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97-471: Calderonist policies "integrated Marxist, social Christian and state bureaucratic tendencies", and have been described as socialist, social democratic, and social Catholic. Calderón formed an alliance between the Catholic Church and the communist party to carry out socialist reforms - to this end, Calderonism is considered a precursor to liberation theology . Calderonism is described as very similar to

194-512: A Christian socialist movement, Calderonism paradoxically was supported by both the Catholic Church and Costa Rican Communists. The defining feature of Calderonism was its "tripartite allegiance of the Church, communists, and republicans". Calderonism promoted far-reaching social and welfare policies - Calderón implemented social guarantees in the constitution, including rights for workers, universal healthcare and an expansive pension system. Calderonism

291-671: A broad anti-PLN coalition. This lack of ideological consistency is further underscored by the fact that during the Civil War, the government forces, despite being allied to the Costa Rican communists, enjoyed the support of right-wing Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza , while Figueres's rebels, who as anti-communists were tacitly supported by the United States , received significant aid from leftist Guatemalan president Juan José Arévalo . The National Liberation Army, as

388-563: A businessman who had not participated in the elections, against the government of President Teodoro Picado . The uprising was resisted by the small, ill-equipped Costa Rican army and, more significantly, by the militias of the Communist People's Vanguard Party , which was part of the governing coalition in the Legislative Assembly and had voted to annul the presidential elections. Figueres' rebels rapidly defeated

485-419: A communist by bringing up his Catholic legislation and support of the clergy, and deflected attacks of being a conservative by highlighting the communist support for his rule. Reflecting papal encylicals, Calderonist clergy regarded wages as a "thermometer of social justice" and argued that state intervention in the economy and guarantee of salary regulation and distribution of jobs was mandatory and legitimized by

582-479: A different political base by allying himself with the Costa Rican communists (the Popular Vanguard Party), led by Manuel Mora , and with the socially progressive Catholic Archbishop of San José, Víctor Manuel Sanabria, in order to pass legislation guaranteeing labor rights and establishing a welfare state . Mora's communist militias provided important armed support for the government, both during

679-518: A general strike. The people did not respond. After a highly contentious electoral process plagued by violence and irregularities concluded on February 8, 1948, the independent electoral tribunal, by a split vote of 2 to 1, declared that opposition candidate Otilio Ulate of the National Union Party, had been elected president. The ruling party's Calderón claimed that this result had been obtained by fraud and petitioned Congress, where

776-473: A low electoral support, again, of 3%. The candidate endorsed by the Calderonism for the primary elections of the 2013 Social Christian Unity Party , Dr. Rodolfo Hernández Gómez, won the national convention with 77% of the votes over the liberal rival Rodolfo Piza . However, Hernández would resign his candidacy despite strong support in the polls following major disagreements with the party leadership, and

873-415: A medical doctor who served as President of Costa Rica from 1940 to 1944. The Constitution forbade consecutive reelection, so for the 1944 elections , Calderón's National Republican Party nominated Teodoro Picado , a law professor who was perceived as a weak figure controlled by Calderón. The Picado administration resorted several times to military force to keep the peace, and pro-Calderón elements within

970-406: A nullity of the presidential elections, although not of the legislative ones, in which his supporters had obtained a majority. On March 1, 1948, Congress -where the alliance of Calderonists and communists had a majority-, annulled the presidential elections. While many argue that Calderón robbed the opposition of its rightful victory, there is a strong indication that Guardia was actually the victor in

1067-725: A seat as deputy returning in 1958 thanks the Echandi's amnesty. He was a presidential candidate again in 1962 , and despite his defeat, until his death he continued to be a very influential political figure. He was Ambassador of Costa Rica in Mexico from 1966 to 1969 and was declared Benemerito de la Patria (benefactor of the homeland, the greatest honor confer to nationals in Costa Rica) by the Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica , on April 17, 1974, by agreement No. 1410. In

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1164-595: A second invasion of Costa Rica , with the support of Somoza García, Rafael Leónidas Trujillo and Marcos Pérez Jiménez , but his forces were defeated. The rebel forces seized the border town of Villa Quesada on 12 January. With the Republicans and Communist outlawed the Constituent Assembly of Costa Rica was convened in 1949 enabling the current Costa Rican Constitution . Figueres (who rule de facto for 18 months before giving power to Ulate in 1949)

1261-540: A theology of liberation—"a rational study of the being of God in the world in light of the existential situation of an oppressed community, relating the forces of liberation to the essence of the Gospel, which is Jesus Christ," writes James Hal Cone , one of the original advocates of the perspective. Black theology mixes Christianity with questions of civil rights , particularly as raised by the Black Power movement and

1358-408: A tough and cruel dominion of the strongest over the weakest, of economic slavery established by some human being upon big multitudes of humans, and of brutality and tyranny of those who have power". Calderón advocated state intervention in solving the social question and believed in a state that would guarantee protect the citizens’ right to have employment, social security, decent working conditions and

1455-438: A union movement. Calderonism also directly challenged the powerful domestic and foreign business interests of Costa Rica, sparking business-based opposition and subversion; Calderonism is credited with reorienting the state as instrument of the working class. Calderonism was born with the political leadership of Dr. Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia. His administration (1940-1944) has been traditionally controversial, during his tenure

1552-413: A way as to make that liberating gospel relevant to the perceived needs of their Indigenous flocks. As a rule, this articulation involves a theological underpinning of Palestinian resistance to Israel as well as Palestinian national aspirations, and an intense valorization of Palestinian ethnic and cultural identity as guarantors of a truer grasp of the gospel by virtue of the fact that they are inhabitants of

1649-555: A wide variety of privileges for the workers and trade unions, including enforced minimum quality of working conditions, the right for association, collective bargaining, the right to strike, and a judicial mechanism that would force the employers to consider and implement the demands of trade unions, was the court to rule in their favor. Calderón's reforms spurred a rapid growth of trade unions in Costa Rica, and trade unions of both Catholic and communist orientation swelled in numbers. At

1746-430: Is also credited with ending the oligarchic rule of the coffee barons and other socioeconomic elite in Costa Rica. Timothy Adam Golob described Calderón as a "Catholic, Communist-associated leader" that unleashed "a new wave of social programs and progress, such as social security, labor laws, Constitutional amendments, social guarantees, civil rights, confiscating lands, and hurting the coffee barons through teaming up with

1843-458: Is considered to be a centre-right conservative with little connection to Calderonist policies. Liberation theology Liberation theology is a theological approach emphasizing the "liberation of the oppressed". It engages in socio-economic analyses, with social concern for the poor and "political liberation for oppressed peoples" and addresses other forms of perceived inequality. Liberation theologies were first being discussed in

1940-447: Is described as either centre-left or left-wing. Apart from greatly favouring trade unions, Calderonism also heavily encouraged the formation of worker cooperatives and included provisions that gave them special rights. Calderón also argued that his political doctrine was based on ensuring the "material dignity" of the workers, and denounced the banks and financial industry of Costa Rica. Its socialist and communist elements notwithstanding,

2037-625: Is therefore regarded as "communistic", or "socialist, albeit criollo socialist". Calderón sought to present himself as a populist caudillo and made his doctrine a personalistic one. He argued how while staying "in Belgium he remembered social injustice and identified himself with the Costa Rican poor’s suffering"; there, to adhere to the principles of the Catholic option for the poor , Calderón contended that he "set aside his bourgeoisie origin to present himself as classless and to align himself with

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2134-412: The 1944 Costa Rican general election as part of a Republican-Communist coalition named Victory Bloc and in the middle of increasing political tensions. In the 1948 election Calderón was again candidate for the presidency. The National Electoral Court provisionally declared the opposition candidate Otilio Ulate Blanco provisionally elected, but Calderón Guardia filed a fraud and presented to Congress

2231-728: The 1978 election , Rodrigo Carazo Odio was elected president with the support of Calderonism under the banner of a coalition of parties called Unity Coalition , formed by the Calderonist Republican Party, the Christian Democratic Party, the Democratic Renewal Party and the Popular Union Party. But by 1981 when the struggles for the election of the candidate for the 1982 elections begin, problems arise between

2328-688: The Black Consciousness Movement . Dalit theology is a branch of Christian theology that emerged among the Dalit castes in the Indian subcontinent in the 1980s. It shares a number of themes with Latin American liberation theology , which arose two decades earlier, including a self-identity as a people undergoing Exodus . Dalit theology sees hope in the "Nazareth Manifesto" of Luke 4, where Jesus speaks of preaching "good news to

2425-701: The Latin American context, especially within Catholicism in the 1960s after the Second Vatican Council . There, it became the political praxis of theologians such as Frei Betto , Gustavo Gutiérrez , Leonardo Boff , and Jesuits Juan Luis Segundo and Jon Sobrino , who popularized the phrase " preferential option for the poor ". The option for the poor is simply the idea that, as reflected in canon law, "The Christian faithful are also obliged to promote social justice and, mindful of

2522-535: The Pearl Harbor attacks with Costa Rican joining World War II as part of the Allies ). Calderón promoted his reforms as "based on a point of view entirely Christian". He established a nationwide universal healthcare system, security payments for all retired workers, a housing program for the workers, and other measure that raised the living standards of the country's working class. Calderón's Labor Code provided

2619-494: The United States and later in other parts of the world, which contextualizes Christianity in an attempt to help those of African descent overcome oppression. It especially focuses on the injustices committed against African Americans and black South Africans during American segregation and apartheid , respectively. Black theology seeks to liberate people of colour from multiple forms of political, social, economic, and religious subjugation and views Christian theology as

2716-859: The University of Costa Rica was created, the border problem with Panama was solved through the Echandi-Fernández treaty and in alliance with the Catholic Church and the Costa Rican Communist Party , the Labor Code and the Social Guarantees were promulgated. At the same time, the opposition accused Calderón of authoritarianism , corruption and persecution of political opponents and ethnic minorities (particularly Germans, Italians and Japanese after

2813-475: The election of a Constitutional Assembly in December. That Assembly adopted the new 1949 constitution , after which the junta was dissolved and power was handed to Ulate as the new constitutional president. Costa Rica has since experienced some riots, but no political violence reaching the severity of the civil war. In the 1940s, the Costa Rican political scene came to be dominated by Rafael Ángel Calderón,

2910-459: The military dictatorship in Brazil , Câmara, who called on clergy to engage in the struggle for justice without fear of identification with the revolutionary left ("When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why they are poor, they call me a communist "), refused to condemn armed resistance. In a famous interview with Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci , he explained that while it

3007-480: The most unequal in the world . The term was coined in 1971 by the Peruvian priest Gustavo Gutiérrez , who wrote one of the movement's defining books, A Theology of Liberation . Other exponents include Leonardo Boff of Brazil, and Jesuits Jon Sobrino of El Salvador and Juan Luis Segundo of Uruguay. Latin American liberation theology influenced parts of the evangelical movement and Catholic bishops in

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3104-422: The presidential elections of 8 February 1948 , in which opposition candidate Otilio Ulate defeated the ruling party's Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia . The pro-government representatives who dominated the Legislative Assembly alleged that that Ulate's victory was fraudulent , and on 1 March, the legislature voted to annul the results of the election. This triggered an armed uprising led by José Figueres Ferrer ,

3201-501: The seven provinces of the country . The 1990 triumph confirmed the progress, already glimpsed in 1986, towards a bipartisan system. Thus, the party consolidated in the 1990s, for the 1994 election Miguel Ángel Rodríguez is launched as a presidential candidate unopposed, which he loses to PLN's candidate by a small margin of 1.8%. However, he won in the 1998 election . Rodriguez began to suffer from low popularity due to his association with neoliberal ideas , which unleashed strikes against

3298-417: The "spiritual socialism" of Guatemalan President Juan José Arévalo , as both movements pursued expansive worker rights, public health and social security programs. Calderón's reforms greatly empowered the Costa Rican trade unions and labor force, providing them with constitutional guarantees and strictly enforced judicial protection; communist trade unions and Catholic labor confederations rapidly grew and built

3395-507: The 1948 election. This caused a civil war , in which the government forces were defeated militarily by those of rebel caudillo José Figueres Ferrer . Calderón went into exile in Nicaragua , and in December 1948 he invaded Costa Rica with support from the government of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza García , but the expedition - known as the counterrevolution - failed. Calderón moved with his family to Mexico , and in 1955 he undertook

3492-511: The Catholic Church and the Communist Party". Calderón's welfare state was further expanded by his establishment of the University of Costa Rica . Calderonism is described as populist - it gained the loyalty of the working class while disempowering the old political elite of Costa Rica, especially the once dominant big coffee growers. Calderón's Labor Code was described as "very favorable to unions". Calderonism as represented by Calderón

3589-462: The Catholic Church and the communist Popular Vanguard Party. Pro-Calderón clergy supported this alliance, with Archbishop Víctor Manuel Sanabria Martínez writing: "The Rerum Novarum [is not] anti-socialist, anti-communist, anti-red. [It is] pro social justice, pro workers, pro social obligations." Calderonism defended its alliance with communists by arguing that it is embracing comunismo a la tica - "Costa Rican communism", an indigenous, national part of

3686-500: The Catholic Church's encyclicals. On the Catholic Church, Calderón stated: The Costa Rican Catholic Church and the government should work in harmony. I will put all my efforts into achieving this goal, because I am convinced of the positive influence that religious teachings has on cultural progress and in raising the ethical standards of our people. My administration will make sure the Catholic Church has no impediments in pursuing their noble duties. By 1942, open alliance of Calderón with

3783-530: The Civil War of 1948 provides a striking example of this. Calderón had been elected president in 1940 as the candidate of the right, closely allied with the Roman Catholic Church and with the business elite, but his enthusiastic support for the Allies during World War II , and especially his punitive measures against the rich and influential German community in Costa Rica, caused that elite to withdraw its support for him. Calderón then created

3880-558: The Costa Rican Catholic culture and tradition. Calderonist Archbishop Víctor Manuel Sanabria Martínez endorsed the new party, arguing that it did not contradict the "fundamental doctrines of the Catholic consciousness", and stating that Catholics could be members of the new party. Calderocomunismo became an official political identity of the PVP and Costa Rican trade unions, which praised Calderón's reforms for greatly diminishing

3977-475: The Costa Rican communists led to a construction of Calderocomunismo (Calderonist communism), which started as a derogatory term used by conservative critics of Calderón that was then appropriated by Calderonists as a positive term. Calderocomunismo represents the left-wing radicalization of Calderonism that took place 1942 onwards - Calderon, while staying true to his social Catholicism and pro-Catholic policies, intensified his economic rhetoric. He proposed to solve

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4074-413: The Costa Rican culture and politics, which it differentiated from international communism. This term was first coined by Mora: "We Costa Ricans need what we can call a Costa Rican communism: that is a Communist Party that can interpret the national reality and adjust their slogans and methods of struggle to this reality. From now on our goal will be to build a 'comunismo a la tica' in that sense." Calderonism

4171-556: The Costa Rican workers to rally around its reforms: These policies give the Costa Rican pueblo a series of possibilities in their struggle; it is urgent to launch a national campaign around these policies. It is urgent that labor organizations give their enthusiasm to the approval of these policies. If the Costa Rican pueblo is not able to mobilize around these policies, these policies are going to fail, and if those policies fail, then Costa Rica’s labor movement will be set back by several years. Despite openly working with communists, Calderón

4268-550: The PUSC deputies, to formally request Rafael Ángel Calderón Fournier to be a candidate for the presidency again. After two consecutive periods of the PLN in power, and demonstrated the strength of the PUSC in the 1986 elections , the prospects for winning the elections in 1990 were very favorable. Under these circumstances, and under the support of party deputies, Rafael Ángel Calderón announces his candidacy. Rodriguez decides to continue in

4365-531: The Treasury". According to Calderón, under liberalism "the needs of the subaltern classes were forgotten as they were overexploited in their jobs and their right to participate of the national wealth was negated" and "they were defrauded and despoiled of their capacity to shop in an attempt to favor capitalist and export industries". Calderonism attacked capitalism as a system that was "the rejection of Costa Rican democracy: [a choice] to die of starvation or to accept

4462-767: The United States. Its reliance on " Marxism " led in the mid-1980s to an admonition by the Vatican 's Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF). While stating that "in itself, the expression 'theology of liberation' is a thoroughly valid term", the prefect Cardinal Ratzinger rejected certain forms of Latin American liberation theology for focusing on institutionalized or systemic sin and for identifying Catholic Church hierarchy in South America as members of

4559-613: The accusations by bringing up his Catholicism, but his open cooperation and meetings with communist leaders intensified the attacks. This resulted in Calderón reaching an agreement with the PCCR to dissolve itself and reform into Partido Vanguardia Popular (Popular Vanguard Party, PVP). The PVP adopted a Calderonist program that while maintaining communist orientation, infused its program with nationalist and Catholic elements, claiming to be an "authentic Costa Rican party" and to be respectful of

4656-433: The bases expect a new candidacy from Calderón. Polls begin to show strong support for Calderón. In December 1987, Serrano decides to withdraw his candidacy and seeks an agreement with Rodríguez. Meanwhile, there had been clashes between Rodriguez and Calderón for the list of candidates for deputies, which causes many leaders to begin to support Calderón's candidacy. Shortly after a movement is generated, which starts mainly from

4753-457: The beginning of the campaign, Bulgarelli drops the race. With only one pre-candidate left, the convention is suspended and on December 2, 1984, Rafael Ángel Calderón Fournier was elected as presidential candidate. On February 2, 1986, the electoral result favored the rival National Liberation Party's nominee, Oscar Arias Sánchez by a difference of 6.5%, however PUSC managed to elect 25 deputies while its presidential candidate had received 45.8% of

4850-521: The candidacy would be assumed by Piza. In 2015, Calderón and his followers left the party and founded a new one called Social Christian Republican Party (an allusion to Calderón's father historical party ). Nevertheless, PUSC saw a victory in the 2016 municipal election gaining second place in municipal votes surpassing ruling PAC and receiving much more votes than Calderón's new party. PUSC obtained 15 mayors (second in number after PLN) and saw an increase in its electoral support, unlike PLN that although

4947-598: The candidate Rafael Ángel Calderón Fournier of the Calderonista Republican Party and Rodolfo Méndez Mata, mostly represented by the Democratic Renewal Party. Shortly after, and also with the support of the Democratic Renewal Party, Rodrigo Madrigal Nieto tried to register his candidacy. In these circumstances of struggle of tendencies the Calderonista Republican, Popular Union and Christian Democratic parties decided to go alone to

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5044-615: The coalition and the future party. The results support is 34% of the votes but remains as second most voted force, considered a success given the circumstances. In April 1983, the Political Directory of the coalition adopted a calendar, and it was immediately agreed that the Popular Union Party would serve as the receiver of the other three, changing its name to that of Social Christian Unity Party. The National Assemblies of each party participating in said coalition had to agree, in advance, its dissolution to immediately give way to

5141-517: The coalition of his own party and the Popular Vanguard Party held a majority, to void the results and call for a new election. When Congress granted this request, the country erupted in chaos, as both sides accused the other of vote tampering and electoral fraud . On the day that the government annulled the elections, police surrounded the home of Dr. Carlos Luis Valverde, the acting campaign manager for Union National, where Ulate

5238-426: The communist PCCR, Calderón invited a peasant, union leader and a parish priest to a meeting to represent the national alliance that Calderonism signified. As Calderón denounced the "blind and selfish capitalists" of Costa Rica, opponents of his regime came to argue that he was becoming communist and that his social reforms were just a tactic to gain support to pursue communist legislation. Calderón continued to combat

5335-526: The communist". David Gustavo Díaz-Arias notes that Calderonist policies "basically represented the PCCR ’s Minimum Program". This led the Costa Rican communists to avoid criticizing Calderonism and eventually move to support it. Calderonism was also fiercely anti-liberal, and Calderón regarded liberalism as a failure to address social issues. He formulated three "cardinal sins" of Costa Rican liberalism, which were "banking absolutism" defined as "absolute control of

5432-499: The core part of Calderonism was social Catholicism. Calderón recognized social Catholicism and the papal encyclicals of Leo XIII and Pius XI as the pivotal element of his doctrine, and present his economic reforms as both a social and spiritual transformation of Costa Rica. He stated that he found in "the Catholic Church’s doctrines the foundations, boost and will of justice that were missing in this materialist world dominated by

5529-535: The election and changed the flag of the coalition for another with the colors red and blue (the modern colors of PUSC). However, at the end of August 1981, Democratic Renewal returns to the Coalition and takes part on it. The conditions of the campaign are unfavorable as the party has to bear the unpopularity of the Carazo's government. Knowing that he has no chance of winning, Calderón Fournier campaigns focus on saving

5626-487: The election under the control of an independent electoral tribunal. José Figueres , a Costa Rican businessman, had been forced into exile in Mexico on April 12, 1942, after he strongly criticized the Calderón regime during a radio broadcast. Figueres returned to Costa Rica after the election of Picado. Before the elections of 1948, Figueres had already been planning for a war. Unlike Ulate, former president León Cortés , and

5723-429: The end of the strike, police and military forces patrolled the streets, and San José appeared as if under siege. Calderón returned as the ruling party's candidate for the election of 1948 and there were widespread fears that the government would intervene to ensure his triumph against his main opponent, journalist Otilio Ulate . To assuage these fears, Picado's government for the first time in Costa Rican history placed

5820-477: The experiences of the poor". He presented his reforms as a way "to redeem the national proletariat" and to reform the "economic, moral, and cultural levels of the working class". However, despite the dominating Catholic element of Calderonism, the Calderonist social policies were based on the demands of Costa Rican communists, and Calderón "directly consulted with, or was pressured by, any labor groups, including

5917-411: The fall of Cartago, Picado—low on supplies and without any other source of support—sent a letter to Mora and Calderón stating that "the attempt to hold San José would be futile and catastrophic." Mora, facing the reality that now the United States was ready to act against him as well, gave in to Picado's plea. On April 19, Picado and Father Benjamín Núñez, an eminent labor leader within Costa Rica, signed

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6014-402: The fight. As expected. Rafael Ángel Calderón Fournier won the candidacy for 76% of the votes cast. In the elections of February 4, 1990, Calderón was elected president with 46.2% of the votes over his liberationist opponent Carlos Manuel Castillo. In this election, 29 deputies were also elected. Not only the presidency was reached but also the majority in the Legislative Assembly and a victory in

6111-424: The government forces and their Communist allies, forcing President Picado to step down and leave the country along with former president Calderón Guardia. About 2,000 people are believed to have died during the war, making it the bloodiest event in 20th-century Costa Rican history. After the war, Figueres toppled the army and ruled the country for 18 months as head of a provisional government junta , which oversaw

6208-410: The government retain power. In Cartago, Costa Rica 's second-largest city, located only 12 miles from the capital, Figueres' forces met considerable military opposition; however, the limited forces and supplies of the governmental forces quickly ran out, and Cartago was captured by the rebels on April 12. Costa Rican President Picado, realizing that defeat was inevitable, sent notice to Figueres that he

6305-512: The government. Despite this the figure of Dr. Abel Pacheco de la Espriella emerges, who with the charisma he had won for several years working on television, and due to his position as deputy of the Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica, is named presidential candidate for the 2002 election winning the election and making PUSC won for the first time twice in a road. Shaken by corruption scandals, The scandals even caused Calderón and Rodríguez to be arrested, prosecuted and in Calderón's case condemned,

6402-531: The influence of the wealthy and foreign companies on the economy. In the 1990 Costa Rican general election , Rafael Ángel Calderón Fournier , son of Calderón Guardia, was elected President running as the candidate of the Social Christian Unity Party . Fournier run on a populist message, identifying himself with his father and gaining the supporting of the poor with his promises for agricultural programs, including free food and housing for

6499-403: The junta's Minister of Public Safety, Édgar Cardona, attempted to overthrow Figueres and was excluded from the government thereafter. Figueres himself became closely identified with the social democratic faction, which later dominated his own National Liberation Party (PLN). The economically conservative groups under Ulate ended up allying themselves in the 1950s with Calderón's supporters to form

6596-896: The land of Jesus and the Bible . The principal figure in Palestinian liberation theology is the Anglican cleric Naim Ateek , founder of the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center in Jerusalem . In Ireland , liberation theology has been associated with the ideas and praxis of the Belfast Roman Catholic priest Des Wilson . Following the onset of the Northern Ireland Troubles , Wilson defended

6693-602: The merger. Legally this implied that as long as the new party existed, none of the merged parties could re-register. On December 17, 1983, at the last session of the National Assemblies of the parties that formed the Unity Coalition, they agreed to dissolve and merge into one. In 1984, they begin the steps for the election of the candidate for the 1986 elections. Rafael Ángel Calderón Fournier and Óscar Aguilar Bulgarelli register as pre-candidates, however, at

6790-479: The military institution often become involved in street violence, which helped to sully the image of the military in the minds of the people. The Costa Rican communist movement, organized in the Popular Vanguard Party led by congressman Manuel Mora , was allied to Picado's government and contributed to the unrest by deploying its militia against the opposition. As the violence grew, supporters of

6887-458: The more voted party did saw a decrease in support. In 2018, both Piza and Hernández were nominees but from different parties; Piza from PUSC and Hernández from PRSC attaining fourth and sixth place respectively and supporting opposite candidates in the second round. Piza would support PAC's candidate Carlos Alvarado Quesada who won the election on second round and would take the office of Prime Minister during Alvarado's first year of tenure. As

6984-704: The needs of "an oppressive government or of people seeking undemanding respectability". The Christian peace movement has been associated with liberation theology in many ways. Participating theologians have been in all continents and countries, including countries with Christian minorities. A central theme has been peace as a way of redemption and liberation. On Pope John Paul II's relationship to Liberation theology Costa Rican Civil War Rebel victory [REDACTED] National Liberation Army [REDACTED] Ulatista Forces Caribbean Legion Supported by: The Costa Rican Civil War took place from 12 March to 24 April 1948. The conflict followed

7081-481: The opportunity to get higher education. He proposed establishing a new regime that was to be based on social justice. Calderonism is considered to be "a socially oriented and activist Catholicism". Political scientists Juliana Martínez Franzoni and Diego Sánchez-Ancochea described Calderón as a "formidable politician with progressive ideas" that "went well beyond traditional Catholic ideas of social provision". Calderonism ultimately represented an alliance of Calderón with

7178-593: The opposition began to carry guns, and the police began to threaten the use of firearms rather than just beating demonstrators. Disgust with the government's violent reprisals against the opposition led to the Huelga de Brazos Caídos, a strike that stalled commerce in Costa Rica for seven days. Pro-Calderón and communist demonstrators began to sack businesses that participated in the strike; Picado's government intimidated participating merchants and professionals and threatened workers with dismissal and military service. By

7275-700: The other members of the Costa Rican opposition, Figueres believed that Calderón would never allow a fair election to take place. Figueres began training the Caribbean Legion , an irregular force of 700. Hoping to use Costa Rica as a base, the Legion planned to move against other authoritarian governments in Middle America . U.S. officials followed the Legion's activities with concern, especially after Figueres carried out terrorist attacks inside Costa Rica during 1945 and 1946 that were meant to incite

7372-403: The painful and degraded ways of work implanted by owners." During Calderon's presidency, Calderonism grew increasingly sympathetic to communism, and Costa Rican communists likewise hailed the "progressive orientation" of Calderonism and came to support it as a "pro-working class legal transformation". By 1942, Manuel Mora , the leader of the communist PCCR, openly supported Calderonism and asked

7469-421: The poor ... freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind" and of releasing "the oppressed". Palestinian liberation theology is an expression of political theology and a contextual theology that represents an attempt by a number of independently working Palestinian Christian theologians from various denominations—mostly Protestant mainline churches—to articulate the gospel message in such

7566-410: The popular will, thus justifying a violent insurrection. On March 11, Figueres made the call that brought in the arms and military leaders he needed for a successful military campaign. On March 12, his National Liberation Army exchanged fire with government forces, and the war began. Costa Rican politics have traditionally been guided by personal allegiances far more than by ideological consistency, and

7663-457: The possible overthrow of Calderón. However, the communist party of Costa Rica chose to align with Calderón instead, citing his "impressive social reforms" and openness towards socialism. Calderonism was strongly supported by the poor and the workers, although the opposition composed of middle-class and business sectors became increasingly organized and powerful. Calderón directly from 1940 to 1944, his chosen candidate, Teodoro Picado Michalski won

7760-607: The precept of the Lord, to assist the poor." It indicates an obligation, on the part of those who would call themselves Christian, first and foremost to care for the poor and vulnerable. Latin America also produced Protestant advocates of liberation theology, such as Rubem Alves , José Míguez Bonino , and C. René Padilla , who in the 1970s called for integral mission , emphasizing evangelism and social responsibility . Theologies of liberation have also developed in other parts of

7857-421: The problem of landless peasants in Costa Rica by seizing "fincas grandes" (large plantations) and distribute them to the poor. Moreover, he revealed a project to provide poor peasant with financial support as well as state-hired technicians that would ensure the productivity and stability of their newly acquired land. Calderón also reiterated his support for the Costa Rican trade uninons and their demands. Along with

7954-536: The rebel army called itself, slowly worked their way up the Pan American Highway , capturing small but important cities and ports with relative ease. The official army, which was then led by Picado's brother, was unable to organize an effective resistance to Figueres' National Liberation Army. Figueres also contended against the communist militias commanded by congressman Carlos Luis Fallas and against Nicaraguan soldiers who had been sent by Somoza to help

8051-518: The riches produced by waged men under a semi-colonial regime", "control of political power to stop any proletarian’s redemptive and vindicated movement; and to hold onto an excessive protection of the capitalist industries", and lastly "control of the State which is used for the benefit of the rich ones in order to increase their profits, avoid taxes, keep interests, and negotiate with the Department of

8148-433: The right of communities systematically failed by the state, the churches and other institutions to create "alternative education, alternative welfare, alternative theatre, broadcasting, theological and political discussion, public inquiries and much else". More controversially, citing the example of Brazilian archbishop Hélder Câmara , he argued that this right extended to "alternative police and alternative armies". During

8245-649: The rural poor. However, Fournier and his party represented many conservative views of the national business elite, such as opposing state intervention of the economy. Unlike his father, he pursued a completely different political course - he pursued neoliberal policies, abolishing protectionist legislation and privatizing the Costa Rican banks and state agencies. This made Costa Rica economically reliant on tourism. Forunier also cut educational and housing expenses, and his policies are considered to have increased wealth inequality in Costa Rica, particularly because of minimum wage cuts and regressive sales tax. Because of this, Fournier

8342-401: The same privileged class that had long been oppressing Indigenous populations from the arrival of Pizarro onward. More or less at the same time as the initial publications of Latin American liberation theology are also found voices of Black liberation theology and feminist liberation theology . Black theology refers to a theological perspective which originated in some black churches in

8439-413: The same time, Calderón's reforms were extremely unpopular amongst the Costa Rican corporations. Calderonism began to be labelled as calderocomunismo , by both Calderón's supporters and opponents. Calderonism was met with extensive opposition from employers, which led to the Costa Rican oligarchy plotting a coup against Calderón. The Costa Rican communists were also approached regarding critical support for

8536-482: The so-called Pact of the Mexican Embassy, ending the armed uprising. Picado resigned the next day, leaving Santos León Herrera as interim president. Picado and former president Calderón Guardia went into exile in Nicaragua . On 24 April, Figueres' forces entered San José, almost six weeks after beginning their revolt in southern Costa Rica. On 8 May the provisional junta presided by Figueres formally took over

8633-513: The tense years of Picado's administration (1944–48) and during the Civil War itself. The rebel forces led by Figueres were a mix of anti-communist right-wingers, economically conservative elements weary of the welfare state (represented by the winner of the 1948 election himself, Otilio Ulate), and a social democratic intelligentsia which sought to strengthen the new welfare state while ensuring democratic transparency. After their victory this alliance quickly fell apart. The right-wing faction, led by

8730-469: The unpopularity of the Pacheco administration and the resurgence of the new Citizens' Action Party the party suffered a terrible debacle and its candidate in 2006 , Ricardo Toledo Carranza , obtained only 3% of the votes. After Calderón's conviction for corruption on October 5, 2009, he withdrew his presidential candidacy being replaced by the then deputy of the party Luis Fishman Zonzinski , who obtained

8827-425: The valid votes making clear the existence of a two-party system. In 1987, work began for a new participation in the elections, this time with more experience. Miguel Ángel Rodríguez began his political career as a candidate, as did Germán Serrano Pinto . Due to the defeats suffered in the previous elections, in 1982 and 1986, Calderón Fournier had retired from an eventual candidacy, and supported Rodriguez. However,

8924-631: The world such as black theology in the United States and South Africa , Palestinian liberation theology , Dalit theology in India , Minjung theology in South Korea , as well as liberation theology in Ireland . Liberation theology developed within the Catholic Church in Latin America in the 1960s, as a reaction to the poverty and social injustice in the region, which CEPAL deemed

9021-497: Was a formal candidate by the newly formed National Liberation Party winning the 1953 Costa Rican general election . Calderón's called for abstention. In 1958, the presidential candidate for the National Union Party, Mario Echandi , promised to bring back Calderón and family from exile and sign a general amnesty if elected and received the vote in bloc of the Calderonistas. Calderón was candidate to Congress in exile and won

9118-414: Was also supported by the Catholic Church, and he "did not let down the Church". Calderonism was marked by pro-clericalism, as it re-established religious classes in middle school studies and reintroduced religion as a mandatory course in primary schools, reverting a liberal prohibition of it from the 19th century. This also provided Calderón with political legitimacy - he selectively deflected attacks of being

9215-440: Was and Figueres had been only moments before. Shots rang out, and Valverde fell dead on his doorstep. Ulate escaped but was later captured and imprisoned, all of which helped to paint an especially distasteful image of the military. The annulment of the election results in 1948 and the killing of Valverde on the same day seemed to give Figueres the evidence that he needed that the government had no intention of peacefully accepting

9312-547: Was not his choice ("not my road, not my way to apply the Gospels"), he would never say "to use weapons against an oppressor is immoral or anti-Christian". Wilson argued that a church, not itself pacifist (as a schoolchild he recalls being taught to revere General Franco as a soldier of Christ), needed to develop a new "theology of pacifism". Acknowledging the predicament of those who had "a duty to protect others--their families their homes", this would need to do more than satisfy

9409-485: Was willing to compromise. Picado's long-time political ally, Manuel Mora of the communist Popular Vanguard Party, had no intention of negotiating with Figueres. Mora's forces had sealed themselves up inside the capital of San José, and were determined not to capitulate as quickly as Picado. As the target of many of Figueres' criticisms about Costa Rica, Mora and his party were worried that a Figueres-led takeover might well lead to their expulsion from politics. The day after

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