108-403: Alfredo Stroessner Matiauda ( Spanish: [alˈfɾeðo esˈtɾosneɾ] ; 3 November 1912 – 16 August 2006) was a Paraguayan army officer, politician, and dictator who served as President of Paraguay from 15 August 1954 until his overthrow from power on 3 February 1989. His dictatorship is commonly referred inside Paraguay as El Stronato . Stroessner led a coup d'état on 4 May 1954 with
216-672: A 2022 poll by the Centro Estratégico Latinoamericano de Geopolítica (Latin American Strategic Centre for Geopolitics) of who Paraguayans viewed as their best president of the past three decades, Stroessner was the answer of 14.4% of respondents, above President Nicanor Duarte , but below Presidents Lugo and Horacio Cartes . Stroessner's supporters are known as "Stronistas", and they refer to him as " El Único Líder " ( Spanish : The Only Leader ). Every year, nostalgic Stronistas celebrate
324-590: A PLR congressman during the previous ten years, broke away to form the Authentic Radical Liberal Party ( Partido Liberal Radical Auténtico - PLRA) in a late 1970s rise in political activity. Laíno's charges of government corruption, involvement in narcotics trafficking , human rights violations, and inadequate financial compensation from Brazil under the terms of the Treaty of Itaipú earned him Stroessner's wrath. In 1979 Laíno helped lead
432-632: A bath of human vomit and excrement, or ram electric cattle prods up their rectums. In 1975, the Secretary of the Paraguayan Communist Party , Miguel Ángel Soler , was dismembered alive with a chainsaw while Stroessner listened on the phone. The screams of tortured dissidents were often recorded and played over the phone to family members, and sometimes the bloody garments of those killed were sent to their homes. Under Stroessner, egregious human rights violations were committed against
540-533: A dependable supporter of his rule. The economy was in bad shape and deteriorating further, with inflation growing. His economic austerity measures proved unpopular with the nation's military officers, who had long grown used to getting soft loans from the Central Bank; with fiscally dodgy businessmen, who disliked the severe tightening of credit; and with increasingly poor workers, who organized 1958 Paraguayan general strike demanding increased pay. In addition,
648-547: A few hundred Aché remained alive by the late 1970s. The Stroessner regime financed this genocide with U.S. aid. Stroessner was careful not to show off or draw attention from jealous generals or foreign journalists. He avoided rallies and took simple holidays in Patagonia . He became more tolerant of opposition as the years passed, but there was no change in the regime's basic character. During Stroessner's rule, no socialist nations had diplomatic relations with Paraguay, with
756-474: A group of politicians intimately connected to Stroessner) continued the same violent policies. The 1940 constitution was replaced in 1967 with an equally repressive document. Like its predecessor, it gave the president broad powers to take exceptional actions for the good of the country, such as suspending civil liberties and intervening in the economy. It thus formed the legal basis for the state of virtual martial law under which Stroessner governed. While it limited
864-520: A growing black market . Finally, Argentina's economic problems were also negatively influencing Paraguay. By 1953 political and military support for the 73-year-old Chávez had eroded. Chavez's decision to run for re-election disappointed younger politicians, who wanted power and military officers who did not approve reduction of military's budget in favor of National police. In early 1954 the recently fired Director of Central Bank Epifanio Méndez Fleitas joined forces with General Alfredo Stroessner , who
972-572: A high cost. Corruption was rampant (Stroessner himself did not dispute charges of corruption at some levels in his government) and Paraguay's human rights record was considered one of the poorest in South America. During Stroessner's regime, an estimated 3,000 to 4,000 people were murdered, 400 to 500 more " disappeared ," and thousands more imprisoned and tortured. Press freedom was also limited, constitutional guarantees notwithstanding. Any outcry about government mistreatment or attacks toward
1080-561: A means of gaining power. This enabled Stroessner to crush the still aggressive Paraguayan Communist Party ( Partido Communista Paraguayo - PCP) by mercilessly persecuting its members, families and their spouses and to isolate the exiled Colorado Epifanistas (followers of Epifanio Méndez Fleitas) and Democráticos , who had reorganized themselves as the Popular Colorado Movement (Movimiento Popular Colorado - Mopoco). The American government helped Paraguay fight
1188-514: A member of Colorado Party who served as the president of Paraguay from 2018 to 2023, was the son of Stroessner's personal secretary. Journalist Isabel Debre expressed the view that Abdo Benítez's election to the presidency in 2018 was when Storessner's enduring influence was "never more obvious" due to this connection. Abdo Benítez has opined that Stroessner "did much for the country" ( Spanish : hizo mucho por el país ), but voiced his disapproval of Stroessner's human rights violations. According to
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#17327728403511296-468: A period of harsh repression with the support of the army and the military police (which also served as a secret police ) against anyone who opposed his authoritarian rule. Even when opposition parties were legalized in 1962, they were barely tolerated, and the repression continued. On 25 August 1967, he introduced a new constitution enabling him to re-elect himself; in 1977 he modified that constitution to permit himself to be re-elected indefinitely. He
1404-537: A regime based on the military and a political party that had been noted for its stability and its apparent ability to resist change. Somoza had brought economic progress to the country and had skillfully kept his internal opposition divided for years. Ultimately, however, the carefully controlled changes he had introduced began subtly to undermine the traditional, authoritarian order. As traditional society broke down in Paraguay, observers saw increasing challenges ahead for
1512-477: A result of this he may have fathered over 30 illegitimate children. The affairs and child abuse were divulged after his downfall, further tarnishing his image. Stroessner was the second-longest serving leader of a Latin American country. His 35 year dictatorship was surpassed in length by only Fidel Castro 's rule of Cuba . It was also the longest-lived dictatorship in South America. Even after Stroessner's rule,
1620-399: A severely authoritarian constitution enacted in 1940. In the mid 1960s, in an attempt to placate growing international criticism, Stroessner began allowing some opposition parties to function, although these functioned as opposition in name only. Stroessner also fired the interior minister Ynsfrán in 1966, but his replacement, Sabino Augusto Montanaro (a member of the " Cuatrinomio de Oro ",
1728-496: A small patch of ground faced a new threat. Itaipú had prompted a tidal wave of Brazilian migration in the eastern border region of Paraguay. By the mid-1980s, observers estimated there were between 300,000 and 350,000 Brazilians in the eastern border region. With Portuguese the dominant language in the areas of heavy Brazilian migration and Brazilian currency circulating as legal tender, the area became closely integrated with Brazil. Further, most of Paraguay's increased wealth wound up in
1836-489: A well known torture center. Among the most feared torturers were Pastor Coronel , Antonio Campos Alum and Ramón Aquino . Paraguay had entered the 1980s less isolated and rural than it had traditionally been, but more than half of the population was still rural. Political and social structures remained inflexible, but Paraguayans had changed their world views and their perceptions of themselves. 1983 elections and 1988 elections were manipulated to deliver nearly 90% of
1944-477: A well-deserved reputation for ferocity in combat, torture and executing their prisoners. Growing numbers of people were interned in jungle concentration camps . Army troops and police smashed striking labor unions by taking over their organizations and arresting their leaders. Stroessner decided to accept the growing calls for reform from the army and the Colorado Party. In April 1959 the state of siege
2052-772: Is according to the Constitution of Paraguay the head of the executive branch of the government of Paraguay , both head of state and head of government . His honorific title is Su Excelencia . The incumbent president of Paraguay is Santiago Peña , who took office on 15 August 2023. The presidential seat is the Palacio de los López , in Asunción . The presidential residence is the Mburuvichá Roga , also in Asunción. Once presidents leave office, they are granted by
2160-582: The Alfredo Stroessner dictatorship , in which Stroessner was re-elected without term limits. An attempt by the Senate to abolish term limits on 1 April 2017 resulted in protests ; it was ultimately rejected. According to Article 238 of the Constitution, the president's duties are: Article 234 of the Constitution establishes that in the event of impediment or absence of the offices of
2268-615: The Paraguayan Civil War and overthrow of the Higinio Moríñigo regime, Juan Natalicio González assumed the Presidency , but he was soon overthrown and followed by Presidents who held power for only a few months each. Some stability was achieved after Federico Chávez was elected on 10 September 1949. Three weeks after taking office, Chávez imposed a state of siege, using his executive emergency powers under
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#17327728403512376-626: The Paraguayan army at the age of 16. During the 1947 Paraguayan Civil War , Stroessner supported the Colorado Party , and played an important role in their victory. In 1951, he became commander-in-chief of the army. Stroessner objected to President Federico Chávez's plans to arm the national police and threw him out of office in a coup on 4 May 1954 . The National Assembly appointed Tomás Romero Pereira president, who called for special elections to complete Chávez's term. Stroessner became
2484-575: The World Anti-Communist League , he justified his repression as a necessary measure to protect the country. The use of political repression , threats and death squads was a key factor in Stroessner's longevity as dictator of Paraguay. He maintained virtually unlimited power by giving a free hand to the military and to Minister of Interior Edgar Ynsfrán , who began to harass, terrorize, and occasionally murder family members of
2592-572: The " Cuatrinomio de Oro ", a group of politicians intimately connected to Stroessner) continued the same violent policies. In August 1967, after the Constitutional Assembly elections a new Constitution created the two-house Paraguayan legislature and formally allowed Stroessner to serve for two more five-year presidential terms. In 1968 elections and 1973 elections opposition parties were allowed to win seats. In 1977 new Constitution Assembly elections were held and Constitution
2700-607: The 1950s and 1960s Cold War ideology in the United States , which favored anti-communist governments. In 1957 Paraguay established diplomatic relations with Taiwan . Upon reaching Asunción during his 1958 tour of Latin America, Vice President Richard Nixon praised Stroessner's Paraguay for opposing communism more strongly than any other nation in the world. The main strategic concern of the United States at that time
2808-622: The 1970s. The construction of the Itaipu Dam, as well as that of the subsequent Yacyretá Dam on the Paraguay–Argentina Border , displaced thousands of Paraguayans, often without any restitution. The Itaipu Dam displaced at least 80,000 Paraguayans, and the Yacyretá was estimated to have displaced at least as many by December 2008. 160 workers died building the Itaipu Dam. Stroessner also promoted projects that purportedly developed
2916-764: The Americans. The United States played a "critical supporting role" in the domestic affairs of Stoessner's Paraguay. Between 1962 and 1975 the US provided $ 146 million to Paraguay's military government and Paraguayan officers were trained at the U.S. Army School of the Americas . Although the military and security forces under Stroessner received less material support from the United States than other South American countries, strong inter-military connections existed through military advisors and military training. Between 1962 and 1966, nearly 400 Paraguayan military personnel were trained by
3024-460: The Colorado Party also dominated the Congress. In the aftermath of the coup, one of the immediate results was that rural Paraguayans occupied unused lands "claimed by the state, the Stroessner family and its cronies, and foreign investors." They set up huts and cleared land to grow staples of manioc and corn. "They were soon followed by thousands more. By mid-1990, observers and representatives of
3132-487: The Colorado Party has continually held the presidency of Paraguay, with the exception of from 2008 to 2013, following the election of Fernando Lugo . The social scientist Antonio Soljancic has argued that this is because, although Stroessner was removed from power, "he left a legacy that no one has tried to bury". Many public schools avoid historical discussions of the Stroessner dictatorship, and many still feature plaques paying tribute to him as of 2024. Mario Abdo Benítez ,
3240-401: The Colorado Party would result in destruction of the media outlets. Many media executives were sent to prison or tortured. Because of this, political opponents were few and far between. Near the end of this presidency, he declared that he would remove the state of siege, but quickly recanted after students began protesting trolley fares. For the first 13 years of his rule, Stroessner ruled under
3348-414: The Constitution of 1940 to attack the supporters of González and of ex-President Felipe Molas López . The growing economic problems after two decades of extreme political and social unrest had undermined and shattered Paraguay's economy. The national and per capita income had fallen sharply. The Central Bank's practice of granting soft loans to the regime's cronies was spurring a rise in inflation and
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3456-475: The Constitution of Paraguay the speaking-but-non-voting position of senator for life . Article 228 of the Constitution establishes that the president must be a naturalized citizen, be at least 35 years old, and have full political and civil rights. Article 230 of the Constitution establishes that the president and the vice president must be elected in a joint ticket by a single round of direct vote, in an election taking place between 90 and 120 days before
3564-547: The Metropolitan Police (Departamento de Investigaciones de la Policía de la Capital, DIPC) under the leadership of Pastor Coronel , and the National Directorate of Technical Affairs (Dirección Nacional de Asuntos Técnicos, DNAT) directed by Antonio Campos Alum . Both units specialized in political repression. Pastor Coronel became infamous for his brutality. He would interview people in a pileta ,
3672-618: The Ninth Organization of American States General Assembly, meeting in La Paz, Bolivia, condemned human rights violations in Paraguay, describing torture and disappearances as "an affront to the hemisphere's conscience". International groups also charged that the military had killed 30 peasants and arrested 300 others after the peasants had protested against encroachments on their land by government officials. (See Genocide of indigenous peoples in Paraguay .) In 1977, Domingo Laíno ,
3780-581: The PLRA, the PDC, Mopoco, and the legally recognized Febreristas, the latter angered by the constitutional amendment allowing Stroessner to seek yet another presidential term in 1978, into the National Accord (Acuerdo Nacional). The National Accord served to coordinate the opposition's political strategy. The victim of countless detentions, torture, and persecution, Laíno was forced into exile in 1982 following
3888-775: The Paraguayan ruler become any less a personalist dictator. Regime opponents who agreed to play Stroessner's electoral charade received rewards of privileges and official recognition. Other opponents, however, faced detention and exile. Influenced by Paraguay's support for the United States intervention in the Dominican Republic in 1965, the United States became friendlier to Stroessner in the mid-1960s under President Lyndon B. Johnson . New United States supported military governments in Brazil and Argentina also improved United States-Paraguay ties. Relations between Paraguay and
3996-765: The President and Vice President, the Presidency of the Republic shall be assumed by, in order of succession, the President of the Senate , the President of the Chamber of Deputies , and the President of the Supreme Court of Justice. The Mburuvicha Róga in Asunción is the official residence of the president. It was first built in 1930. The Palacio de los López is the president's workplace, located in
4104-655: The Santa Luzia Hospital in Brasília after suffering from pneumonia . He was buried in the Campo da Esperança Cemetery. Alfredo Stroessner Matiauda was born in Encarnación on 3 November 1912. His father, a German Paraguayan , was an accountant from Hof, Bavaria , Germany, who immigrated to Paraguay in the last five years of the 1890s. His mother was of Guaraní and Spanish criollo descent. He joined
4212-494: The Stroessner regime. During the 1960s and 1970s, the main foreign influences on Paraguay were Brazil and the United States. Both countries aided Paraguay's economic development in ways that enhanced its political stability. A 1956 agreement with Brazil to improve the transport link between the two countries by building roads and a bridge over the Paraná River broke Paraguay's traditional dependence on Argentine goodwill for
4320-539: The U.S. had abandoned him, was regarded as a personal blow to Stroessner. It has been asserted that the Roman Catholic Church is the only reason Stroessner did not have absolute control over the country. After the destruction of Asunción University in 1972 by police, the Archbishop of Paraguay Ismael Rolón Silvero excommunicated the minister of the interior and the chief of police, and proscribed
4428-665: The United States Congress sharply cut military assistance to Paraguay. Paraguay regularly voted in favor of United States policies in the United Nations and the Organization of American States . Stroessner, probably the United States' most dependable ally in Latin America, once remarked that the United States ambassador was like an extra member of his cabinet. Relations faltered somewhat during
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4536-495: The United States changed substantially after the election of President Jimmy Carter in 1976. The appointment of Robert White as United States ambassador in 1977 and the congressional cut-off of military hardware deliveries in the same year reflected increasing concern about the absence of democratic rule and the presence of human rights violations in Paraguay. Paraguay also lost the Filártiga v. Peña-Irala torture case. Beyond
4644-609: The United States in the Panama Canal Zone and on US soil. Strong Paraguayan-U.S. relations continued until the Carter Administration emphasized a foreign policy that recognized human rights abuses, although both military and economic aid were allotted to the Paraguayan government in Carter's budgets. The Reagan Administration restored more cordial relations due to Stroessner's staunch anti-communism, but by
4752-400: The administration of President John F. Kennedy , as United States officials began calling for democratic rule and land reform and threatened to withhold Alliance for Progress funds (an amount equal to about 40 percent of Paraguay's budget) unless Paraguay made progress. Although pressure of this sort no doubt encouraged Stroessner to legalize some internal opposition parties, it failed to make
4860-399: The anniversary of Stroesssner's birth. His supporters have asserted that "another Stroessner" is needed to govern modern Paraguay, and that his was a time of security and stability. As part of political persecution, Stroessner's regime was responsible for exiling 20,814 Paraguayans. Around 425 to 500 people were forcibly disappeared. The search for some bodies of the disappeared by families of
4968-450: The better-known examples, see Operation Condor , which Paraguay participated in. Records about its victims, the so-called Archives of Terror were discovered in 1992. The United States helped General Stroessner in many ways. It sent U.S. Army officer, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Thierry to help the local workmen to build a detention and interrogation center named La Technica as part of Operation Condor . La Technica then became
5076-737: The bodies of those killed by the regime were dumped in the Chaco or the Río Paraguay . The discovery of the " Archives of Terror " in 1992 in the Lambaré suburb of Asunción confirmed allegations of widespread human rights violations. During Stroessner's rule, two special departments were organized under the Ministry of the Interior led by Edgar Ynsfrán : the Department of Investigations of
5184-545: The border from Argentina. Venezuela sent large amounts of aid to these groups starting in 1958. The following year, the new Cuban government under Fidel Castro also provided assistance to the United National Front . The guerrillas received little support from Paraguay's conservative peasantry. The Colorado Party employed its own militias , the peasant py nandí irregulars ("barefoot ones" in Guaraní) had
5292-556: The capital and charged under the state-of-siege provisions—even if the offense took place outside the capital. Thus, for all intents and purposes, Stroessner ruled under what amounted to martial law for nearly all of his tenure. The retirement of González and the death of Molas López had removed two of his most formidable opponents and the September 1955 Argentine coup that deposed President Perón deprived Méndez Fleitas of his main potential source of support. Perón fled to Asunción and
5400-423: The celebration of Holy Mass in a sign of protest against the Stroessner regime. When Pope John Paul II visited Paraguay in 1988, his visit bolstered what was already a robust anti-Stroessner movement within the country. Stroessner gave a written television interview to Alan Whicker as part of a documentary called The Last Dictator (UK: 7 April 1970) for the television series Whicker's World . The programme
5508-522: The center of Asunción. It was first built in orders of Paraguay's first president Carlos Antonio López in 1844, and was planned to be handed to his son and designated successor, Francisco Solano López . It was completed in 1867, in the midst of the Paraguayan War , and thus it was never used by Solano López. The Palace was heavily damaged in the war, and it was not until 1894 that it was finally restored and repaired by Juan Bautista Egusquiza , who
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#17327728403515616-657: The church's attempts to organize the rural poor. Despite all this, the Church still managed to print the newspaper Sendero . The regime also increasingly came under international fire in the 1970s for human rights abuses, including allegations of torture and murder. In 1978 the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights convinced an annual meeting of foreign ministers at the OAS to pass a resolution calling on Paraguay to improve its human rights situation. In 1980
5724-570: The communists as part of the Cold War . Under "liberalization", Ynsfrán, the master of the machinery of terror, began to outlive his usefulness to Stroessner. Ynsfrán opposed political liberalization and was unhappy with Stroessner's increasingly clear intention to stay as President for life . A May 1966 police corruption scandal gave Stroessner a convenient way to dismiss Ynsfrán in November. His replacement, Sabino Augusto Montanaro (a member of
5832-456: The construction site and the rates for which Paraguay agreed to sell its share of the electricity, was essential. Itaipú gave Paraguay's economy a new source of wealth. The construction produced a tremendous economic boom, as thousands of Paraguayans who had never before held a regular job went to work on the enormous dam. From 1973 (when construction began) until 1982 (when it ended), gross domestic product grew more than 8 percent annually, double
5940-544: The country's infrastructure. Amongst these were the improvement of highways and the issuing of 15–20 hectare land grants to military personnel upon completion of their service, provided that the land would be used for farming purposes. Over 10,000 soldiers took up this offer. By the end of the Stronato , the second biggest city was Puerto Flor de Lis (renamed "Puerto Presidente Stroessner," then " Ciudad del Este "), founded just 32 years before. In April 1987, Stroessner lifted
6048-407: The coup. The two generals, Rodríguez and Oviedo, fought a brief artillery duel over Asunción. After the coup, Stroessner fled to Brazil, where he lived in exile for the next 17 years. The eastern city of Puerto Flor de Lis, which had been renamed Puerto Presidente Stroessner in his honour, in 1989 was again renamed Ciudad del Este . Asunción's airport had been named after him during his regime, but
6156-399: The expiration of the previous presidential term (per Article 229, August 15). Article 229 also establishes that the president serves a single term of 5 years and is forbidden to be re-elected under any circumstances, and that the vice president must resign from their role 6 months before the election, if they decide to run for the presidency. The re-election ban dates back to the aftermath of
6264-487: The financial support he received from the United States, which supported his anti-communist struggle, his regime was characterized by corruption and the distribution of favors among what was known as "the trilogy": the government, the Colorado Party and the armed forces. Smuggling—geographically favoured by Paraguay's location between Brazil, Argentina and Bolivia—became one of the main sources of income, ranging from alcohol and drugs to cars and exotic animals. Some estimate that
6372-422: The hands of wealthy supporters of the regime. Landowners faced no meaningful land reform, the regime's control of labor organizers aided businessmen, foreign investors benefited from tax exemptions , and foreign creditors experienced a bonanza from heavy Paraguayan borrowing. Although the poorest Paraguayans were somewhat better off in 1982 than they were in the 1960s, they were worse off relative to other sectors of
6480-459: The highest rates of land concentration in Latin America. According to Oxfam, 1.6% of the population owns 80% of the land as a direct consequence of the Stroessner regime: between 1954 and 1989 some 8 million hectares, a third of the total amount of arable land, were distributed irregularly among people personally connected to Stroessner. Most Latin American dictatorships have regularly instituted extrajudicial killings of their enemies; for one of
6588-481: The indigenous Aché population of Paraguay's eastern districts, largely as the result of U.S. and European corporations wanting access to the country's forests, mines and grazing lands. The Aché resided on land that was coveted and had resisted relocation attempts by the Paraguayan army. The government retaliated with massacres and forced many Aché into slavery. In 1974, the UN accused Paraguay of slavery and genocide . Only
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#17327728403516696-462: The legislature debated an amendment that would have allowed then-president Horacio Cartes to run for reelection, massive protests forced the Colorados to abandon those plans. President of Paraguay The president of Paraguay ( Spanish : presidente del Paraguay ), officially known as the president of the Republic of Paraguay ( Spanish : presidente de la República del Paraguay ),
6804-424: The legislature to call for Ynsfrán's resignation. Stroessner responded swiftly by reimposing the state of siege and dissolving the legislature. The 1960 parliamentary elections were boycotted by all opposition parties. An upsurge in guerrilla activity and anti-government violence followed, but Stroessner and his colleagues stood firm. Several factors strengthened Stroessner's hand. First, United States military aid
6912-432: The major boom raised expectations for long-term growth. An economic downturn in the early 1980s caused discontent, which in turn led to demands for reform. Many Paraguayans, no longer content to eke out a living on a few hectares, had to leave the country to look for work. In the early 1980s, some observers estimated that up to 60 percent of Paraguayans were living outside the country. Even those people who were willing to farm
7020-537: The mid 1980s relations cooled, largely because of the international outcry over the regime's excesses, along with its involvement in narcotics trafficking and money-laundering. In 1986, the Reagan administration added his regime to its list of Latin American dictatorships. As leader of the Colorado Party , Stroessner exercised nearly complete control over the nation's political scene. Although opposition parties were nominally permitted after 1962 (the Colorado Party had been
7128-422: The military dictatorships of six South American countries ( Chile , Argentina , Bolivia , Paraguay, Uruguay and Brazil ) with the support of the United States. Human rights violations characteristic of those in other South American countries such as kidnappings , torture , forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings were routine and systematic during the Stroessner regime. Following executions, many of
7236-461: The military strongman behind the coup, Stroessner was able to place his supporters in positions of power in the provisional government. He then quickly made moves to secure power for himself. About two months later, a divided Colorado Party nominated Stroessner as their presidential candidate for the 1954 elections . The Colorados had been the only legally permitted party since 1947, so this effectively made Stroessner president. For many party members he
7344-399: The new Argentine government, displeased with Stroessner's cordial relations with Perón, canceled a trade agreement with Paraguay. 1958 elections gave Stroessner the second Presidential term. The vote was fixed to favor the regime and opposition blossomed into a guerrilla insurgency soon afterwards. Sponsored by exiled Liberals and febreristas , small bands of armed men began to slip across
7452-406: The new Argentine junta compelled Perón to depart Asunción for Panama in November. Méndez Fleitas prepared to stage a coup in late December. As a result, Stroessner purged the military of Méndez Fleitas' supporters and sent him into exile in 1956. Stroessner was at the time barely in control of the Colorado Party, which was split in competing factions by rival politicians, while the army was also not
7560-539: The new party twenty of Congress's sixty seats. Four years later, PLR members also returned to Paraguay and began participating in the electoral process. By this time, the Febreristas, a sad remnant of the once powerful, but never coherent revolutionary coalition, posed no real threat to Stroessner and were legalised in 1964 as Revolutionary Febrerista Party . The new Christian Democratic Party ( Partido Demócrata Cristiano - PDC) also renounced insurgency violence as
7668-450: The nominee for the Colorado Party in that year's election on 11 July. He won, as he was the only candidate. He was reelected seven times—in 1958 , 1963 , 1968 , 1973 , 1978 , 1983 and 1988. He appeared alone on the ballot in 1958. In his other elections, he won by implausibly high margins; only once (1968) did he drop below 80 percent of the vote. That campaign was also the only time an opposition candidate got more than 20 percent of
7776-541: The occupants estimated that roughly 19,000 families had claimed lands totaling over 360,000 hectares." This happened mostly in the eastern and northern border departments, a frontier zone, but it occurred in other rural areas as well. At the time, 2.06 million people of the 4.1 million total population were still rural. In the newly created municipal elections of 1991, opposition candidates won several major urban centers , including Asunción. As president, Rodríguez instituted political, legal, and economic reforms and initiated
7884-440: The only legal party in the country since 1947), Paraguay remained for all intents and purposes a one-party state. Elections were so heavily rigged in favor of the Colorados that the opposition had no realistic chance of winning, and opposition figures were subjected to varying degrees of harassment. Furthermore, Stroessner's Paraguay became a haven for Nazi war criminals, including Josef Mengele , and non-communist peaceful opposition
7992-580: The party followed. Although the system survived, it was shaken. More mass arrests followed during the Painful Easter of 1976. Beginning in the late 1960s, leaders in the Roman Catholic Church persistently criticized Stroessner's successive extensions of his stay in office and his treatment of political prisoners. The regime responded by closing Roman Catholic publications and newspapers, expelling non-Paraguayan priests, and harassing
8100-533: The population. Agricultural policy for much of the regime was headed by Juan Manuel Frutos Fleitas , who oversaw the creation of the Rural Welfare Institute (Instituto de Bienestar Rural—IBR). From 1963 to the late 1980s, the IBR titled millions of hectares of land and created hundreds of colonies, directly affecting the circumstances of roughly one-quarter of the population. The IBR, however,
8208-440: The power to suspend constitutional freedoms. Under the state-of-siege provisions, the government was empowered to arrest and detain anyone indefinitely without trial, as well as forbid public meetings and demonstrations. It was renewed every 90 days until 1987, except for a brief period in 1959. Although it technically only applied to Asunción after 1970, the courts ruled that anyone charged with security offenses could be brought to
8316-569: The president to two five-year terms, it stipulated that only those terms completed after the 1968 election would count toward that limit. In 1977, faced with having to leave office for good the following year, Stroessner pushed through a constitutional amendment allowing him to run for an unlimited number of five-year terms. Paraguay was a leading participant in Operation Condor , a campaign of state terror and security operations officially implemented in 1975 which were jointly conducted by
8424-432: The prisoners were interrogated, it was found they were planning to assassinate Stroessner and had information that could have come only from a high Colorado official. With the party hierarchy suddenly under suspicion, Stroessner ordered the arrest and interrogation of over 1,000 senior officials and party members. He also dispatched agents to Argentina and Brazil to kidnap suspects among the exiled Colorados. A massive purge of
8532-410: The publication of a critical book about ex- Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle . Somoza had found a refuge in Paraguay, even publishing a book, Nicaragua Betrayed , before being assassinated in Asunción in 1980. The assassination of Somoza also showed growing weaknesses. From Stroessner's standpoint, there were ominous similarities between Somoza and himself. Like Stroessner, Somoza had run
8640-407: The rate for the previous decade and higher than growth rates in most other Latin American countries. Foreign exchange earnings from electricity sales to Brazil soared, and the newly employed Paraguayan workforce stimulated domestic demand, bringing about a rapid expansion in the agricultural sector. There were, however, several drawbacks to the construction at Itaipú. The prosperity associated with
8748-447: The regime's opponents. Stroessner heavily relied on various Colorado Party militias , subordinated to his control, to crush any dissent within the country. The Stroessner regime's strong anti-communist stance earned it the support of the United States, with which it enjoyed close military and economic ties and supported the U.S. invasion of the Dominican Republic . The Stroessner regime even offered to send troops to Vietnam alongside
8856-629: The smooth flow of Paraguayan international trade. Brazil's grant of duty-free port facilities on the Atlantic Coast was particularly valuable to Paraguay. Brazil's financing of the US$ 19 billion Itaipú Dam on the Paraná River between Paraguay and Brazil had far-reaching consequences for Paraguay; it had no means of contributing financially to the construction, but its cooperation, including controversial concessions regarding ownership of
8964-469: The sole exception of non-aligned Yugoslavia . Stroessner made many state visits , including to Japan , the United States, and France , as well as to South Africa , a country which Paraguay developed close bilateral ties with in the 1970s. He also made several visits to West Germany , although over the years his relations with that country deteriorated. Since he had always been known as pro-German, this worsening of relations, combined with his feeling that
9072-411: The state of siege as part of the run-up to elections the following spring. However, several draconian security laws remained in effect, meaning that the substance (if not the form) of the state of siege was still in place. As had been the case for over three decades, opposition leaders continued to be arbitrarily arrested and opposition meetings and demonstrations were broken up (often brutally). Stroessner
9180-448: The support of the army and the Colorado Party , with which he was affiliated. After a brief provisional government headed by Tomás Romero Pereira , he was the Colorado Party's presidential candidate for the 1954 general election , and was elected unopposed since all other parties were banned from 1947 to 1962. Stroessner later officially assumed the presidency on 15 August 1954, quickly suspended constitutional and civil rights, and began
9288-428: The victims was still ongoing as of 2022. An estimated 18,000 to 20,000 people were subjected to torture and other abuses by Stroessner's government. In part due to Stroessner's abuses, Paraguay's current constitution limits the president to a single five-year term with no possibility of reelection, even if nonsuccessive. The ban on any sort of reelection has become so entrenched in Paraguayan politics that in 2017, when
9396-498: The volume of smuggling was three times the official export figure. Stroessner used some of that money, as well as slices of major infrastructure works and the delivery of land, to buy the loyalty of his officers, many of whom amassed huge fortunes and large estates. The concentration of wealth and land in the hands of a few made Paraguay the most unequal country on the planet. Humanitarian organizations such as Oxfam and Amnesty International have denounced that it continues to have one of
9504-488: The vote. He served for 35 years, with only Fidel Castro having a longer tenure among 20th-century Latin American leaders; though Castro's tenure as president was shorter at 32 years (1976–2008). Soon after taking office, Stroessner placed the entire country under a state of siege and suspended civil liberties. The state-of-siege provisions allowed the government to arrest and detain anyone indefinitely without trial, as well as forbid public meetings and demonstrations. It
9612-500: The votes for Stroessner, while maintaining the fiction of a multiparty system. On 3 February 1989, Stroessner was overthrown in a military coup headed by General Andrés Rodríguez . He went into exile in Brazil, where he died in 2006. At the time of his death, Stroessner was the defendant in several human rights cases in Paraguay. Rodríguez won the presidency in a multi-party election held in May 1989 to complete Stroessner's term, in which
9720-551: Was a change in attitude among his domestic opposition. Demoralized by years of fruitless struggle, psychological exhaustion and exile, the major opposition groups began to sue for peace. A Liberal Party faction, the Renovation Movement, returned to Paraguay to become the "official" opposition as the Radical Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Radical - PLR). In the elections of 1963 , Stroessner allotted
9828-419: Was a key factor in Stroessner's longevity as dictator of Paraguay. He had virtually unlimited power by giving a free hand to the military and to Minister of Interior Edgar Ynsfrán , who began to harass, terrorize, and occasionally murder family members of the regime's opponents. Stroessner's rule took a hard-line stance from the beginning. Soon after taking office, he declared a state of siege , which gave him
9936-485: Was a temporary choice, as Morínigo had been for the Liberals in 1940. When Stroessner took office on 15 August 1954, few imagined that this circumspect, unassuming forty-one-year-old would be a master politician capable of outmaneuvering and outlasting them all— or that they were witnessing the start of the fifth and longest of Paraguay's extended dictatorships. The use of political repression , threats and death squads
10044-402: Was amended removing all Presidential term limits allowing Stroessner to win 1978 elections . By skillfully balancing the military and the Colorado Party, Stroessner remained very much in control. He was increasingly being challenged in ways that showed that his control was not complete. For example, in November 1974, police units captured seven guerrillas in a farmhouse outside of Asunción. When
10152-687: Was criticized for having a pronounced political bias, with land being primarily allocated to supporters of Stroessner and his regime. Closer relations with Brazil paralleled a decline in relations with Argentina. After Perón's expulsion, Paraguay slipped from the orbit of Buenos Aires as Argentina declined politically and economically. Argentina, alarmed by Itaipú and close cooperation between Brazil and Paraguay, pressed Stroessner to agree to participate in hydroelectric projects at Yacyretá and Corpus. By pitting Argentina against Brazil , Stroessner improved Paraguay's diplomatic and economic autonomy and its economic prospects. Stroessner also benefited from
10260-404: Was crushed. Given Stroessner's affinity for Nazism and harboring of Nazi war criminals, foreign press often referred to his government as the "poor man's Nazi regime". Stroessner's rule brought more stability than most of the country's living residents had previously known. From 1927 to 1954, the country had had 22 presidents, including six from 1948 to 1954 alone. However, that stability came at
10368-507: Was fraudulently re-elected seven times from 1958 until 1988 ; approximately six months after the 1988 general election , he was overthrown in the coup d'état of 2 and 3 February 1989, led by his most trusted confidant, Lieutenant general Andrés Rodríguez Pedotti , with the support of the army. On 5 February 1989, two days after the coup, Stroessner was exiled to Brazil, where he spent the last 17 years of his life. He died in August 2006 at
10476-437: Was helping enhance the army's skills in counterinsurgency warfare. Second, the many purges of the Colorado Party had removed all opposition factions. In addition, the new economic policy had boosted exports and investment and reduced inflation, and the military coups in Brazil in 1964 and Argentina in 1966 also improved the regional political climate for nondemocratic rule in Paraguay. Another major factor in Stroessner's favor
10584-420: Was later renamed Silvio Pettirossi International Airport . Stroessner died on 16 August 2006, in Brasília , at the age of 93. The immediate cause of death was a stroke . He had been suffering from pneumonia after undergoing a hernia operation. The Paraguayan government preemptively dismissed any suggestions for honouring the late president within Paraguay. He tried to return to Paraguay before his death, but he
10692-419: Was lifted, opposition exiles allowed to return, press censorship ended, political prisoners freed, and a new Constitution promised to replace the authoritarian 1940 Constitution . After two months of this democratic "spring" the country was on the verge of chaos. In late May, nearly 100 people were injured when a student riot erupted in downtown Asunción over a local bus fare increase. The disturbance inspired
10800-538: Was no income tax and public spending was the smallest percentage of GDP in Latin America . Stroessner enacted several economic development projects, including the building of the Itaipu Dam , the largest hydroelectric power plant in the world at the time: although Paraguay received only 15% of the contracts, it was a major factor in the country having the highest rate of growth in Latin America for most of
10908-537: Was nominated by the Colorados once again, and was the only candidate who was allowed to campaign completely unmolested. Under these circumstances, the February 1988 election was no different from past elections, with Stroessner officially registering 89 percent of the vote — a margin that his rivals contended could have been obtained only through massive fraud. On 3 February 1989, only six months after being sworn in for what would have been his eighth full term, Stroessner
11016-418: Was ousted in a coup d'état led by General Andrés Rodríguez , his closest confidant for over three decades. One reason for the coup was that the generals feared one of Stroessner's offspring would succeed him. Of the two, Alfredo was a cocaine addict and Gustavo , a pilot, was loathed for being homosexual . A more outlandish rumour was that Lino Oviedo threatened Rodríguez with a grenade if he did not launch
11124-630: Was rebuked and threatened with arrest by the government. Stroessner was married to Eligia Mora (26 December 1910 – 3 February 2006). They had three children. The couple were forcibly separated after his exile; she fled to the US, while he was given asylum in Brazil. Although they stayed in touch by phone and occasionally met, they were unable to live together, and neither Stroessner nor his son were able to return to Paraguay to attend her funeral. Stroessner engaged in extramarital affairs before and during his presidency. According to many sources he also engaged in child abuse with girls as young as 8 years old. As
11232-461: Was released in a Region 2 DVD box-set by the UK's Network imprint. Stroessner dedicated large proportions of the Paraguayan national budget to the military and police apparatus, both fundamental to the maintenance of the regime. According to a 1963 article from Time magazine, Stroessner spent 33% of the 1962 annual budget on army and police, 15% for education , and just 2% for public works . There
11340-508: Was renewed every 90 days until 1987, except for a brief period in 1959. Although it technically only applied to Asunción after 1970, the courts ruled that anyone charged with security offenses could be brought to the capital and charged under the state-of-siege provisions—even if the offense took place outside the capital. Apart from one 24-hour period on election days, Stroessner ruled under what amounted to martial law for nearly all of his tenure. A devoted anti-communist who brought Paraguay into
11448-482: Was the Commander-in-chief of the armed forces, in a plot to oust Chaves. Méndez Fleitas was unpopular with Colorado Party stalwarts and the army, who feared that he was trying to create a dictatorship like his hero, President of Argentina Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955). On 4 May 1954 Stroessner ordered his troops into the streets and staged a coup. Fierce resistance by police left almost fifty dead. As
11556-559: Was the first president to establish the Palace as his official workplace. El Stronato The dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner , colloquially known as the Stronismo or Stronato , was the period of almost 35 years in the history of Paraguay in which army general Alfredo Stroessner ruled the country as a de facto one-party state under an authoritarian military dictatorship , from 15 August 1954 to 3 February 1989. After
11664-515: Was to avoid the emergence a left-wing regime in Paraguay, which would be ideally situated at the heart of the South American continent to provide a haven for radicals and a base for revolutionary activities around the hemisphere. From 1947 until 1977, the United States supplied about US$ 750,000 worth of military hardware each year and trained more than 2,000 Paraguayan military officers in counter-intelligence and counterinsurgency. In 1977
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