the kingdom of Bohai ( Balhae ) are stated to have been offered to "the eminent shrines (名神社 myōjin-sha ) in each province " in

1512-450: The Kuji Hongi itself, but was rather working with an extract provided by his Urabe contacts. Although he was not responsible for excising Takeminakata's surrender from the narrative himself, its absence from his source allowed Enchū to reimagine the Kuji Hongi narrative in a way that portrayed Takeminakata as a triumphant god who vowed to remain in Suwa of his own volition, consistent with

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1584-858: The Mori of Chōshū , the Shimazu of Satsuma , the Date of Sendai , the Uesugi of Yonezawa , and the Hachisuka of Awa . Initially, the Tokugawa regarded them as potentially rebellious, but for most of the Edo period, control policies such as sankin-kōtai , resulted in peaceful relations. Daimyo were required to maintain residences in Edo as well as their fiefs, and to move periodically between Edo and their fiefs, typically spending alternate years in each place, in

1656-571: The Mōri , Shimazu and Hosokawa , were cadet branches of the Imperial family or were descended from the kuge , other daimyo were promoted from the ranks of the samurai , notably during the Edo period. Daimyo often hired samurai to guard their land, and paid them in land or food, as relatively few could afford to pay them in money. The daimyo era ended soon after the Meiji Restoration , with

1728-583: The Shiba , Hatakeyama , and Hosokawa clans , as well as the tozama clans of Yamana , Ōuchi , Takeda and Akamatsu . The greatest ruled multiple provinces. The Ashikaga shogunate required the shugo-daimyō to reside in Kyoto , so they appointed relatives or retainers, called shugodai , to represent them in their home provinces. Eventually, some of these in turn came to reside in Kyoto, appointing deputies in

1800-681: The Sumiyoshi-taisha Jindaiki (住吉大社神代記, "The Sumiyoshi Grand Shrine 's Records of the Age of the Gods ", supposedly compiled in the year 731 but thought to actually be of a much later date), which refers to the three Sumiyoshi deities as 'Sumiyoshi Daimyōjin' (住吉大明神), and the Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku (completed in 901), which refers to ' Matsuo Daimyōjin ' (松尾大明神). While at first this title did not yet seem to have

1872-511: The Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba exerted considerable influence in the way the kuni-yuzuri myth is recounted in early modern documents associated with Suwa Shrine, not least because it apparently introduced the myth (which seems to have originally been specific to the imperial court - see ' Analysis ' below) into Suwa itself - where other myths concerning the Suwa deity were in circulation - for the first time. Ryōtarō Maeda (2023), based on

1944-553: The lake of Suwa in the land of Shinano (科野国州羽海). As they were about to kill him, Takeminakata-no-Kami said: "Pray do not kill me. I will go to no other place. Also I will not disobey the commands of my father, Ōkuninushi-no-Kami, and will not disobey the words of the words of Yae-Kotoshironushi-no-Kami. I will yield this Central Land of the Reed Plains in accordance with the commands of the Heavenly Deities." With Takeminakata's surrender, Ōkuninushi finally agreed to cede

2016-646: The shugodai and their deputies. Additional sengoku-daimyō such as the Mōri , Tamura , and Ryūzōji arose from the jizamurai . The lower officials of the shogunate and rōnin ( Late Hōjō , Saitō ), provincial officials (Kitabatake), and kuge (Tosa Ichijō) also gave rise to sengoku-daimyo . The Battle of Sekigahara in 1600 marked the beginning of the Edo period . Shōgun Tokugawa Ieyasu reorganized roughly 200 daimyo and their territories into han , which were assessed by rice production. Those heading han assessed at 10,000 koku (50,000 bushels) or more were considered daimyo. Ieyasu also categorized

2088-625: The Buddhist connotations that would later be associated with it, the connection between daimyōjin with the concept of honji suijaku (i.e. that the native kami are actually manifestations of Buddhist deities) was reinforced by an apocryphal utterance of the Buddha often claimed to be derived from the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka-sūtra (悲華經 "Compassionate Lotus Sutra "; Japanese: Hikekyō ) quoted and alluded to in various medieval works, but which

2160-516: The Edo shogunate, some rising to the position of rōjū . The fact that fudai daimyo could hold government positions, while tozama in general could not, was a main difference between the two. Tozama daimyō held mostly large fiefs far away from the capital, with e.g. the Kaga han of Ishikawa Prefecture , headed by the Maeda clan , assessed at 1,000,000 koku . Other famous tozama clans included

2232-683: The Reed Plains in accordance with the commands of the Heavenly Deities.'" Based on textual affinities with the Urabe text of the Kojiki , the Jōkan-shō is thought to have been authored by a member of the priestly Urabe clan associated with the Yoshida and Hirano Shrines in Kyoto. Records indicate that during the medieval period, the Kuji Hongi was used by the Department of Divinities or Jingi-kan (in which many Urabe clan members occupied posts) as

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2304-551: The Suwa deity include Nangū Daimyōjin (南宮大明神, "Daimyōjin of the Southern Shrine ( Nangū )"), Hosshō Daimyōjin (法性大明神, " Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin"), a combination of the two such as Nangū Hosshō Daimyōjin (南宮法性大明神), or Suwa Hosshō Kamishimo (or Jōge ) Daimyōjin (諏訪法性上下大明神, "Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin of the Upper and Lower Suwa [Shrines]"). Some of the war banners used by Sengoku daimyō Takeda Shingen (a devotee of

2376-610: The Upper Shrine for instance quotes the above passage from the Shinshu Suwa Daimyōjin Engi . A document submitted in 1834 to the Commissioner of Shrines and Temples ( Jisha-bugyō ) by the Lower Shrine's Momoi clan (桃井氏) of priests relates the following: When the two deities of Kashima and Katori came down to the land of Izumo at the command of the heavenly deities, he [Takeminakata] fought for his land bearing

2448-501: The Upper Shrine of Suwa, known as the Suwa Nobushige Gejō (諏訪信重解状 "The Petition of Suwa Nobushige"), relates a story from "the ancient customs" (舊貫) that the Suwa deity came down from heaven in order to take possession of the land of 'Moriya Daijin' (守屋大臣). The conflict between the two escalated into a battle, but as no winner could be declared, the two finally compete in a tug of war using hooks ( kagi ): Suwa Myōjin, using

2520-509: The adoption of the prefecture system in 1871. The shugo daimyō ( 守護大名 ) were the first group of men to hold the title daimyō . They arose from among the shugo during the Muromachi period (approximately 1336–1573). The shugo-daimyo held not only military and police powers, but also economic power within a province . They accumulated these powers throughout the first decades of the Muromachi period. Major shugo-daimyō came from

2592-461: The archives of the Upper Shrine's Moriya (守矢氏) priestly clan titled "The Origin of Suwa Daimyōjin" (諏訪大明神由来, Suwa Daimyōjin yurai ) features Takeminakata striking fear into Futsunushi and Takemikazuchi after displaying his power to them, only agreeing to cede Ashihara no Nakatsukuni after he was convinced by their reasoning. The three then go to Suwa, where they defeat the local deity Moriya (see below). Similar attempts at retelling or reinterpreting

2664-468: The banks of the Tenryū River (modern Okaya City ). Apart from Moriya, a few scattered local legends make reference to other deities who either submitted to the Suwa deity or refused to do so. One such god that is said to have opposed Suwa Myōjin and his new ally Moriya in local folklore was Yatsukao-no-Mikoto (矢塚男命), also known as Ganigawara (蟹河原長者 Ganigawara-chōja ). The story relates that Ganigawara,

2736-595: The daimyo according to their relation to the ruling Tokugawa family: the shinpan were related to the Tokugawa; the fudai had been vassals of the Tokugawa or allies in battle; and the tozama had not allied with the Tokugawa before the Battle of Sekigahara (did not necessarily fight against the Tokugawa). The shinpan were collaterals of Ieyasu, such as the Matsudaira , or descendants of Ieyasu other than in

2808-769: The daimyo and their samurai followers pensioned into retirement. The move to abolish the feudal domains effectively ended the daimyo era in Japan. This was effectively carried out through the financial collapse of the feudal-domain governments, hampering their capability for resistance. In the wake of the changes, many daimyo remained in control of their lands, being appointed as prefectural governors ; however, they were soon relieved of this duty and called en masse to Tokyo, thereby cutting off any independent base of power from which to potentially rebel. Despite this, members of former daimyo families remained prominent in government and society, and in some cases continue to remain prominent to

2880-423: The declaration [to cede the land] to this god (Takeminakata), but this god would not easily give his assent. Bearing a heavy boulder on his fingertips, he came, saying, "Who has come forth, saying these things? I wish to have a contest of strength." [But] he repented and eventually ceded the Central Land to the Heavenly Grandson. He departed, arriving at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano. 'It may be said that he

2952-510: The evil outlaw" (洩矢の惡賊, Moriya no akuzoku ) with a wisteria branch: Regarding the god of Fujishima [Shrine] (藤島の明神, Fujishima no Myōjin ): when the revered deity (尊神, sonjin , i.e. Suwa Daimyōjin) manifested long ago, Moriya the evil outlaw (洩矢の惡賊, Moriya no akuzoku ), seeking to hinder him, took up an iron ring (鐵輪) to fight him, but the [Fujishima] deity picked up a wisteria branch and defeated [Moriya]. Finally, he brought down heresy (邪輪, jarin , lit. "ring/wheel/circle of evil") and held up

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3024-775: The fleeing Takeminakata in the modern village of Toyooka , where they agreed to an armistice and left imprints of their hands on a rock as a sign of their agreement. The rock, bearing the gods' supposed handprints ( tegata ), is found in Otegata Shrine (御手形神社) in Toyooka. After Takemikazuchi's departure, Takeminakata temporarily resided in the neighboring village of Ōshika , where he discovered hot springs of saltwater while hunting for deer. The contest between Takemikazuchi and Takeminakata has also been sometimes interpreted as an origin myth for sumo wrestling and aiki . This interpretation apparently follows an alternative reading of

3096-473: The formless, transcendent ultimate truth that is the source of all buddhas , which are its physical manifestations ( nirmāṇakāya ). A certain medieval legend claims that the Suwa deity chose an eight-year-old boy to become his priest while declaring: "I have no (physical) body and so make this priest my body ". Takeminakata is portrayed in both the Kojiki and the Sendai Kuji Hongi as a son of

3168-490: The god of Kashima Shrine and the shrine itself were known as 'Kashima Daimyōjin' (鹿島大明神); the deity enshrined in Suwa Grand Shrine was called 'Suwa Daimyōjin' (諏訪(大)明神), and so on. (cf. Hachiman-daibosatsu (八幡大菩薩) or Kumano Gongen (熊野権現)). After his death, Toyotomi Hideyoshi was deified under the name ' Toyokuni Daimyōjin ' (豊国大明神). Under Yoshida Shintō , the conferral of ranks and titles like myōjin

3240-403: The god Ōkuninushi , although the former does not include him in its genealogy of Ōkuninushi's children. The Kuji Hongi meanwhile identifies him as the son of Ōnamuchi (Ōkuninushi) with one of his wives, Nunakawahime of Koshi . Takeminakata appears in both the Kojiki and the Kuji Hongi in the context of Ōkuninushi's "transfer of the land" ( kuni-yuzuri ) to the amatsukami , the gods of

3312-482: The god Taokihooi-no-Mikoto (手置帆負命) a.k.a. Hikosachi-no-Kami (彦狭知神), who was injured by Ganigawara's messengers as he was keeping watch over Takeminakata's abode. My%C5%8Djin Myōjin (明神 'shining deity', 'illuminating deity', or 'apparent deity' ) or Daimyōjin (大明神 'great shining/apparent deity') was a title historically applied to Japanese ( Shinto ) deities ( kami ) and, by metonymy , their shrines . The term

3384-527: The god) for instance contain the inscription Suwa Nangū Hosshō Kamishimo / Jōge Daimyōjin (諏訪南宮法性上下大明神 / 諏方南宮法性上下大明神). A hanging scroll given by Emperor Go-Nara (reigned 1526–1557) to the Upper Shrine in 1553 ( Tenbun 22), written in the emperor's own calligraphy, refers to the god as Suwa Shōichii Nangū Hossho Daimyōjin (諏方正一位南宮法性大明神, "Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin of the Suwa Nangū , of Upper First Rank "). A number of explanations have been proposed for

3456-546: The heavenly deities?" Ōanamuchi said, "Ask my son, Kotoshironushi-no-Kami (of Nagata Shrine in Settsu ; eighth [patron deity of] the Jingi-kan ); he will give you an answer." Kotoshironushi-no-Kami said, "My father ought respectfully to withdraw, nor will I disobey." [The messengers said,] "Do you have any other sons who ought to speak?" "There is also my son, Takeminakata-no-Kami (of Suwa Shrine)." [He] came, bearing

3528-588: The heavenly realm of Takamagahara . When the heavenly deities, headed by the sun goddess Amaterasu and/or the primordial deity Takamimusubi , sent Takemikazuchi and another messenger to demand that Ōkuninushi relinquish his authority over the earthly realm of Ashihara no Nakatsukuni (the "Central Land of Reed-Plains") to Amaterasu's progeny, he told the messengers to consult his son Kotoshironushi , who immediately accepted their demands and advised his father to do likewise. Upon being asked if he had any other sons who ought to express their opinion, Ōkuninushi told

3600-469: The land to the amatsukami and withdrew himself into the unseen spirit world. The opening section of the Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba , a Nanboku-chō period compilation of legends and other information regarding Suwa Shrine and its festivals completed in 1356, retells the Kuji Hongi version of this story, albeit with Takeminakata's shameful defeat in the hands of Takemikazuchi notably omitted. It

3672-486: The late Heian period anthology Ryōjin Hishō associates the three shrines together, with Suwa Shrine being identified as the "head" of the three Nangū shrines (南宮の本山, nangu no honzan ), the shrine at Mino as the "midmost shrine" (中の宮, naka no miya ), and the shrine at Iga as the "youngest shrine" (稚の宮, chigo no miya ) . Hosshō , meanwhile, is believed to refer to the concept of the dharmakāya (法性身, hosshōshin ),

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3744-410: The legend of a battle between the Suwa deity, accompanied by the first high priest of the Upper Shrine, and 'Moriya' (守屋) during the reign of Emperor Yōmei (585-587). In later versions of this story which combine it with the kuni-yuzuri myth, Moriya opposes Takeminakata after the latter had fled from Izumo. After being defeated, Moriya swears fealty to Takeminakata and becomes a faithful ally. Moriya

3816-548: The main line of succession. Several shinpan , including the Tokugawa of Owari ( Nagoya ), Kii ( Wakayama ), and Mito , as well as the Matsudaira of Fukui and Aizu , held large han . A few fudai daimyō , such as the Ii of Hikone , held large han, but many were small. The shogunate placed many fudai at strategic locations to guard the trade routes and the approaches to Edo . Also, many fudai daimyo took positions in

3888-823: The medieval belief that the Suwa deity was the guardian of the south side of the imperial palace or the Shinto-Buddhist concept that the god is an enlightened being who manifested in our world, which in Buddhist cosmology is the southern continent of Jambudvīpa . Aside from Suwa Shrine, Nangū was also applied to Kanayamahiko Shrine in Mino Province (modern Nangū Taisha in Gifu Prefecture ) and Aekuni Shrine (南宮大菩薩, Nangū Daibosatsu ) in Iga Province (modern Mie Prefecture ). A song in

3960-490: The messengers that he had another son named Takeminakata. As he was saying this, this same Takeminakata-no-Kami came bearing a tremendous boulder (千引之石, chibiki no iwa , i.e. a boulder so large it would take a thousand men to pull) on his finger-tips and said: "Who is it who has come to our land and is talking so furtively? Come, let us test our strength; I will first take your arm." When [Takemikazuchi-no-Kami] allowed [Takeminakata-no-Kami] to take his arm, he changed it into

4032-542: The myth in a more positive way are found in other texts. In one version, for instance, Takeminakata is portrayed as going to Suwa not so much to flee from Takemikazuchi but to pacify it under the orders of his father Ōkuninushi. A variant found in a commentary on the Nihon Shoki penned by a 15th-century monk named Shun'yu (春瑜), the Nihon Shoki Shikenmon (日本書紀私見聞), claims 'Suwa Daimyōjin' (諏防大明神) to be

4104-572: The opposite scenario, in which the deity of Suwa descends from heaven and conquers the land below. The Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba relates a variant of this myth as an origin story of Fujishima Shrine (藤島社) in Suwa City , one of the Upper Shrine's auxiliary shrines where its yearly rice-planting ceremony is traditionally held. In this version, the deity of Fujishima Shrine (藤島の明神 Fujishima no Myōjin ) - usually equated with Suwa Myōjin - defeats "Moriya

4176-531: The origin of the term Nangū. One theory posits it to refer to the geographical location of the Upper Suwa Shrine, which is located southeast of Lake Suwa, at the southern half of Shinano Province, while another claims it to be derived from 'Minakatatomi' (南方刀美), one of the variant names for the deity, with minakata being apparently understood to mean "south(ern)" (cf. etymology of 'Takeminakata' above). The term has also been interpreted to come from

4248-430: The other components of the name. Some of the proposed solutions are as follows. During the medieval and early modern periods, the god enshrined in Suwa Grand Shrine – specifically, in the Upper Shrine ( Kamisha ) located southeast of Lake Suwa – was popularly known as Suwa Daimyōjin ( 諏訪大明神 / 諏方大明神) or Suwa Myōjin ( 諏訪明神 ), a name also applied via metonymy to the shrine itself. The name '(Take)minakata(tomi)'

4320-434: The portrayal of the god of Suwa as an illustrious warrior deity in the Ekotoba 's later portions. Whereas in the original Kojiki and Kuji Hongi narrative, Takemikazuchi is said to have "changed [his arm] into a column of ice, then again changed it into a sword blade" (取成立氷亦取成劍刃) after having it grasped by Takeminakata, Enchū - taking advantage of the ambiguous syntax of the original Classical Chinese text - chooses to read

4392-609: The provinces. The Ōnin War was a major uprising in which shugo-daimyō fought each other. During this and other wars of the time, kuni ikki , or provincial uprisings, took place as locally powerful warriors sought independence from the shugo-daimyo . The deputies of the shugo-daimyō , living in the provinces, seized the opportunity to strengthen their position. At the end of the fifteenth century, those shugo-daimyō who succeeded remained in power. Those who had failed to exert control over their deputies fell from power and were replaced by

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4464-594: The relevant passage. He identifies Enchū's source text with an extract of the Kuji Hongi kuni-yuzuri narrative titled "The Matter of Suwa Shrine" (諏方社事, Suwa-sha no koto ), which was in turn appended to a lengthy extract of the Kojiki 's kuni-yuzuri account (古事記上巻抄, Kojiki Jōkan-shō , "Excerpt from the Upper Volume of the Kojiki ") found in the temple library of Shinpuku-ji ( Ōsu Kannon ) in Nagoya . "(...) When he allowed him to take his hand, he changed it into

4536-408: The sons of the god Ōkuninushi who fled to Lake Suwa after being defeated by the warrior god Takemikazuchi , other myths (mostly of medieval origin) instead offer alternative explanations regarding the god of Suwa Shrine's origins and identity, portraying him either as an interloper who conquered Suwa by defeating the local kami of the region, as a king from India who manifested in Japan, or as

4608-415: The text such that Takeminakata is now said to magically materialize ice and a sword as a display of his power to Takemikazuchi (即氷ヲ成立、又劍ヲ取成, "he (Takeminakata) caused ice to appear, and then he manifested a sword"). Before (and to an extent, even after) the rediscovery and subsequent boom in popularity of the Kojiki in the middle of the Edo period , the more positive image of Takeminakata as presented in

4680-401: The text which sees Takemikazuchi as not so much crushing and tearing Takeminakata's arm(s) off but seizing him by the arm and throwing him into the ground. A myth from the Suwa area portrays Suwa Myōjin as being opposed during his advent by the local god Moriya (Moreya). A document supposedly submitted to the Kamakura shogunate in 1249 by Suwa Nobushige, then high priest or Ōhōri (大祝) of

4752-458: The third son of the deity Sannō Gongen , the guardian deity of Mount Hiei . After engaging in a failed rebellion against Amaterasu, the deity surrendered and settled down in the land of Shinano. Local legends from within Nagano Prefecture claim Takeminakata to have passed or stayed in various places within the region during his escape. A local legend in Shimoina District (located south of Suwa) for instance claims that Takemikazuchi caught up with

4824-416: The true Dharma (正法, shōbō ). When the god pronounced a vow and threw the wisteria branch away, immediately it took root [in the ground], its branches and leaves flourishing in abundance, and [sprouted] beautiful blossoms, leaving behind a marker of the battleground for posterity. The Fujishima deity is named thus for this reason. Two extant medieval genealogies of the Suwa (Miwa) clan also begin by recounting

4896-492: The year 730 ( Tenpyō 2 ). An epithet homophonous with this imperially bestowed title, "shining/apparent kami " (written with different Chinese characters ), was in popular usage from around the Heian period up until the end of the Edo period , coexisting with titles with more explicit Buddhist overtones such as gongen (権現 'incarnation') or daibosatsu (大菩薩 'great bodhisattva '). The earliest recorded usages of 'shining/apparent deity' are found in sources such as in

4968-461: The younger brother of Suwa Tadaharu , the third daimyō of Takashima Domain in 1684 titled Shinshu Suwa Daimyōjin Engi (信州諏方大明神縁起, "The Origin Story of Suwa Daimyōjin of Shinano Province"), for instance, features the reinterpreted kuni-yuzuri myth, which Morieda then interprets in a Neo-Confucian light as a meritorious act of filial piety comparable to Taibo 's renunciation of the throne of Zhou . They (Futsunushi and Takemikazuchi) also made

5040-438: Was formerly thought that the Ekotoba 's compiler, Suwa (Kosaka) Enchū (1295-1364, a member of a cadet branch of the Suwa clan based in Kyoto ) was responsible for excising Takeminakata's defeat out of this retelling in order to portray the deity in a more positive light, Ryōtarō Maeda (2020) put forward the alternative explanation that Enchū may have made use from an anthology of excerpts or florilegium that happened to omit

5112-635: Was institutionalized, with the sect issuing out authorization certificates to shrines for a fee. The sect considered the title to be higher than the overtly Buddhist gongen as part of the sect's inversion of honji suijaku , an issue which became a point of contention with the Sannō Ichijitsu Shintō (山王一実神道) sect spearheaded by the Tendai monk Tenkai . When the Meiji government officially separated Shinto from Buddhism , official use of titles and terminology perceived as having Buddhist connotations such as (dai)myōjin , (dai)gongen or daibosatsu by shrines were legally abolished and discouraged. However,

5184-479: Was rarely used, if at all, during this period: indeed, medieval documents from Suwa Shrine simply refer to the god as sonshin / sonjin (尊神, "revered deity") or myōjin (明神, "bright deity" or "manifest deity"). This however is hardly unusual, as before the early modern period use of titles such as myōjin or gongen for various gods and their shrines were so widespread that these deities were rarely referred to by their classical names. Other epithets applied to

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