79-764: Egi or EGI may refer to: Organizations [ edit ] Editors Guild of India , an Indian journalism organisation Europe-Georgia Institute , a Georgian non-governmental organisation Edward Grey Institute of Field Ornithology at Oxford University, England Euzko Gaztedi , the youth wing of the Basque Nationalist Party Excel Group Institutions , an Indian educational institution People [ edit ] Egi Kazuyuki (1853–1932), Japanese politician Egi Melgiansyah (born 1990), Indonesian footballer Other uses [ edit ] Duke Field (IATA: EGI),
158-501: A Hindu residential area in Jamalpur, residents reported that Muslim attackers injured approximately twenty-five Hindu residents and destroyed five houses on 1 March. The community head reported that the police responded quickly, but were ineffectual as there were so few of them present to help during the attack. The colony was later visited by Modi on 6 March, who promised the residents that they would be taken care of. On 17 March, it
237-685: A Special Investigation Team (SIT) to reinvestigate the Godhra train burning case and key cases of post-Godhra violence. The former CBI Director R. K. Raghavan was appointed to chair the Team. Christophe Jaffrelot notes that the SIT was not as independent as commonly believed. Other than Raghavan, half of the six members of the team were recruited from the Gujarat police, and the Gujarat High Court
316-783: A Treasurer and an executive committee. President, Secretary and Treasurer are the three elected office bearers. During the Annual General Meeting of the Guild, the General Body elects the President, the General Secretary and the Treasurer. Seema Mustafa , editor, The Citizen is the elected president of the guild. Sanjay Kapoor, editor, Hard News is the secretary and Anant Nath, editor, The Caravan ,
395-417: A cleric in Godhra, and a dismissed Central Reserve Police Force officer named Nanumiyan were presented as the "masterminds" behind the arson. After 24 extensions, the commission submitted its final report on 18 November 2014. The findings of the commission were called into question by a video recording released by Tehelka magazine, which showed Arvind Pandya, counsel for the Gujarat government, stating that
474-399: A court-led team, into the death of a journalist and the incident. EGI stated, "In what is clearly a terror attack meant to spread fear amongst the farmers, the killing of Kashyap raises many questions. The Editors Guild demands that the death of Kashyap be separately probed by a Court-led special investigation team to ascertain the circumstances of his death and also attempt to recover and use
553-998: A fair investigation into "the circumstances of the riots instead of penalising journalists and civil society activists". The Guild reaffirmed its earlier request to the Supreme Court that it consider the "unjustifiable" application of laws like UAPA and provide strict guidelines on charging journalists under them. The Guild cited The Wire 's investigative report on Tek Fog and said that "several women journalists were subjected to thousands of abusive tweets" to "instill fear in them" and "prevent them from expressing themselves freely and go about their jobs". The Editors Guild of India condemned "the continuing online harassment of women journalists, which includes targeted and organised online trolling as well as threats of sexual abuse." The guild demanded 'urgent steps to break and dismantle this misogynistic and abusive digital eco-system'. The Guild cited investigative report by The Wire , and urged
632-706: A military airport in Florida, United States Egi Station , in Maebashi, Gunma, Japan European Grid Infrastructure , a European high-throughput computing effort Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title EGI . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=EGI&oldid=1157750273 " Category : Disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description
711-583: A mob attack on a group of displaced Muslims returning under police escort to their homes in Avdhootnagar. The court passed strictures against the police for failing to protect the people under their escort and failing to identify the attackers they had seen. Nine people were convicted of killing a Hindu man and injuring another during group clashes in Danilimda, Ahmedabad on 12 April 2005, while twenty-five others were acquitted. Eight people, including
790-409: A policeman was convicted of falsifying evidence. The Mumbai High Court upheld the life imprisonment of the eleven men convicted for the gang rape of Bilkis Bano and the murder of her family members on 8 May 2017. On 15 August 2022, the Gujarat government released the eleven men sentenced to life imprisonment in the case. The judge who sentenced the rapists said the early release set a bad precedent by
869-402: A quote from a VHP leader as a headline, "Avenge with blood." The report stated that Gujarat Samachar had played a role in increasing the tensions but did not give all of its coverage over to "hawkish and inflammatory reportage in the first few weeks". The paper carried reports to highlight communal harmony. Gujarat Today was given praise for showing restraint and for the balanced reportage of
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#1732783102596948-563: A three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat . The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims and karsevaks returning from Ayodhya , is cited as having instigated the violence. Following the initial riot incidents, there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months; statewide, there were further outbreaks of violence against
1027-495: A unanimous vote to authorize central intervention was passed in the upper house of parliament . Members of the opposition made accusations that the government had failed to protect Muslim people in the worst rioting in India in more than 10 years. It is estimated that 230 mosques and 274 dargahs were destroyed during the violence. For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part, looting Muslim shops. It
1106-674: Is being used for merely reporting on and protesting against communal violence," The EGI expressed its outrage at the Tripura police for its coercive action against journalists, claiming that it was an attempt by the Tripura government to divert attention away from its own inability to control violence by the majority religion (Hindu) or to take action against the perpetrators. It criticized the Governments "use of stringent laws like UAPA to suppress reporting on such incidents." The EGI demanded
1185-469: Is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Editors Guild of India Editors Guild of India ( EGI ) is a non-profit organisation of journalists, particularly the Editors, based in India. The organization has declared "objectives of protecting press freedom and for raising the standards of editorial leadership of newspapers and magazines". It
1264-532: Is estimated that up to 150,000 people were displaced during the violence. It is estimated that 200 police officers died while trying to control the violence, and Human Rights Watch reported that acts of exceptional heroism were committed by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence. In the aftermath of the violence, it became clear that many attacks were focused not only on Muslim populations, but also on Muslim women and children. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch criticised
1343-403: Is the treasurer. All three office bearers were elected on 16 October 2020. According to EGI's rules, Executive Committee has an approved maximum strength of fifteen members. The President after consulting with the senior members of the Guild nominates the executive committee. The President, the General Secretary and the Treasurer are the ex-officio members of the executive committee. In 2002,
1422-565: The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to take over the investigation. CBI appointed a team of experts from the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) Delhi and All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) under the guidance and leadership of Professor T. D. Dogra to exhume the mass graves to establish the identity and cause of death of the victims. The team successfully located and exhumed
1501-681: The Indian government and the Gujarat state administration for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of victims who fled their homes for relief camps during the violence, the "overwhelming majority of them Muslim." According to Teesta Setalvad on 28 February in the districts of Morjari Chowk and Charodia Chowk in Ahmedabad of all forty people who had been killed by police shooting were Muslim. An international fact-finding committee formed of all women international experts from US, UK, France, Germany and Sri Lanka reported, "sexual violence
1580-599: The Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly adjacent to a police training camp; the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri , a former parliamentarian , was among those killed; and several incidents in Vadodara city. Scholars studying the 2002 riots state that they were premeditated and constituted a form of ethnic cleansing , and that the state government and law enforcement were complicit in
1659-605: The Rapid Action Force had been deployed to sensitive areas in Godhra. Gordhan Zadafia , the Minister of State for Home, stated that he believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community. Once troops were airlifted in on 1 March, Modi stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control. The violence continued for 3 months with no intervention from
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#17327831025961738-480: The court that the foetus was intact in the woman's womb. Vandana Shiva stated that "Young boys have been taught to burn, rape and kill in the name of Hindutva." Dionne Bunsha , writing on the Gulbarg Society massacre and murder of Ehsan Jafri , has said that when Jafri begged the crowd to spare the women, he was dragged into the street and forced to parade naked for refusing to say "Jai Shri Ram." He
1817-515: The farmers’ protest against the farm laws passed by the BJP led Union Government . It happened on 3 October 2021 in Lakhimpur Kheri district , Uttar Pradesh , India resulting in deaths of eight people and injuries to 10 others. Four protesters and a journalist named Kashyap were run over by the car, three others were lynched by protestors in the subsequent violence. EGI demanded a probe by
1896-501: The Editors Guild of India dispatched a three-person delegation to look into the media's role in the 2002 Gujarat riots . Their inquiry discovered that several members of the local (Gujarati language) media were anti-Muslim and had incited violence. In 2021, EGI demanded a probe by a court-led team, into the death of a journalist during the Lakhimpur Kheri massacre , a vehicle-ramming attack and mob lynching incident during
1975-412: The Gujarat government and warned that the move would have wide ramifications. The panel which granted remission included two legislators from the BJP, which was the state government at that time, former BJP Godhra municipal councillor, and a BJP women wing member. A BJP MLA, one of the panellists, has said that some of the convicts are "Brahmins" with good 'sanskaar' or values. After being released from
2054-399: The Gujarat government as "modern day Neros" who looked elsewhere when innocent women and children were burning and then interfered with prosecution. Following this direction, police identified nearly 1,600 cases for re-investigation, arrested 640 accused and launched investigations against forty police officers for their failures. In March 2008, the Supreme Court ordered the setting up of
2133-453: The Hindu community for the train burning. Modi stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control, and that if the situation warranted it, the police would be supported by deploying the army. A shoot-to-kill order was issued. However the troop deployment was withheld by the state government until 1 March, when the most severe violence had ended. After more than two months of violence
2212-508: The Muslim convictions were for the massacre of Hindus in Godhra. The Best Bakery murder trial received wide attention after witnesses retracted testimony in court and all of the accused were acquitted. The Indian Supreme Court , acting on a petition by social activist Teesta Setalvad , ordered a retrial outside Gujarat in which nine accused were found guilty in 2006. A key witness, Zaheera Sheikh , who repeatedly changed her testimony during
2291-518: The SIT report as "baseless". Though officially classified as a communalist riot , the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars, with some commentators alleging that the attacks had been planned, with the attack on the train was a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence. Other observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide," or referred to them as state terrorism or ethnic cleansing . Instances of mass violence include
2370-664: The Shah Alam area. Hindu doctors were asked to stop practicing in Muslim areas after one Hindu doctor was stabbed. Frontline magazine reported that in Ahmedabad of the 249 bodies recovered by 5 March, thirty were Hindu. Of the Hindus that had been killed, thirteen had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties. Despite the relatively few attacks by Muslim mobs on Hindu neighbourhoods, twenty-four Muslims were reported to have died in police shootings. The events in Gujarat were
2449-527: The Supreme Court to order an investigation into the allegations that the Tek Fog app was used to harass women journalists with abusive tweets. The report had alleged that influential people from the ruling party BJP may be involved. On September 2, 2023, the Editors' Guild of India released a report on the 2023 Manipur Violence after sending a three-member 'fact finding' team to the state in August. The report
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2528-482: The UAPA against 102 people including some Indian journalists for protesting, or even merely mentioning, the communal violence on social media platforms and asked Twitter , Facebook and YouTube to freeze their accounts. The EGI released a statement, that said "This is an extremely disturbing trend where such a harsh law, where in the processes of investigation and bail applications are extremely rigorous and overbearing,
2607-556: The attack on the train had been an act of terrorism, and not an incident of communal violence. Local newspapers and members of the state government used the statement to incite violence against the Muslim community by claiming, without proof, that the attack on the train was carried out by Pakistan's intelligence agency and that local Muslims had conspired with them to attack Hindus in the state. False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslim people had kidnapped and raped Hindu women. Numerous accounts describe
2686-517: The attacks as state terrorism rather than "communal riots" due to the lack of state intervention. Many politicians downplayed the incidents, claiming that the situation was under control. One minister who spoke with Rediff.com stated that though the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad, the situation was under control, and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence. The deputy superintendent of police stated that
2765-500: The attacks on the Muslim community that began on 28 February (the day after the train fire) as highly coordinated with mobile phones and government-issued printouts listing the homes and businesses of Muslims. Attackers arrived in Muslim communities across the region in trucks, wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts, bearing a variety of weapons. In many cases, attackers damaged or burned Muslim-owned or occupied buildings while leaving adjacent Hindu buildings untouched. Although many calls to
2844-407: The committee stated that: A chilling technique, absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases, was the deliberate destruction of evidence. Barring a few, in most instances of sexual violence, the women victims were stripped and paraded naked, then gang-raped, and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition. . . . The leaders of
2923-445: The common tendency for such strikes to be followed by violence, no action was taken by the state to prevent the strike. The government did not attempt to stop the initial outbreak of violence across the state. Independent reports indicate that the state BJP president Rana Rajendrasinh had endorsed the strike, and that Modi and Rana used inflammatory language which worsened the situation. Then-Chief Minister Narendra Modi declared that
3002-412: The federal government until May. Local and state-level politicians were seen leading violent mobs, restraining the police and arranging the distribution of weapons, leading investigative reports to conclude that the violence was "engineered and launched." Throughout the violence, attacks were made in full view of police stations and police officers who did not intervene. In many instances, police joined
3081-633: The findings of the Shah-Nanavati commission would support the view presented by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), as Shah was "their man" and Nanavati could be bribed. In February 2011, the trial court convicted 31 people and acquitted 63 others based on the murder and conspiracy provisions of the Indian Penal Code , saying the incident was a "pre-planned conspiracy." Of those convicted, 11 were sentenced to death and
3160-404: The first instance of communal violence in India in the age of 24-hour news coverage and were televised worldwide. This coverage played a central role in the politics of the situation. Media coverage was generally critical of the Hindu right; however, the BJP portrayed the coverage as an assault on the honor of Gujaratis and turned the hostility into an emotive part of their electoral campaign. With
3239-589: The footage of his camera to build the sequence of events leading to his death. EGI is concerned about the varying versions of the incident in different sections of the media. It is imperative for the media to report the facts and not versions." After the 2021 Tripura riots , a fact-finding team of Supreme Court lawyers visited the area and released a report which highlighted anti-Muslim violence in Tripura. The Tripura Police filed charges against these lawyers under strict anti terror laws of Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). The police also filed charges under
EGI - Misplaced Pages Continue
3318-573: The ground in Manipur. On September 15, the Chief Justice of India – D. Y. Chandrachud said the Guild may be right or wrong in its report about "partisan media coverage" of the Manipur violence, but it has a right to free speech to put forth its views in print. 2002 Gujarat riots The 2002 Gujarat riots , also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence or the Gujarat pogrom , was
3397-595: The high security zone and just 500 meters from the office of the chief minister. According to Scott W. Hibbard, the violence had been planned far in advance, and that similar to other instances of communal violence the Bajrang Dal , the VHP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) all took part in the attacks. Following the attack on the train the VHP called for a statewide bandh (strike), and
3476-435: The incidents of muzzling of the freedom of press and threats to the safety of journalists but have rarely made any visible impact. The members of the Guild are individuals. Institutions cannot be the members. The editors of newspapers, news agencies and periodicals can become its members. The admissions need to be approved by the screening committee. EGI is managed by its president with the assistance of General Secretary,
3555-540: The jail, they were welcomed with sweets and their feet touched in respect. On 8 January 2024, Supreme Court of India ruled that the Gujarat government was not competent to grant remission and struck down the relief granted, in August 2022, to the 11 men who were sentenced to life imprisonment. The court ordered the 11 men to surrender to the jail authorities within 15 days. In 2005, the Vadodara fast-track court acquitted 108 people accused of murdering two youths during
3634-555: The minority Muslim population of Gujarat for the next year. According to official figures, the riots ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing, and 2,500 injured. Of the dead, 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report, estimated that as many as 1,926 may have been killed. Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2,000. Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property. Narendra Modi , then Chief Minister of Gujarat and later Prime Minister of India ,
3713-403: The mobs even raped young girls, some as young as 11 years old . . . before burning them alive. . . . Even a 20-day-old infant, or a fetus in the womb of its mother, was not spared. An autopsy report conducted on the deceased women states that the doctor who conducted the post-mortem, found the foetus intact. The doctor, who had conducted the autopsy said to
3792-467: The mobs in perpetrating violence. At one Muslim locality, of the twenty-nine deaths, sixteen were caused by police firing into the locality. Some rioters even had printouts of voter registration lists, allowing them to selectively target Muslim properties. Selective targeting of properties was shown by the destruction of the offices of the Muslim Wakf board which was located within the confines of
3871-482: The official story of the attack on the train (that it was organized and carried out by people under orders from Pakistan) was entirely baseless. The Union government led by the Indian National Congress party in 2005 also set up a committee to probe the incident, headed up by retired Supreme Court judge Umesh Chandra Banerjee . The committee concluded that the fire had begun inside the train and
3950-535: The other 20 to life in prison. Maulvi Umarji, presented by the Nanavati-Shah commission as the prime conspirator, was acquitted along with 62 others accused for lack of evidence. Following the attack on the train, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) called for a statewide bandh , or strike. Although the Supreme Court had declared such strikes to be unconstitutional and illegal, and despite
4029-446: The police were made from victims, they were told by the police that "we have no orders to save you." In some cases, the police fired on Muslims who attempted to defend themselves. The rioters used mobile phones to coordinate their attacks. By the end of the day on 28 February a curfew had been declared in 27 towns and cities across the state. A government minister stated that although the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad,
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#17327831025964108-444: The rapes were part of a well-organized, deliberate and pre-planned strategy, and which facts place the violence into the categories of political pogrom and genocide. Other acts of violence against women included acid attacks , beatings and the killing of women who were pregnant. Children were also killed in front of their parents. George Fernandes in a discussion in parliament on the violence caused widespread furor in his defense of
4187-412: The remains of the victims. The trial of the case was transferred out of Gujarat and the central government was directed to appoint a public prosecutor. Charges were filed in a Mumbai court against nineteen people as well as six police officials and a government doctor over their role in the initial investigations. In January 2008, eleven men were sentenced to life imprisonment for rapes and murders and
4266-657: The role of Muslims in the on-going violence in Indian-administered Kashmir and other parts of India." In support of this, the US Ambassador at-large for International Religious Freedom , John Hanford , expressed concern over religious intolerance in Indian politics and said that while the rioters may have been aided by state and local officials, he did not believe that the BJP-led central government
4345-464: The situation was under control, and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence. In Baroda, the administration imposed a curfew in seven areas of the city. M. D. Antani , then the deputy superintendent of police, deployed the Rapid Action Force to sensitive areas in Godhra. Gordhan Zadafia , the Minister of State for Home, believed there would be no retaliation from
4424-477: The state government of being complicit in the attacks, either in failing to exert any effort to quell the violence or for actively planning and executing the attacks themselves. The United States Department of State ultimately banned Narendra Modi from travelling to the United States due to his alleged role in the attacks. These allegations center around several ideas. First, the state did little to quell
4503-459: The state government, saying that this was not the first time that women had been violated and raped in India. Children were killed by being burnt alive and those who dug the mass graves described the bodies interred within them as "burned and butchered beyond recognition." Children and infants were speared and held aloft before being thrown into fires. Describing the sexual violence perpetrated against Muslim women and girls, Renu Khanna writes that
4582-654: The state took no action to prevent this. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal (CCT) report includes testimony of the then Gujarat BJP minister Haren Pandya (since murdered), who testified about an evening meeting convened by Modi the evening of the train burning. At this meeting, officials were instructed not to obstruct the Hindu rage following the incident. The report also highlighted a second meeting, held in Lunawada village of Panchmahal district , attended by state ministers Ashok Bhatt , and Prabhatsinh Chauhan, among other BJP and RSS leaders, where "detailed plans were made on
4661-413: The survivors reported that it "consisted of forced nudity, mass rapes, gang-rapes, mutilation, insertion of objects into bodies, cutting of breasts, slitting the stomach and reproductive organs, and carving of Hindu religious symbols on women's body parts." The Concerned Citizens' Tribunal characterised the use of rape "as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of a community." Testimony heard by
4740-419: The train caught fire with many people trapped inside. In the resulting conflagration, 59 people, including women and children, burned to death. The government of Gujarat set up Gujarat High Court judge K. G. Shah as a one-man commission to look into the incident, but following outrage among families of victims and in the media over Shah's alleged closeness to Modi, retired Supreme Court judge G.T. Nanavati
4819-503: The trials and the petition was found guilty of perjury . During the Gujarat riots, a pregnant woman named Bilkis Bano was gang-raped and numerous members of her family were killed. After police dismissed the case against her assailants, she approached the National Human Rights Commission of India and petitioned the Supreme Court seeking a reinvestigation. The Supreme Court granted the motion, directing
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#17327831025964898-424: The use of kerosene and petrol for arson and other methods of killing." The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind claimed in 2002 that some regional Congress workers collaborated with the perpetrators of the violence. Dipankar Gupta believes that the state and police were clearly complicit in the violence, but that some officers were outstanding in the performance of their duties, such as Himanshu Bhatt and Rahul Sharma . Sharma
4977-456: The violence receding in April, a peace meeting was arranged at Sabarmati Ashram , a former home of Mahatma Gandhi . Hindutva supporters and police officers attacked almost a dozen journalists. The state government banned television news channels critical of the government's response, and local stations were blocked. Two reporters working for STAR News were assaulted several times while covering
5056-483: The violence that occurred. On the morning of 27 February 2002, the Sabarmati Express , returning from Ayodhya to Ahmedabad, stopped near the Godhra railway station. The passengers were Hindu pilgrims, returning from Ayodhya. An argument erupted between the train passengers and the vendors on the railway platform. The argument became violent and, under uncertain circumstances, four coaches of
5135-486: The violence, with attacks continuing well through the Spring. The historian Gyanendra Pandey described these attacks as state terrorism, saying that they were not riots but "organized political massacres." According to Paul Brass the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to the methodical coordination of an anti-Muslim pogrom which was carried out with exceptional brutality . The media has described
5214-469: The violence. Critical reporting on the Gujarat government's handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government's intervention in controlling the violence. The Editors Guild rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation, saying that the coverage exposed the "horrors" of the riots as well as the "supine if not complicit" attitude of the state, helping to propel remedial action. Many scholars and commentators have accused
5293-590: The violence. On a return trip from having interviewed Modi when their car was surrounded by a crowd, one of the crowd claimed that they would be killed should they be a member of a minority community. The Editors Guild of India, in its report on media ethics and coverage on the incidents stated that the news coverage was exemplary, with only a few minor lapses. The local newspapers Sandesh and Gujarat Samachar , however, were heavily criticised. The report states that Sandesh had headlines which would "provoke, communalize and terrorize" people. The newspaper also used
5372-483: Was accused of condoning the violence, as were police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court of India . The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots. The Muslim community
5451-408: Was added as chairman of the now two-person commission. In 2003, The Concerned Citizens Tribunal (CCT) concluded that the fire had been an accident. Several other independent commentators have also concluded that the fire itself was almost certainly an accident, saying that the initial cause of the conflagration has never been conclusively determined. Historian Ainslie Thomas Embree stated that
5530-614: Was being used as a strategy for terrorizing women belonging to minority community in the state." It is estimated that at least 250 girls and women were gang raped and then burned to death. Children were force fed petrol and then set on fire, pregnant women were gutted and then had their unborn child's body shown to them. In the Naroda Patiya mass grave of ninety-six bodies, forty-six were women. Rioters also flooded homes and electrocuted entire families inside. Violence against women also included them being stripped naked, violated with objects, and then killed. According to Kalpana Kannabiran
5609-541: Was criticised as "false, fabricated and sponsored" by multiple groups. Two Manipur based journalist bodies served legal notices and the Manipur Government filed a FIR against the Guild's President and key members. However, the Supreme Court provided interim protection to the Guild from arrest. In one of the hearings in the Supreme Court, the Guild said that the Army invited it to make an "objective assessment" on
5688-466: Was founded in 1978, by Kuldip Nayar . EGI has represented Indian newspapers in communications to the government. The first national convention of the Guild was held in Delhi on 18–19 March 1978. The guild does not function as a trade union. EGI is managed by its president with the assistance of General Secretary, a Treasurer and an executive committee. The official statements of EGI have highlighted
5767-553: Was involved in inciting the riots. Prosecution of the perpetrators of the violence hampered by witnesses being bribed or intimidated and the perpetrators' names being deleted from the charge sheets. Local judges were also biased. After more than two years of acquittals, the Supreme Court of India stepped in, transferring key cases to the Bombay High Court and ordering the police to reopen two thousand cases that had been previously closed. The Supreme Court also lambasted
5846-517: Was most likely accidental. However, the Gujarat High Court ruled in 2006 that the matter was outside the jurisdiction of the union government, and that the committee was therefore unconstitutional. After six years of going over the details, Nanavati-Mehta Commission submitted its preliminary report which concluded that the fire was an act of arson, committed by a mob of one to two thousand locals. Maulvi Husain Haji Ibrahim Umarji,
5925-463: Was reported that Muslims attacked Dalits in the Danilimda area of Ahmedabad. In Himatnagar , a man was reportedly found dead with both his eyes gouged out. The Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad were also reportedly attacked by mobs. India Today reported on 20 May 2002 that there were sporadic attacks on Hindus in Ahmedabad. On 5 May, Muslim rioters attacked Bhilwas locality in
6004-400: Was reported to have reacted with anger and disbelief. In July 2013, allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence. That December, an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi's prosecution. In April 2014, the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT's investigations in nine cases related to the violence, and rejected a plea contesting
6083-534: Was reported to have said "I don't think any other job would have allowed me to save so many lives." Human Rights Watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence. In response to allegations of state involvement, Gujarat government spokesman, Bharat Pandya, told the BBC that the rioting was a spontaneous Hindu backlash fueled by widespread anger against Muslims. He said "Hindus are frustrated over
6162-501: Was still responsible for appointing judicial officers. The SIT made efforts to appoint independent prosecutors but some of them resigned due to their inability to function. No efforts were made to protect the witnesses and Raghavan himself was said to be an "absentee investigator," who spent only a few days every month in Gujarat, with the investigations being conducted by the remainder of the team. As of April 2013, 249 convictions had been secured of 184 Hindus and 65 Muslims. Thirty-one of
6241-404: Was then beheaded and thrown onto a fire, after which rioters returned and burned Jafri's family, including two small boys, to death. After the massacre Gulbarg remained in flames for a week. The Times of India reported that over ten thousand Hindus were displaced during the violence. According to police records, 157 riots after the Godhra incident were started by Muslims. In Mahajan No Vando,
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