113-445: [REDACTED] Yugoslav People's Army [REDACTED] Croatian National Guard 1992 1993 1994 1995 The Battle of Šibenik ( Croatian : Bitka za Šibenik ), also known as the September War ( Rujanski rat ), was an armed conflict fought between the Yugoslav People's Army ( Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija – JNA), supported by the Croatian Serb -established Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Krajina (SAO Krajina), and
226-400: A 9K38 Igla and wreckage of the plane was retrieved. Another controversy which arose in the aftermath of the battle pertains to the Žirje Island coastal artillery battery. Extent of the role played by the battery was disputed between Brigadier General Rahim Ademi , who claimed the bridge was beyond range of the guns, and thirteen ZNG and police officers, who held various posts in Šibenik at
339-674: A common scheme, strategy or plan on the part of the accused Milošević to create a Greater Serbia , a centralized Serbian state encompassing the Serb-populated areas of Croatia and Bosnia and all of Kosovo, and that this plan was to be achieved by forcibly removing non-Serbs from large geographical areas through the commission of the crimes charged in the indictments. Although the events in Kosovo were separated from those in Croatia and Bosnia by more than three years, they were no more than
452-478: A campaign to expand Serbia rather than preservation of Yugoslavia, publicly threatened to replace the JNA with a Serbian army and declared that he no longer recognised the authority of the federal Presidency. The threat caused the JNA to gradually abandon plans to preserve Yugoslavia in favour of expansion of Serbia. By the end of the month, the conflict had escalated to the first fatalities . The JNA stepped in, supporting
565-494: A continuation of that plan, and they could only be understood completely by reference to what had happened in Croatia and Bosnia." Milošević's defenders claim that the Prosecution could not produce a single order issued by his government to Serbian fighters in Croatia or Bosnia. Near the end of the Prosecution's case, a Prosecution analyst admitted under cross-examination that this was indeed the case. Reynaud Theunens, however,
678-459: A full multi-party confederal state. Milošević claimed that he opposed a confederal system but also declared that a confederal system be created, with the external borders of Serbia being an "open question". Tensions between the republics escalated to crisis beginning in 1988, with Slovenia accusing Serbia of pursuing Stalinism while Serbia accused Slovenia of betrayal. Serbs boycotted Slovene products and Belgraders began removing their savings from
791-446: A government or a leadership were supportive of Milošević, then it would be normal for him to feel indebted to them, not the other way around." He said Milošević enjoyed genuine grassroots support because "his name at that time shone brightly on the political arena of the entire federal Yugoslavia ... and many people saw him as a person who would be finally able to make things move, to get things going." Kosta Bulatović, an organizer of
904-706: A hand in organizing the Novi Sad demonstrations." The demonstrations were successful. The provincial leadership resigned, and the League of Communists of Vojvodina elected a new leadership. In the elections that followed Dr. Dragutin Zelenović , a Milošević ally, was elected member of the SFRY Presidency from Vojvodina. On 10 January 1989, the anti-bureaucratic revolution continued in Montenegro, which had
1017-705: A heart attack in his cell in The Hague in 2006 before the trial could conclude. The Tribunal denied responsibility for his death stating he had refused to take prescribed medicines for his cardiac ailments and medicated himself instead. After his death, the ICTY and International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals found he was a part of a joint criminal enterprise that used violence such as ethnic cleansing to remove Croats, Bosniaks and Albanians from parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) concluded separately there
1130-677: A mob of pro-Milošević demonstrators that included 500 Kosovo Serbs and local Serbs demonstrated at the provincial capital, accusing the leadership in Vojvodina of supporting separatism and for being "traitors". In August 1988, meetings by supporters of the Anti-bureaucratic revolution were held in many locations in Serbia and Montenegro, with increasingly violent nature, with calls being heard such as "Give us arms!", "We want weapons!", "Long live Serbia—death to Albanians!", and "Montenegro
1243-546: A one-time socialist who turned to nationalism. Milošević contended that such criticism was unfounded and amounted to "spreading fear of Serbia ". In Vojvodina, where 54 percent of the population was Serb, an estimated 100,000 demonstrators rallied outside the Communist Party headquarters in Novi Sad on 6 October 1988 to demand the resignation of the provincial leadership. The majority of protesters were workers from
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#17327800325381356-605: A part of the force to attack Drniš and Sinj directly, while the remainder of the attacking force rested. The Yugoslav Navy started a blockade of Šibenik and the entire Croatian Adriatic coast. On the night of 17/18 September, the JNA was ordered to trap and destroy the ZNG force in Drniš and the Miljevci Plateau area, while holding positions achieved elsewhere. In the morning, the JNA resumed its offensive towards Vodice, on
1469-605: A peacemaker in the Yugoslav Wars and abandoned support of nationalism. He returned to support nationalism during the Kosovo War and appealed to anti-imperialist sentiments. The spread of violent nationalism has also been imputed to indifference to it by Milošević. The source of Milošević's nationalistic agenda is believed to have been influenced by the policies of the popular prominent Serbian Communist official and former Yugoslav Partisan Aleksandar Ranković who
1582-593: A show trial in Pristina was held in which multiple Albanian Communists of Kosovo were convicted of being infiltrators from Albania and were given long prison sentences. Ranković sought to secure the position of the Serbs in Kosovo and gave them dominance in Kosovo's nomenklatura . Under Ranković's influence, Islam in Kosovo at this time was repressed and both Albanians and ethnically Slavic Muslims were encouraged to declare themselves to be Turkish and emigrate to Turkey. At
1695-533: A strong crackdown on separatism in Kosovo. Milošević was criticized by opponents, who claimed he and his allies were attempting to strengthen the position of Serbs in Yugoslavia at the expense of Kosovo Albanians and other nationalities, a policy they accused of being nationalist, which was a taboo in the Yugoslav Communist system and effectively a political crime, as nationalism was identified as
1808-546: A violation of the Yugoslav Communists' commitment to Brotherhood and Unity . Milošević always denied allegations that he was a nationalist or that he exploited Serbian nationalism in his rise to power. In a 1995 interview with TIME , he defended himself from these accusations by claiming he stood for every nationality in Yugoslavia: "All my speeches up to '89 were published in my book. You can see that there
1921-562: Is Serbia!" In the same month, Milošević began efforts designed to destabilize the governments in Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina to allow him to install his followers in those republics. By 1989, Milošević and his supporters controlled Central Serbia along with the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, supporters in the leadership of Montenegro, and agents of the Serbian security service were pursuing efforts to destabilize
2034-667: The Battle of the Barracks . The move blockaded 33 large JNA garrisons in Croatia and numerous smaller facilities, including border posts, weapons and ammunition storage depots. The blockade forced the JNA to amend its planned campaign in Croatia to accommodate the new development. The same day, a coastal artillery battery on the Žirje Island was captured by Croatian forces, after JNA Senior Sergeant Željko Baltić, battery commanding officer, switched his allegiance. The battery consisted of twelve Ansaldo 90/53 guns which were once part of
2147-700: The Cathedral of St. James , a UNESCO World Heritage Site . The New York Times judged the bombardment to be a part of calculated assaults on the heritage of Croatia. Artillery bombardment of the city continued over the following 100 days. In 1990, following the electoral defeat of the government of the Socialist Republic of Croatia , ethnic tensions worsened. The Yugoslav People's Army ( Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija – JNA) confiscated Croatia's Territorial Defence weapons to minimise resistance. On 17 August, tensions escalated into an open revolt of
2260-682: The Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia adopted a set of conclusions aimed at centralizing Serbia's control over law enforcement and the judiciary in its Kosovo and Vojvodina provinces. In the early to mid-1980s, claims were made of a mass exodus of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo as a result of Albanian riots. Serbian nationalists denounced the 1974 Yugoslav constitution and demands for change were strong among Kosovo Serbs. In 1986, Serbian President Ivan Stambolić responded by accepting this position, declaring that
2373-617: The Croatian National Guard ( Zbor Narodne Garde – ZNG), supported by the Croatian Police . The battle was fought to the north and west of the city of Šibenik , Croatia on 16–22 September 1991, during the Croatian War of Independence . The JNA's initial orders were to relieve Croatian siege of their barracks in the city and isolate the region of Dalmatia from the rest of Croatia. The JNA's advance
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#17327800325382486-783: The Croatian Serbs , centred on the predominantly Serb-populated areas of the Dalmatian hinterland around Knin, parts of the Lika , Kordun , Banovina and eastern Croatia , largely fueled by recollections of the Serbs of the genocide to which they had been subjected in the Independent State of Croatia during World War II , and their resultant unwillingness to be minorities in an independent Croatia. After two unsuccessful attempts by Serbia , supported by Montenegro and Serbia's provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo , to obtain
2599-585: The Drniš–;Split , east of the Krka River. On the opposite river bank, the JNA advanced towards Vodice and Šibenik, threatening the city from the west, reaching the western side of the 390-metre (1,280 ft) Šibenik Bridge on the Adriatic Highway . The advance was so rapid it cut off the 1st Company of the 3rd Battalion of the ZNG 113th Infantry Brigade from the rest of the ZNG force. That day,
2712-510: The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1992, which dismantled the remaining communist infrastructure and created a federal democratic multiparty system of government. Milošević's advocated a synthesis of socialist and liberal economic policies that would gradually transition Serbia from a planned economy to a mixed economy . During the first democratic election in Serbia , Milošević promised to protect industrial workers from
2825-474: The Krka River and approaches to Vodice were controlled by the 3rd Battalion of the 113th Infantry Brigade. While small arms were sufficient to arm a part of the battalion at a time, the battalion did not have any heavy weapons. The offensive commenced at 16:00 (local time) on 16 September. On the left flank, the JNA advanced towards Drniš, capturing the villages of Maljkovo and Kričke , and interdicting
2938-416: The League of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia . From the 1960s, he was advisor to the mayor of Belgrade , and in the 1970s he was a chairman of large companies as the protégé of Serbian leader Ivan Stambolić . Milošević was a high-ranking member of the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) during the 1980s; he came to power in 1987 after he ousted opponents, including Stambolić. He was elected president of
3051-946: The Lijeva Rijeka village in Podgorica and was of the Vasojevići clan from Montenegro . He was born in Požarevac , four months after the Axis invasion of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia , and raised during the Axis occupation of World War II . He had an older brother Borislav who would later become a diplomat. His parents separated in the aftermath of the war . His father, the Serbian Orthodox theologian Svetozar Milošević, committed suicide in 1962. Svetozar's father Simeun
3164-787: The Socialist Alliance of Working People unanimously supported him as presidential candidate for the SKJ's Serbian branch Central Committee. Milošević was elected by a majority vote at the 10th Congress of the Serbian League of Communists on 28 May 1986. Milošević emerged in 1987 as a force in Serbian politics after he declared support for Serbs in the Serbian Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo , who claimed they were being oppressed by
3277-431: The Socialist Republic of Macedonia began in 1989 with the introduction of slogans, graffiti, and songs glorifying Milošević. Furthermore, Milošević proposed a law to restore land titles held by Serbs in the interwar period that effectively provided a legal basis for large numbers of Serbs to move to Kosovo and Macedonia to regain those lands. Beginning in 1989, Milošević gave support to Croatian Serbs who were vouching for
3390-513: The Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1989 and led the anti-bureaucratic revolution , reforming Serbia 's constitution and transitioning the state into a multi-party system , reducing the power of autonomous provinces. He led the Socialist Party of Serbia from its foundation in 1990 until his death . Following the 1990 general elections , Milošević enacted dominant-party rule while his party retained control over economic resources of
3503-653: The Yugoslav Presidency 's approval of a JNA operation to disarm Croatian security forces in January 1991, and a bloodless skirmish between Serb insurgents and Croatian special police in March, the JNA itself, supported by Serbia and its allies, asked the federal Presidency to give it wartime authorities and declare a state of emergency. The request was denied on 15 March, and the JNA came under control of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević . Milošević, preferring
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3616-516: The Yugoslav wars , Serbia's economy began a prolonged period of economic collapse and isolation. The National Bank of Yugoslavia 's war-related easy money policies contributed to hyperinflation which reached an alarming rate of 313 million percent in January 1994. According to the World Bank , Serbia's economy contracted by 27.2 and 30.5 percent in 1992 and 1993 respectively. In response to
3729-431: The anti-bureaucratic revolution led to the resignation of the governments of Vojvodina and Montenegro and to the election of officials allied with Milošević. According to the ICTY indictment against Milošević: "From July 1988 to March 1989, a series of demonstrations and rallies supportive of Slobodan Milošević's policies – the 'Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution' – took place in Vojvodina and Montenegro. These protests led to
3842-503: The breakup of Yugoslavia was to take control of Yugoslavia, with the ambition of becoming its next great leader, a "second Tito ". According to this, Milošević exploited nationalism as a tool to seize power in Serbia, while not holding any particular commitment to it. During the first twenty-five years of his political career in the communist government of Yugoslavia, Milošević was a typical civil servant who did not appear to have nationalist aims. Later, he attempted to present himself as
3955-403: The "Ražine" artillery battery containing confiscated Croatian Territorial Defence weapons and "Duboka" fuel storage. The "Duboka" depot consisted of three 1,410,000-litre (310,000 imp gal; 370,000 US gal) storage tanks . The JNA was defeated in the battle, subsequently nicknamed the "September War" ( Rujanski rat ). Its total losses in the battle were not reported. The ZNG and
4068-563: The 113th Infantry Brigade, commanded by Josip Jukica, as well as the 4th Battalion of the 4th Guards Brigade , commanded by Ivan Zelić, defended the Drniš area, 25 kilometres (16 miles) northeast of Šibenik, supported by a company of police. The 600-strong 4th Battalion of the 4th Guards Brigade represented the strongest ZNG unit in the area, while the JNA is estimated by Croatian sources to have deployed approximately 1,500 troops against Drniš. On 20 September, all Croatian combat troops in Drniš area were subordinated to Luka Vujić. The western bank of
4181-414: The 1974 constitution was contrary to the interests of Serbs, though he warned that "certain individuals" were "coquetting" with Serbian nationalism. Stambolić established a commission to amend the Serbian constitution in keeping with conclusions adopted by the federal Communist Party. The constitutional commission worked for three years to harmonize its positions and in 1989 an amended Serbian constitution
4294-587: The 1990s. In 1968, Milošević got a job at the Tehnogas company, where Stambolić was working, and became its chairman in 1973. By 1978, Stambolić's sponsorship had enabled Milošević to become the head of Beobanka, one of Yugoslavia's largest banks; his frequent trips to Paris and New York gave him the opportunity to learn English . On 16 April 1984, Milošević was elected president of the Belgrade League of Communists City Committee. On 21 February 1986,
4407-656: The Benkovac area. On 1 August, Croatia deployed two battalions of the ZNG 4th Guards Brigade to Kruševo near Obrovac . Two days later they engaged in combat against the SAO Krajina Territorial Defence and police forces, marking the first such engagement of the Croatian War of Independence in the region. On 26 August, the JNA 9th (Knin) Corps openly sided with the SAO Krajina forces as they jointly attacked Kijevo , expelling all Croats from
4520-563: The Croatian police sustained losses of three killed and 49 wounded troops in the battle. At the same time seven civilians were killed and 64 wounded. JNA artillery continued intermittent bombardment of Šibenik over the following 100 days resulting in further casualties and damage. The damaged structures included the Cathedral of St. James , a UNESCO World Heritage Site . An editorial in The New York Times labeled bombardment of
4633-586: The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, their flag, coat of arms or anthem, their presidencies, assemblies or executive councils, the president of the executive council in connection with the performance of their office..." The federal criminal code for Yugoslavia also protected the presidents of federal institutions, the Yugoslav Army and federal emblems. Both the Serbian and federal Yugoslav laws granted limited exemptions to journalists. The result
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4746-494: The JNA fully secured Drniš and its surroundings. At the same time, it shifted its focus to the Battle of Zadar , away from Šibenik. The Yugoslav naval blockade was lifted unilaterally the same day. Even though a number of JNA facilities in the city were captured by the ZNG, several major JNA posts remained in Šibenik. Those included "Rade Končar" barracks housing the 11th Marine Infantry Brigade, "Ante Jonić" barracks, "Minerska" depot where naval mines were stored, "Jamnjak" depot and
4859-411: The JNA made contingency plans to break through from Knin to Šibenik and Split to relieve the siege of its forces there— codenamed Operation Coast-91 ( Operacija Obala-91 ) and Operation Hurricane-91 ( Operacija Orkan-91 ) respectively. All of the JNA facilities in Šibenik, along with the confiscated Territorial Defence weapons, were handed over to the Croatian authorities by 10 December. News coverage of
4972-556: The League of Communists of Yugoslavia and adopted democratic multiparty systems, Milošević's government quickly followed suit and the 1990 Serbian Constitution was created. The 1990 Constitution officially renamed the Socialist Republic of Serbia to the Republic of Serbia and abandoned the one-party communist system and created a democratic multiparty system. After the creation of a multiparty system in Serbia, Milošević and his political allies in Serbia elsewhere in Yugoslavia pushed for
5085-555: The Montenegrin delegates in the Yugoslav Politburo . Montenegro's representative on the federal presidency, Veselin Đuranović , said the decision to step down "was motivated by a sense of responsibility for the economic situation." Demonstrators were seen carrying portraits of Milošević and shouting his name, but The New York Times reported "there is no evidence that the Serbian leader played an organizing role" in
5198-449: The SKJ hierarchy. After his graduation in 1966, Milošević became an economic advisor to the mayor of Belgrade Branko Pešić . Five years later, he married his childhood friend, Mirjana Marković , with whom he had two children: Marko and Marija. Marković would have some influence on Milošević's political career both before and after his rise to power; she was also leader of her husband's junior coalition partner, Yugoslav Left (JUL) in
5311-606: The Serbian media that the changes were "destabilizing". Serbia's response was a plan to hold demonstrations in Ljubljana with 30,000 to 40,000 Serbs to supposedly inform Slovenes about the situation in Kosovo, while this was suspected to be an action aimed at destabilizing the Slovene government. Croatia and Slovenia prevented the Serb protesters from crossing by train into Slovenia. Serbia responded by breaking political links between
5424-662: The Slovenian Ljubljana Bank . Slovenia accused Serbia of persecuting Kosovo Albanians and declared its solidarity with the Kosovo Albanian people while Milošević in turn, accused Slovenia of being a "lackey" of Western Europe. In response to the escalating tensions, Croatia expressed support for Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina declared its neutrality, while Montenegro supported Serbia. Slovenia reformed its constitution in 1989 that declared Slovenia's right to secession. These changes provoked accusations by
5537-592: The Wikimedia System Administrators, please include the details below. Request from 172.68.168.237 via cp1104 cp1104, Varnish XID 211946045 Upstream caches: cp1104 int Error: 429, Too Many Requests at Thu, 28 Nov 2024 07:47:12 GMT Slobodan Milo%C5%A1evi%C4%87 President of Serbia and Yugoslavia Elections Family Slobodan Milošević ( Serbo-Croatian Cyrillic : Слободан Милошевић , pronounced [slobǒdan milǒːʃevitɕ] ; 20 August 1941 – 11 March 2006)
5650-507: The Yugoslav federation. Whether this was cynically engineered by Milošević is a matter of controversy between his critics and his supporters. Because Milošević's supporters controlled half of the votes in the SFRY presidency, his critics charge that he undermined the Yugoslav federation. This, his detractors argue, upset the balance of power in Yugoslavia and provoked separatism elsewhere in
5763-507: The Yugoslav presidency in 2000 amidst demonstrations against the disputed presidential election , Milošević was arrested by Yugoslav federal authorities in March 2001 on suspicion of corruption, abuse of power, and embezzlement. The initial investigation faltered, and he was extradited to the ICTY to stand trial for war crimes. Milošević denounced the Tribunal as illegal and refused to appoint counsel, conducting his own defence. He died of
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#17327800325385876-437: The ZNG captured a 100-millimetre (3.9 in) coastal artillery battery near village of Zečevo . By 17 September, the commanding officer of the JNA 9th (Knin) Corps, Major General Vladimir Vuković, modified the initial deployment plan, because of strong resistance offered by the ZNG and the Croatian police, relying on populated areas and terrain features to hold back the JNA forces north of Vodice. The changes involved diverting
5989-519: The Zadar hinterland on 11 July, one day after another fatal shooting of a Croatian police patrol in the Zadar area, while the JNA 9th (Knin) Corps conscripted the local Serb population in Benkovac to strengthen its ranks by the end of the month. In late July, a paramilitary group, led by Miro Barešić and formally subordinated to the Croatian Ministry of Defence , conducted several sabotages in
6102-494: The adverse effects of free market policies by maintaining social ownership of the economy and supporting trade barriers in order to protect local industries. Despite this, many accused Milošević of creating a kleptocracy by transferring ownership much of the industrial and financial sector to his political allies and financiers. Under heavy economic sanctions from the United Nations due to Milošević's perceived role in
6215-563: The amendments. Although the ethnic composition of the Kosovo Assembly was over 70 percent Albanian, they were forced to vote in favor of the amendments while under the careful watch of the newly arrived Serbian police forces. Unrest began when amendments were approved restoring Serbian control over the province's police, courts, national defence and foreign affairs. According to a United Press International report, rioting killed 29 people and injured 30 policemen and 97 civilians. In
6328-429: The anti-bureaucratic rallies, said "All of this was spontaneous"; the motivation to protest was "coming from the grassroots." Milošević's critics claim that he cynically planned and organized the anti-bureaucratic revolution to strengthen his political power. Stjepan Mesić , who served as the last president of a united Yugoslavia (in the prelude of these events), said that Milošević, "with the policy he waged, broke down
6441-510: The armament of the Italian battleship Vittorio Veneto . The JNA's planned campaign included an advance in the Šibenik area by the 9th (Knin) Corps, which was tasked with isolating Dalmatia from the rest of Croatia. As it was fully mobilised and prepared for deployment, the corps began operations against the ZNG on 16 September. Its main axis of attack was directed at Vodice , with supporting advances towards Zadar, Drniš and Sinj . The push
6554-411: The armoured battalion removed from the 221st Brigade, the 557th Mixed Antitank Artillery Regiment and the SAO Krajina Territorial Defence. Offensive support was provided by the 9th Mixed Artillery Regiment and the 9th Military Police Battalion. The 221st Brigade was commanded by Colonel Borislav Đukić. Elements the 46th Partisan Division, drawn from the 24th ( Kragujevac ) Corps, also provided support for
6667-629: The assault on the naval facilities. In addition, 19 vessels undergoing various stages of overhaul were captured in the "Velimir Škorpik" shipyard. The ships, comprising approximately a quarter of the Yugoslav Naval assets, included: Vlado Ćetković (RTOP-402) Končar -class fast attack craft (renamed Šibenik (RTOP-21) later on), Velimir Škorpik (RČ-310) Osa -class missile boat , Partizan II (TČ-222) Shershen -class torpedo boat and Biokovo (PČ-171), Cer (PČ-180) and Durmitor (PČ-181) Mirna -class patrol boats . On 23 September,
6780-591: The autonomous [government in] Vojvodina, which was legally elected, [and] in Montenegro he implemented an anti-bureaucratic revolution, as it's called, by which he destroyed Yugoslavia." Commenting on Milošević's role, Slovene president Milan Kučan said, "none of us believed in Slovenia that these were spontaneous meetings and rallies." He accused the Serbian government of deliberately fanning nationalist passions, and Slovene newspapers published articles comparing Milošević to Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini ,
6893-415: The battle produced television footage of ZNG air defence artillery at Zečevo firing at a Yugoslav Air Force Soko J-21 Jastreb and scoring a hit on another J-21 using a guided missile. The footage, ending in shouts claiming that both of the planes were downed, became one of the most significant pieces of material in terms of propaganda and morale in Croatia. Nonetheless, the footage proved controversial, since
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#17327800325387006-595: The bridge by 10:00, extending the ZNG-controlled bridgehead to the area of Gaćelezi, 9 kilometres (5.6 miles) to the northwest. Four guns of the Žirje battery were used as anti-tank guns in support of the counter-attack. On 22 September, the Croatian forces captured the JNA "Kuline" barracks in Šibenik itself along with the 15 Yugoslav Navy vessels based there. According to the Federal Secretary of National Defense, Croatian forces used tear gas during
7119-549: The captured artillery pieces, significantly improved ZNG's capabilities. The JNA advance south from Drniš was effectively halted that day, following three successful ambushes by the ZNG in Unešić, Pakovo Selo and south of Žitnić. The JNA orders were changed again on 20 September, when the JNA 9th (Knin) Corps orders were supplanted by the Military-Maritime District order, issued by Vice Admiral Mile Kandić , for
7232-539: The cathedral as a part of the "calculated assaults" on treasures of Croatia. During the fighting, electrical substations in Bilice and Konjsko were destroyed, disrupting electric power distribution in Dalmatia. Evacuation of the JNA facilities and surrender of the confiscated Territorial Defence weapons stored in the Šibenik–Split area was agreed on 21 November. Throughout the process, tensions remained high, and
7345-414: The city. The JNA Šibenik garrison was evacuated following an agreement between the Croatian officials and the JNA, except for several comparably small JNA posts in the city which were captured by the ZNG. The September–October fighting caused three Croatian military and seven civilian deaths, as well as more than a hundred wounded. JNA bombarded Šibenik, causing damage to numerous structures, including
7458-404: The commotion and was sent outside to calm the situation. A videotape of the event shows Milošević responding to complaints from the crowd that the police were beating people by saying "You will not be beaten". Later that evening, Serbian television aired the video of Milošević's encounter. In Adam LeBor 's biography of Milošević, he says that the crowd attacked the police and Milošević's response
7571-405: The corps to reorient the JNA force north of Vodice towards Šibenik and Split. This required crossing the Šibenik Bridge spanning the Krka River ria . The eastward advance—with close air support from the Yugoslav Air Force —failed, and cost the air force four aircraft shot down by the ZNG. On 22 September, a Croatian counter-attack, supported by recently acquired artillery, pushed back the JNA from
7684-412: The corps. The JNA garrison in Šibenik barracks included the 11th Marine Infantry Brigade—one of a handful of units regularly maintained at full combat readiness . In opposition to the JNA, the ZNG 113th Infantry Brigade, commanded by Milivoj Petković , defended the city of Šibenik together with police forces, under overall control of the Šibenik crisis centre headed by Josip Juras . The 4th Battalion of
7797-427: The creation of a democratic multiparty system of government at the federal level, such as Serbian state media appealing to the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina in early 1992 with the promise that Bosnia and Herzegovina could peacefully coexist in a democratic Yugoslav federation alongside the republics of Serbia and Montenegro. In the aftermath, Serbia and Montenegro agreed to create the new Yugoslav federation called
7910-505: The creation of an autonomous province for Croatian Serbs, which was opposed by Croatian communist authorities. In the late 1980s, Milošević allowed the mobilization of Serb nationalist organizations to go unhindered by actions from the Serbian government, with Chetniks holding demonstrations, and the Serbian government embracing the Serbian Orthodox Church and restored its legitimacy in Serbia. Croatia and Slovenia denounced Milošević's actions and began to demand that Yugoslavia be made
8023-420: The creation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Milošević's government engaged in reforms to the Serbian penal code regarding restrictions on free speech, which were seen by critics as highly authoritarian . In particular Article 98 of the Serbian penal code during the 1990s punished imprisonment of up to three years for the following: ...public ridicule [of] the Republic of Serbia or another Republic within
8136-476: The demonstrations. Multiparty elections were held in Montenegro for the first time after the anti-bureaucratic revolution. Nenad Bućin, an opponent of Milošević's policies, was elected Montenegro's representative on Yugoslavia's collective presidency, and Momir Bulatović , a Milošević ally, was elected Montenegrin President. Beginning in 1982 and 1983, in response to nationalist Albanian riots in Kosovo ,
8249-655: The deteriorating situation, World Bank economist Dragoslav Avramović was nominated the governor of the National Bank of the FR Yugoslavia in March 1994. Avramović began monetary reforms that ended hyperinflation and returned the Serbian economy to economic growth by giving the Yugoslav dinar a 1:1 parity with the Deutsche Mark . Milošević's role in the signing of the Dayton Accords allowed
8362-824: The federal government about $ 1.05 billion more in revenue. In 1998, Miloševic promised to introduce a new economic program which would begin a process of market reforms, reduction of trade barriers, and the privatization of more state owned enterprises in order to achieve an economic growth rate of 10%. However, this plan was never implemented due to the Kosovo war , the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia , and his subsequent overthrow in October 2000. Milošević's government policies on civil and political rights when serving as Serbian President and later Yugoslav president were controversial. Milošević's government exercised influence and censorship in
8475-442: The federation. Milošević's supporters contend that the representatives of the SFRY presidency were elected according to the law. They say that Milošević enjoyed genuine popular support so it was perfectly logical for his allies to be elected to the presidency. His supporters dismiss allegations that he upset the balance of power in Yugoslavia as a propaganda ploy designed to justify separatism. In 1990, after other republics abandoned
8588-413: The first plane is not shown falling to the ground or into the sea, but diving towards the horizon after giving away a puff of smoke – variously interpreted as smoke caused by the plane's cannon fire or anti-aircraft fire damage. While the first J-21 downing remains unconfirmed, the second J-21, piloted by Croat Valter Juršić of the 240th Fighter-Bomber Aviation Squadron, was shot down by Neven Livajić using
8701-486: The force was 3,000 special police , deployed in twelve battalions adopting military unit organisation. In addition, there were 9,000–10,000 regionally organised reserve police. The reserve police were set up in 16 battalions and 10 companies, but the reserve force lacked weapons. In May, the Croatian Government responded by forming the Croatian National Guard ( Zbor narodne garde ), but its development
8814-465: The government in Bosnia & Herzegovina. The new government of Montenegro led by Momir Bulatović was seen by some as a satellite of Serbia. In 1989, the Serbian media began to speak of "the alleged imperilment of the Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina", as tensions between Serbs, Bosniaks and Croats increased over Serb support for Milošević. Efforts to spread the cult of personality of Milošević into
8927-524: The ground for his ascent to power by quietly replacing Stambolić's supporters with his own people, thereby forcing Pavlović and Stambolić from power. In February 1988, Stambolić's resignation was formalized, allowing Milošević to take his place as Serbia's president. Milošević then initiated a program of IMF -supported free-market reforms, setting up in May 1988 the "Milošević Commission" comprising Belgrade's leading neoliberal economists. Starting in 1988,
9040-647: The head of the ideology committee of the Yugoslav Communist League 's (SKJ) League of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia (SSOJ). While at the university, he befriended Ivan Stambolić , whose uncle Petar Stambolić had been a president of the Serbian Executive Council (the Communist equivalent of a prime minister ). This was to prove a crucial connection for Milošević's career prospects, as Stambolić sponsored his rise through
9153-430: The historic Kosovo field on 24 April 1987. While Milošević was talking to the leadership inside the local cultural hall, demonstrators outside clashed with the local Kosovo-Albanian police force. The New York Times reported that "a crowd of 15,000 Serbs and Montenegrins hurled stones at the police after they used truncheons to push people away from the entrance to the cultural center of Kosovo Polje." Milošević heard
9266-495: The insurgents, and preventing Croatian police from intervening. In early April, leaders of the Serb revolt in Croatia declared their intention of integration of the area under their control, viewed by the Government of Croatia as a breakaway region with Serbia. In the beginning of 1991, Croatia had no regular army. In an effort to bolster its defence, Croatia doubled police personnel to about 20,000. The most effective part of
9379-569: The lifting of most economic sanctions, but the FR Yugoslavia was still not allowed access to financial and foreign aid due to the perceived oppression of Albanians in Kosovo . The Serbian economy began growing from the period of 1994–1998, at one point even reaching a growth rate of 10.1 percent in 1997. However, this growth rate was insufficient to return Serbia to its pre-war economic status. In order to pay out pensions and wages, Milošević's socialist government had no choice but to begin selling off Serbia's most profitable telecommunications, which gave
9492-432: The lowest average monthly wage in Yugoslavia, an unemployment rate of nearly 25 percent, and where one-fifth of the population lived below the poverty line. 50,000 demonstrators gathered in the Montenegrin capital of Titograd (now Podgorica ) to protest the republic's economic situation and to demand the resignation of its leadership. The next day, Montenegro's state presidency tendered its collective resignation along with
9605-524: The media. An example was in March 1991, when Serbia's Public Prosecutor ordered a 36-hour blackout of two independent media stations, B92 Radio and Studio B television to prevent the broadcast of a demonstration against the Serbian government taking place in Belgrade. The two media stations appealed to the Public Prosecutor against the ban but the Public Prosecutor failed to respond. Upon
9718-422: The other Yugoslav nations. To these groups, Milošević's agenda reminded them of the Serb hegemonic political affairs of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Ranković's policies. Milošević appealed to nationalist and populist passion by speaking of Serbia's importance to the world and in a Belgrade speech on 19 November 1988, he spoke of Serbia as facing battles against both internal and external enemies. In Vojvodina ,
9831-484: The ousting of the respective provincial and republican governments; the new governments were then supportive of, and indebted to, Slobodan Milošević." Milošević's supporters say the anti-bureaucratic revolution was an authentic grass-roots political movement. Reacting to the indictment, Dr. Branko Kostić , Montenegro's then-representative on the Presidency of Yugoslavia said, "Well, it sounds like nonsense to me. If
9944-479: The party, was expelled from the party during the 8th Session of the League of Communists of Serbia after he publicly criticized the party's Kosovo policy. The central committee voted overwhelmingly for his dismissal: 106 members voted for his expulsion, eight voted against, and 18 abstained. Stambolić was fired after Communist officials in Belgrade accused him of abusing his office during the Pavlović affair. Stambolić
10057-529: The popularity of Ranković's agenda. This connection to the legacy of Ranković was recognized by a number of Yugoslavs who regarded Milošević's policies upon his rise to power in Serbia as effectively "bringing Ranković back in". During the Anti-bureaucratic revolution , Milošević urged Serbians and Montenegrins to "take to the streets" and utilized the slogan "Strong Serbia, Strong Yugoslavia" that drew support from Serbs and Montenegrins but alienated
10170-452: The provincial government which was dominated by Kosovo's majority ethnic group, ethnic Albanians . Milošević claimed that ethnic Albanian authorities had abused their powers, that the autonomy of Kosovo was allowing the entrenchment of separatism in Kosovo, and that the rights of the Serbs in the province were being regularly violated. As a solution, he called for political change to reduce the autonomy, protect minority Serb rights, and initiate
10283-495: The remaining Serbian voters in Kosovo. The boycott soon included education on Albanian language in Kosovo which Milošević attempted to resolve by signing the Milošević-Rugova education agreement in 1996. The anti-bureaucratic revolutions in Montenegro and Vojvodina coupled with Kosovo effectively meant that Slobodan Milošević and his supporters held power in four out of the eight republics and autonomous provinces that made-up
10396-486: The right flank of the attack, while the ZNG abandoned Drniš and pulled back to the village of Unešić . On 19 September, the ZNG captured an 88-millimetre (3.5 in) JNA coastal artillery battery on the Smokvica Island and the "Krušćica" barracks near Rogoznica . Weapons retrieved from the captured barracks, a shipment received from Gospić following the capture of JNA facilities in the town , as well as use of
10509-439: The same time, Serbs and Montenegrins dominated the government, security forces, and industrial employment in Kosovo. The popularity of Ranković's nationalistic policies in Serbia became apparent during his funeral in Serbia in 1983 where large numbers of people attended while considering Ranković a Serbian "national" leader. This event is believed to have possibly influenced Milošević, who attended Ranković's funeral, to recognize
10622-704: The state. During his presidency, anti-government and anti-war protests took place, and hundreds of thousands deserted the Milošević-controlled Yugoslav People's Army , leading to mass emigration from Serbia. During the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Milošević was charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for war crimes connected to the Bosnian War , Croatian War of Independence and Kosovo War . After resigning from
10735-711: The time, who claimed Ademi was wrong in his assessment. After the war, the guns were removed from Žirje. As of 2010 two were refurbished in preparation for return to Žirje, as museum exhibits. The battle is commemorated annually in Šibenik each September. There are two documentary films covering Šibenik and its surroundings during the battle: My city will be happy too ( I moj će grad biti sretan ) by Matea Šarić and September War 1991, Šibenik–Vodice ( Rujanski rat 1991. Šibenik–Vodice ) by Šime Strikoman. 43°44′N 15°53′E / 43.73°N 15.89°E / 43.73; 15.89 Yugoslav People%27s Army Too Many Requests If you report this error to
10848-429: The town of Bačka Palanka , 40 kilometres west of Novi Sad. They were supportive of Milošević and opposed the provincial government's moves to block forthcoming amendments to the Serbian constitution . The New York Times reported that the demonstrations were held "with the support of Slobodan Milošević" and that "Diplomats and Yugoslavs speculated about whether Mr. Milošević, whose hold over crowds [was] great, had had
10961-437: The two republics and 329 Serbian businesses broke ties with Slovenia. With these events in 1989, nationalism soared in response along with acts of intolerance, discrimination, and ethnic violence increasing. In that year, officials from Bosnia and Herzegovina noted rising tensions between Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs; active rumors spread of incidents between Croats and Serbs and arguments by Croats and Serbs that Bosniaks were not
11074-600: The village. Another significant setback for Croatia in the region was JNA capture of the Maslenica Bridge on 11 September. That severed the last overland road link between Dalmatia and the rest of Croatia. On 11–13 September, an attack in the area of Skradin cut water and power supply to Šibenik. On 14 September, the ZNG and the Croatian police blockaded and cut utilities to all JNA facilities located in Croatian-controlled territory, beginning
11187-495: The wake of the unrest following the 1989 constitutional amendments, ethnic Albanians in Kosovo largely boycotted the provincial government and refused to vote in the elections. Azem Vllasi , leader of the League of Communists of Kosovo , was arrested for inciting rioting amid the 1989 strike by Kosovo-Albanian miners . In the wake of the Albanian boycott, supporters of Slobodan Milošević were elected to positions of authority by
11300-597: Was "No one should dare to beat you again!" The Federal Secretariat of the SFRY Interior Ministry , however, condemned the police's use of rubber truncheons as not in keeping within the provisions of Articles 100 and 101 of the rules of procedure for "conducting the work of law enforcement", they had found that "the total conduct of the citizenry in the mass rally before the cultural hall in Kosovo Polje cannot be assessed as negative or extremist. There
11413-590: Was a Yugoslav and Serbian politician who was the President of Serbia between 1989–1997 and President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1997 until his оverthrow in 2000. Milošević played a major role in the Yugoslav Wars and became the first sitting head of state charged with war crimes. Born in Požarevac , he studied law at the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law during which he joined
11526-551: Was accused of sending a secret letter to the party Presidium, in what was seen as an attempt to misuse the weight of his position as Serbian president, to prevent the central committee's vote on Pavlović's expulsion from the party. In 2002, Adam LeBor and Louis Sell would write that Pavlović was really dismissed because he opposed Milošević's policies towards Kosovo-Serbs. They contend that, contrary to advice from Stambolić, Milošević had denounced Pavlović as being soft on Albanian radicals. LeBor and Sell assert that Milošević prepared
11639-631: Was an officer in the Montenegrin Army . Milošević's mother Stanislava ( née Koljenšić ), a school teacher and also an active member of the Communist Party , committed suicide in 1972. Her brother (Milošević's maternal uncle) Milisav Koljenšić was a major-general in the Yugoslav People's Army who committed suicide in 1963. Milošević went on to study law at the University of Belgrade 's Law School , where he became
11752-430: Was designed to create favourable circumstances to attack Zadar, Šibenik and Split. With support from a corps-level battalion of M-84 tanks and the SAO Krajina Territorial Defence, the JNA 221st Mechanised Brigade (without its battalion of T-34 tanks), was committed to the main axis of the attack. The secondary advance, towards Biograd na Moru on the right flank, was assigned to the 180th Mechanised Brigade, supported by
11865-514: Was hampered by a United Nations arms embargo introduced in September 1991. By late June and throughout July, northern Dalmatia saw daily armed skirmishes but no actual combat. Nonetheless, the increasing intensity of the conflict in the region and elsewhere in Croatia led to the preparation of bomb shelters in Zadar by city officials. Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Krajina (SAO Krajina) authorities called up three Territorial Defence units in
11978-565: Was known to promote Serbian national interests in Yugoslavia and tougher police actions against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. He supported a centralized Yugoslavia and opposed efforts that promoted decentralization that he deemed to be against the interests of Serb unity. Ranković imposed harsh repressive measures on Kosovo Albanians based on accusations that they there were sympathizers of the Stalinist rule of Enver Hoxha in Albania. In 1956,
12091-542: Was multiple charges against a variety of people opposed to the policies of the Serbian and Yugoslav governments even including a Serbian cartoonist who designed political satire. The Hague indictment alleges that, starting in 1987, Milošević "endorsed a Serbian nationalist agenda" and "exploited a growing wave of Serbian nationalism in order to strengthen centralised rule in the SFRY ". ICTY prosecutors argued that "the (Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo) indictments were all part of
12204-729: Was no evidence linking him to genocide committed by Bosnian Serb forces during the Bosnian War, but found Milošević had violated the Genocide Convention by failing to prevent genocide from occurring and holding those involved accountable. Observers have described Milošević's political behavior as populist , eclectic , and opportunist . Milošević's rule has been described as authoritarian or autocratic , as well as kleptocratic , with accusations of electoral fraud , assassinations, suppression of press freedom , and police brutality . Milošević had ancestral roots from
12317-404: Was no nationalism in those speeches. We were explaining why we think it is good to preserve Yugoslavia for all Serbs , all Croats , all Muslims and all Slovenians as our joint country. Nothing else." Nevertheless, Milošević was described as a left-wing nationalist. As animosity between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo deepened during the 1980s, Milošević was sent to address a crowd of Serbs at
12430-481: Was no significant violation of law and order." Although Milošević was only addressing a small group of people around him – not the public, a great deal of significance has been attached to that remark. Stambolić, after his reign as president, said that he had seen that day as "the end of Yugoslavia". Dragiša Pavlović , a Stambolić ally and Milošević's successor at the head of the Belgrade Committee of
12543-445: Was quick to point out, "the fact that we don't have orders doesn't mean that they don't exist" to which Milošević replied "There are none, that's why you haven't got one." Milošević's political behavior has been analyzed as politically opportunist in nature. Claims that Milošević was principally motivated by a desire for power have been supported by many people who had known or had worked for him. Some believe his original goal until
12656-549: Was submitted to the governments of Kosovo, Vojvodina and Serbia for approval. On 10 March 1989, the Vojvodina Assembly approved the amendments, followed by the Kosovo Assembly on 23 March, and the Serbian Assembly on 28 March. In the Kosovo Assembly 187 of the 190 assembly members were present when the vote was taken: 10 voted against the amendments, two abstained, and the remaining 175 voted in favor of
12769-675: Was supported by the Yugoslav Air Force and the Yugoslav Navy . Fighting stopped following a Croatian counter-attack that pushed the JNA back from the outskirts of Šibenik. Although some ground was lost to the Yugoslavs, especially around the town of Drniš , northeast of Šibenik, the ZNG captured several JNA and Yugoslav Navy facilities in the city, including dozens of navy vessels and several coastal artillery batteries. The captured batteries were used to support defence of
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