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54-477: State of New York State of Pennsylvania The New York City teachers' strike of 1968 was a months-long confrontation between the new community-controlled school board in the largely black Ocean Hill – Brownsville neighborhoods of Brooklyn and New York City 's United Federation of Teachers . It began with a one day walkout in the Ocean Hill-Brownsville school district. It escalated to

108-511: A civil service examination , only 8 percent of teachers and 3 percent of administrators were black. Following Brown v. Board , 4,000 students in Ocean Hill–Brownsville were bused to white schools, where they complained of mistreatment. Faith in the controllers of the school system sank lower and lower. Bolstered by the civil rights movement , but frustrated by resistance to desegregation, African Americans began to demand authority over

162-590: A boycott of the schools. The boycotts coincided with unrest due to the April 4 assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. During disturbances in JHS 271 three teachers were injured. On May 9, 1968, the administration requested the transfer of 13 teachers and 6 administrators from Junior High School 271. The governing board accused these workers of attempting to sabotage the project. All received short letters similar to

216-457: A citywide strike in September of that year, shutting down the public schools for a total of 36 days and increasing racial tensions between blacks and Jews . Thousands of New York City teachers went on strike in 1968 when the school board of the neighborhood, which is now two separate neighborhoods, fired nineteen teachers and administrators without notice. The newly created school district, in

270-426: A combination of both. Additionally, there are variations in the powers bestowed upon these boards, ranging from significant decision-making authority to advisory roles. In contrast, countries like Finland have a more centralized educational system with less emphasis on local school boards. The national education agency plays a more direct role in setting policies, developing curricula, and ensuring consistency across

324-497: A heavily black neighborhood, was an experiment in community control over schools—those dismissed were almost all Jewish . The United Federation of Teachers (UFT), led by Albert Shanker , demanded the teachers' reinstatement and accused the community-controlled school board of anti-semitism. At the start of the school year in September 1968, the UFT held a strike that shut down New York City's public schools for nearly two months, leaving

378-453: A large Puerto Rican student population became entirely bilingual. Reports on the 1967–1968 school year were generally positive. Visitors, students, and parents who supported the schools raved about the shift to student-focused education. However, the district still relied on the school board for funding, and many of its requests (e.g., for a telephone and new library books) were reportedly met slowly if at all. Teachers were taken aback by

432-399: A level of consistency in educational standards. Globalization and technological advancements bring forth new challenges and opportunities. School boards must grapple with issues related to digital literacy, the integration of technology in the classroom, and preparing students for a rapidly changing global landscape. The role of boards is expanding beyond traditional functions as they navigate

486-593: A militant follower of Malcolm X , and the UFT opposed the board's decision to appoint him in July 1967. McCoy often frequented a mosque Malcolm X preached at and often visited the preacher's home. McCoy was reported to be influenced by the Harold Cruise book The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual and to believe Jews had too much influence in the civil rights movement . McCoy nominated Herman Ferguson as

540-549: A million students without schools to attend. The strike pitted community against union, highlighting a conflict between local rights to self-determination and teachers' universal rights as workers. Although the school district itself was quite small, the outcome of its experiment had great significance because of its potential to alter the entire educational system—in New York City and elsewhere. As one historian wrote in 1972: "If these seemingly simple acts had not been such

594-574: A one-day February 3, 1964, boycott, and newspapers were astounded both by the numbers of black and Puerto Rican parents and children who boycotted and by the complete absence of violence or disorder from the protestors. It was, a newspaper account accurately reported, "the largest civil rights demonstration" in American history, and, Rustin argued that "the movement to integrate the schools will create far-reaching benefits" for teachers as well as students. However, when protesters announced plans to follow up

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648-619: A pathway to social stability.) When in 1967 the Bundy Report , a creation of the Ford Foundation , recommended trying decentralization , the city decided to experiment in three areas—over the objections of some members of the white middle-classes, who disliked the ideological tendencies that black-controlled schools might embrace. The New York City Board of Education established the Ocean Hill–Brownsville area of Brooklyn as one of three decentralized school districts created by

702-488: A philosophy of limited pluralism , according to which different cultures could maintain some individuality under the umbrella of an open democratic society. The union also championed individualist values and meritocracy . Some called its policies 'race-blind' because it preferred to frame issues in terms of class. The UFT contained a high proportion of Jews. Membership in the American Federation of Teachers ,

756-512: A response to the growing complexities of educational administration. In the United States, for instance, the concept gained prominence in the mid-1800s, reflecting a commitment to providing accessible and quality education. These early boards were often community-driven, reflecting the values and priorities of the local populace. As educational systems evolved, so did the roles and structures of boards of education. The 20th century witnessed

810-442: A serious threat to the system, it would be unlikely that they would produce such a strong and immediate response." From the 1880s through the 1960s, Brownsville was predominantly Jewish and politically radical. The Jewish population consistently elected socialist and American Labor Party candidates to the state assembly and was a strong supporter of unionized labor and collective bargaining . Margaret Sanger chose Brownsville as

864-583: Is also often used to refer to the school system under such board's control. The government department that administered education in the United Kingdom before the foundation of the Ministry of education was formerly called the Board of education . Boards of education serve as crucial pillars in the architecture of educational systems worldwide, shaping policies, guiding institutions, and influencing

918-415: Is central to addressing issues of educational equity, ensuring that all students have access to essential resources regardless of their socio-economic background. Oversight of educational institutions involves the hiring and evaluation of school administrators, addressing concerns related to teacher performance, and monitoring the overall effectiveness of the educational system. Boards act as a bridge between

972-511: Is the establishment and review of educational policies that guide curriculum development, assessment strategies, and teaching methodologies. These policies serve as the framework within which schools operate, shaping the educational experiences of students. Resource allocation is another critical aspect of a Board's role. Boards of education are responsible for approving budgets, determining funding priorities, and ensuring that financial resources are distributed equitably among schools. This function

1026-668: The 1960s that the Central School Board was uninterested in pursuing mandatory integration; their frustration led them away from desegregation and into the struggle for community control. Brownsville's teachers were members of the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), a new union local that had recently displaced the more leftist Teachers' Union (TU). The TU, which contained active socialist and communist members, campaigned actively for racial equality, desegregation, and other radical political goals. The UFT held

1080-523: The Board could not enforce this decision. The NAACP announced support for the strike even though community control deviated from the official integrationist agenda. The strike did have support from black leaders Bayard Rustin and A. Philip Randolph , who had gained prominence in the labor movement as well as within the civil rights movement . Rustin and Randolph were shunned from the black community due to their position. Not all UFT teachers supported

1134-508: The February 3 boycott with a second one on March 16, the UFT declined to defend boycotting teachers from reprisals. Later, at the time of the 1968 school crisis, Brooklyn CORE leader Oliver Leeds and Afro-American Teachers Association President Al Vann would cite the UFT's refusal to support the 1964 integration campaign as proof that an alliance between the teachers' union and the black community

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1188-457: The Ocean Hill–Brownsville board both announced on the same day that the schools would close. From May 22–24, 350 UFT members stayed out of school in protest. On June 20, these 350 strikers were also dismissed by the governing board. Under the terms of the decentralization agreement, the teachers were returned to the control of the New York City public school system, where they sat idle in the school district offices. A series of citywide strikes at

1242-593: The UFT. The ATA felt that New York City's teachers and schools perpetuated a system of entrenched racism, and in 1966 it began campaigning actively for community control. The UFT opposed both involuntary assignment and extra incentives for experienced teachers to come to poor schools. In 1967, the ATA opposed the UFT directly over the "disruptive child clause", a contract provision that allowed teachers to have children removed from classrooms and placed in special schools. The ATA argued that this provision exemplified and accelerated

1296-446: The administration's decision. One sign displayed in the window of the occupied school read, "Black people control your schools". (At the same time, other teachers were staying off the job as per UFT instructions.) On May 15, 300 police officers, including at least 60 in plainclothes, cordoned off the school (making five arrests), effectively breaking the parent blockade and allowing the teachers to return. The city's Board of Education and

1350-402: The approved civil service list. The schools appointed a racially diverse set of five new principals—including New York City's first Puerto Rican principal—winning broad support from the community but angering some teachers. In April 1968, the administration sought additional control over personnel, finance, and curriculum. When the city did not grant these powers, the district's parents initiated

1404-503: The businesses they relied upon. Whites on the neighborhood's periphery lobbied with the school board against the building of a new school that would draw a racially diverse population. They were opposed by blacks, Latinos, and pro-integration whites, but nevertheless succeeded in functionally limiting the new school's racial makeup. In the years before the strike, Brownsville's schools had become extremely overcrowded, and students were attending in shifts. Junior High School 271, which became

1458-541: The city. In July 1967, the Ford Foundation issued Ocean Hill–Brownsville a $ 44,000 grant. The new district operated under a separate, community-elected governing board with the power to hire administrators. If successful, the experiment could have led to citywide decentralization. While the local black population viewed it as empowerment against what it saw as an intransigent white bureaucracy, the teachers' union and other unions saw it as union busting —a reduction in

1512-552: The collective bargaining power of the union who would now have to deal with 33 separate, local bodies, rather than a central administration. Rhody McCoy, the new superintendent of the board, began working as a substitute teacher in 1949. He worked in the city's public school system ever since, as a teacher and then principal of a special needs school. He told the New York Times he was gentle but ambitious, and eager to change schools for neglected children. Some described him as

1566-470: The community and the schools, representing the interests and values of the constituents they serve. The structure and functionality of boards of education vary significantly across nations and even within different regions of a country. In the United States, for example, each state operates its own educational system, and the governance structure of school boards can differ widely. Some states have elected school boards, while others may have appointed boards or

1620-410: The complexities of the digital age. Innovations in educational governance also emerge as boards adapt to contemporary challenges. Some educational systems experiment with participatory models, involving parents, teachers, and community members in decision-making processes. This collaborative approach aims to create a sense of shared responsibility and foster a deeper connection between the community and

1674-417: The country. The Finnish approach reflects a different cultural and administrative philosophy, where trust in educators and a focus on professional development are central tenets. In Asian countries like Japan and South Korea, school boards may exist at the local level, but their functions and powers are often influenced by national policies. The emphasis on a strong central government role in education reflects

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1728-409: The cultural values and historical contexts of these nations. Boards of education face numerous challenges in their efforts to navigate the ever-evolving landscape of education. One common challenge is the balancing act between local autonomy and the need for standardized practices. Striking the right balance ensures that educational policies align with the unique needs of communities while maintaining

1782-556: The dismissals "a kind of vigilante activity" and said the schools had neglected due process . The Board of Education urged the teachers to ignore the letters. Mayor John Lindsay issued a statement countermanding the district's decision and condemning "anarchy and lawlessness". The dismissals were also condemned by the American Jewish Congress . When the teachers tried to return to the school, they were blocked by hundreds of community members and teachers who supported

1836-449: The district and to remove McCoy and most of the principals. When they refused to vacate their positions, Donovan called in the police. The returning teachers were told to go to an auditorium to meet with Unit Administrator McCoy. When they arrived they were threatened and bullets were thrown at them by audience members, a pregnant teacher was punched in the stomach as she left the auditorium. Striking teachers were in and out of school during

1890-491: The district was not antisemitic. The district's third graders were shown to have fallen from four months behind before community control to twelve months behind after it. The reading skills of the district's eighth graders were shown to have barely improved by the end of their time in ninth grade. When the original teachers were restored to their posts at JHS 271, students refused to attend their classes. New York School Superintendent Bernard E. Donovan attempted to close schools in

1944-472: The first weeks of the year, affecting over one million students. Superintendent Donovan ordered many schools locked; in many places, people smashed windows and broke locks to re-enter their school buildings (sealed by union janitors sympathetic to the strike). Some camped on school grounds overnight to prevent further lockouts by janitors and custodians. Some were arrested on trespassing charges. Other parents sent their children to Ocean Hill–Brownsville because

1998-948: The following, sent to teacher Fred Nauman: Dear Sir, The governing board of the Ocean Hill–Brownsville Demonstration School District has voted to end your employment in the schools of the District. This action was taken on the recommendation of the Personnel Committee. This termination of employment is to take effect immediately. In the event you wish to question this action, the Governing Board will receive you on Friday, May 10, 1968, at 6:00 P.M., at Intermedia School 55, 2021 Bergen Street, Brooklyn, New York. You will report Friday morning to Personnel, 110 Livingston Street, Brooklyn, for reassignment. This unilateral decision violated

2052-427: The future of generations. This essay embarks on a journey through the history of boards of education, exploring their evolution, functions, and the nuanced ways they operate across diverse school systems and nations. The roots of school boards can be traced back to the 19th century when the expansion of formal education systems necessitated organized oversight. The establishment of local and regional boards emerged as

2106-441: The issues of the lower income blacks who had moved into Brownsville, thus further isolating Brownsville's population. These changes corresponded to overall increases in segregation and inequality in New York City, as well as to the replacement of blue-collar with white-collar jobs. The newly black Brownsville neighborhood had few community institutions or economic opportunities. It lacked a middle class, and its residents did not own

2160-416: The level of control exercised by the school board, and many objected to the board's new policies concerning personnel and curriculum. The UFT opposed the new principals and denounced the Ocean Hill–Brownsville curriculum, saying that awareness of one's racial heritage would not be helpful in the job market. Once created, the new administration of Ocean-Hill Brownsville began to select principals from outside

2214-623: The national union of which the UFT is a part, had increased dramatically during the 1960s, as had the rate of teachers' strikes. In 1964, Bayard Rustin and Reverend Milton Galamison coordinated a citywide boycott of public schools to protest de facto segregation . Prior to the boycott, the organizers asked the UFT Executive Board to join the boycott or ask teachers to join the picket lines. The union, however, declined, promising only to protect from reprisals any teachers who participated. More than 400,000 New Yorkers participated in

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2268-540: The neighborhood underwent a rapid demographic shift. Citing increased crime and their desire for social mobility, Jews left Brownsville en masse, to be replaced by more blacks and some Latinos. By 1970, Brownsville was 77 percent black and 19 percent Puerto Rican. Furthermore, Brownsville was frequently ignored by black civil rights organizations such as the NAACP and Urban League whose Brooklyn chapters were based in nearby Bedford-Stuyvesant and were overall less concerned with

2322-499: The nexus of the strike, was constructed in 1963 to accommodate Brownsville's expanding population of youth. The school's performance was low from the outset, with most students testing below grade level in reading and math, and few advancing to the city's network of elite high schools. New York City's school system was controlled by the Central Board of Education, a large centralized bureaucracy. It became clear to activists in

2376-727: The principal of JHS 271. Ferguson had penned an article in The Guardian in which he wrote his ideal school would have lessons on "instructions in gun weaponry, gun handling, and gun safety" as survival skills in a hostile society. The nomination was withdrawn. Educational stratification in elementary schools was reduced significantly, with fewer grades being issued and one school even eliminating grade levels altogether. The curriculum began incorporating black and African history and culture, and some schools began offering instruction in Swahili and African counting. Additionally, one school with

2430-546: The refinement of their functions, with an increasing emphasis on standardized curricula, teacher accreditation, and equitable resource distribution. In other parts of the world, such as Europe and Asia, variations in the historical development of boards of education reflect unique cultural, social, and political contexts. School boards are multifaceted in the way that they function, encompassing policy formulation, resource allocation, oversight of educational institutions, and representation of community interests. One primary function

2484-490: The rules of the union's contract. The teachers were nearly unanimously Jewish. One black teacher included on the list, seemingly by accident, was quickly reinstated. In total, 83 workers were dismissed from the Ocean Hill–Brownsville district. Parents in Brownsville generally supported the governing board. Outsiders appreciated the black school board's attempt to regain control over its own school system. Shanker called

2538-456: The schools in which their children were educated. The ATA called for community-controlled schools, educating with a "Black value system" that emphasized "unity" and "collective work and responsibility" (as opposed to the "middle class" value of "individualism"). Leftist white allies, including teachers from the recently eclipsed Teachers Union, supported these demands. Mayor John Lindsay and wealthy business leaders, supported community control as

2592-468: The schools there were operational. Most of these outside students were black but some were white; some came long distances to attend the community–controlled schools. School board The elected council determines the educational policy in a small regional area, such as a city , county , state , or province . Frequently, a board of directors power with a larger institution, such as a higher government's department of education. The name of such board

2646-487: The site of America's first birth control clinic because she knew the community would be supportive. In 1940, blacks made up 6 percent of Brownsville's population, a portion that doubled over the next decade. Most of these new residents were poor and occupied the neighborhood's most undesirable housing. Although the neighborhood was racially segregated, there was more public mixing and solidarity among blacks and Jews than could be found in most other neighborhoods. Around 1960,

2700-483: The start of the 1968 school year shut down the public schools for a total of 36 days. The union defied the new Taylor Law to go out on strike, and more than a million students were not able to attend school during strike days. On September 9, 93 percent of the city's 58,000 teachers walked out. They agreed to return two days later after the Board of Education ordered the reinstatement of the dismissed teachers, but walked out again on September 13, once it became clear that

2754-418: The strike, and some actively opposed it with 1,716 union delegates opposing the strike and 12,021 supporting. A statistical study published in 1974 found that teachers—white and Black—of Black students were significantly more likely to oppose the strike. A coalition of black and Puerto Rican UFT members, supported by members of other local unions, released a statement supporting Ocean Hill–Brownsville and opposing

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2808-425: The strike. Students and teachers returned to a chaotic atmosphere in the fall. Classes were held despite UFT picket lines outside. Schools ran more smoothly in the Ocean Hill–Brownsville neighborhood than elsewhere, due to the fact that system was less reliant on the striking teachers and keys to the buildings. The board hired new teachers to replace the strikers, including many local Jews, in an effort to prove that

2862-444: The system's overall racism. In the fall of 1967, the UFT held a two-week strike, seeking approval for the disruptive child clause; most of the ATA's members withdrew from the union. In February 1968, some ATA teachers helped to produce a tribute to Malcolm X that presented African music and dance, and glorified Black power ; the UFT successfully asked that these teachers be disciplined. In the New York City school system, regulated by

2916-593: Was impossible. The UFT's program for poor black schools was called "More Effective Schools". Under this program class sizes would shrink and teachers would double or triple up for individual classes. Although the UFT expected this program to be popular, it was challenged by the African-American Teachers Association (ATA; originally the Negro Teachers Association), a group whose founders in 1964 were also part of

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