85-705: Labour Party Black Sections ( LPBS ), commonly known as Black Sections , was a caucus made up of Labour Party members of African, Caribbean, and Asian descent from 1983 to 1993. Its aims were campaigning against racism, demanded political representation of black and Asian members and establishing a group in the party. Since the 1960s, the Labour Party has relied on votes from Britain's large African, Caribbean, and Asian (" politically black ") communities, its demographically most loyal supporters, in urban areas. Over time, black people stood in local council elections, and even as candidates for Parliament . However, during
170-552: A Westminster City councillor ; Paul Boateng , a lawyer and the only black member of the Greater London Council; its first chair Russell Profitt, a Lewisham, south London, councillor; Billy Poh, a Vietnamese activist in Abbott's Westminster North CLP (where Black Sections had its first base); Nirmal Roy (who became a Camden, north London, councillor in 1986); and Marc Wadsworth , who became chair in 1985. Initially,
255-491: A local education authority in 1990 when the Inner London Education Authority was dissolved. In the late 1980s, the under the leadership of Conservative councillor Shirley Porter , the council was involved in the homes for votes scandal . In marginal wards, the council moved the homeless elsewhere, and sold council homes to groups who were more likely to vote Conservative. On investigation,
340-587: A parliamentary party : a party caucus may have the ability to elect or dismiss the party's parliamentary leader . The term was used historically in the United Kingdom to refer to the Liberal Party 's internal system of management and control. The word caucus came into use in the British colonies of North America to describe clubs or private meetings at which political matters were discussed. It
425-593: A "Positive Discrimination" working party to investigate the demand for Black Sections, which, recommended that they be made official, following its wide-ranging consultation among CLPs, trade unions and socialist societies throughout the country, which favoured Black Sections, by a four-to-one majority. Positive discrimination were the preferred words of the left-wing Campaign for Labour Party Democracy , which had helped draft early Black Sections resolutions and circulated them among its extensive network of CLPs and trade union branches. Labour deputy leader Roy Hattersley , who
510-576: A Black Sections vice-chair, was chosen as the prospective parliamentary candidate by the Vauxhall CLP. Again, Kinnock stepped in to block the selection of Martha Osamor who he considered to be too left-wing to represent the party in Parliament. Kate Hoey was imposed as the candidate by the NEC instead. Osamor's daughter Kate Osamor went on to become an MP for Edmonton in 2015, and Martha Osamor
595-583: A borough council. The larger London borough called the City of Westminster and its council were created under the London Government Act 1963 , with the first election held in 1964 . For its first year the council acted as a shadow authority alongside the area's three outgoing authorities, being the metropolitan borough councils of Westminster, Paddington and St Marylebone. The new council formally came into its powers on 1 April 1965, at which point
680-486: A climate. This stance, by one of its most prominent advocates, indicated that Black Sections was about to lower its horizons on the very existence of the organisation and the official recognition it would pursue. Some Black Sections activists suspected that Grant and his fellow Black Labour prospective parliamentary candidates were now less keen to rock the Labour boat now they were about to become MPs. Despite this scepticism,
765-417: A common table, the disputants retreat to a more private setting to process information, agree on negotiation strategy, confer privately with counsel or with the mediator, or simply gain "breathing room" after the often emotionally difficult interactions that can occur in the common area where all parties are present. The degree to which caucuses are used can be a key defining element, and often an identifier, of
850-539: A critical mass of black people required to change the party so that it could take account of their aims of greater political representation and the adoption of their Black Agenda, brought out by the Black Sections in 1988. Responding to the growing weight of black demands, and the creation of new opportunities to voice them, white progressive Labour Party members backed their black fellow members to help them establish unofficial Black Sections. These were modelled on
935-538: A high concentration of African, Caribbean and Asian people. Black members active in the Labour Party argued for greater representation in return for the electoral support of their communities. The English youth riots/uprisings that occurred at the start of the 1980s in Brixton , Birmingham , Leeds , Manchester , Liverpool and elsewhere acted as a warning to a British society that was indifferent or hostile to
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#17327809387861020-562: A large House, and he has a moveable Partition in his Garrett, which he takes down and the whole Clubb meets in one Room. There they smoke tobacco till you cannot see from one End of the Garrett to the other. There they drink Phlip I suppose, and there they choose a Moderator, who puts Questions to the Vote regularly, and Selectman , Assessors , Collectors , Wardens, Fire Wards , and Representatives are Regularly chosen before they are chosen in
1105-575: A letter, which they issued to the media beforehand, saying the meeting should not take place. It resulted in Bernie Grant not attending. The Black Sections issued a statement condemning the letter, stating there should be no apartheid-style pass laws preventing the free movement of black people in the UK. Until 1988, the dominant position within the Black Sections was one of demanding no less than Labour constitutional recognition as an official section of
1190-533: A number of warm disputes are prepared, to entertain the lower sort … William Gordon commented in 1788: The word caucus , and its derivative caucusing, are often used in Boston […] It seems to mean, a number of persons, whether more or less, met together to consult upon adopting or presenting some scheme of policy, for carrying a favorite point. The word is not of novel invention. More than fifty years ago, Mr. Samuel Adams 's father, and twenty others, one or two from
1275-427: A particular party in Parliament, including senators, or a provincial legislature. These members elect among themselves a caucus chair who presides over their meetings. This person is an important figure when the party is in opposition , and is an important link between cabinet and the backbench when the party is in government . In such contexts, a party caucus can be quite powerful, as it can elect or dismiss
1360-475: A positive effect in building up black union membership. Indeed, some of them even set up their own black structures. Many inner-city CLPs had Black Sections, despite Labour's refusal to make them official: the Black Sections 1986 Annual Conference in Nottingham reported that more than 30 CLPs had unofficial Black Sections. In the face of opposition from Labour, Black Sections members operated as if their group
1445-792: A private note of "that American system called caucus". The Liberal Caucus was also vilified by socialists and trade unionists , who (prior to the establishment of the Independent Labour Party ) sought a route to parliamentary representation through the Liberal Party via the Labour Representation League and the Labour Electoral Association , but found their way barred by the party's management structures. Moisey Ostrogorsky devoted some nine chapters of his Democracy and
1530-528: A scandal. In 2017, Grassroots Black Left was set up in Nottingham by Black Sections veterans Hassan Ahmed and Marc Wadsworth. The organisation had a parliamentary launch the following year attended by Labour Party MPs including Clive Lewis , Naz Shah , Mohammad Yasin and Chris Williamson . Caucus A caucus is a meeting or grouping of supporters or members of a specific political party or movement. The exact definition varies between different countries and political cultures. The term originated in
1615-593: Is " parliamentary party ". When the term is used, it generally refers to a subgroup, faction or pressure group within a political party. For example, in 2019 the One Nation Conservatives and Blue Collar Conservatives were established as factions within the Conservative Party , both being described as "caucuses". In conventions , where the membership from different parts of the organization may gather, each separate group within
1700-400: Is a local education authority and is also responsible for council housing , social services, libraries, waste collection and disposal, traffic, and most roads and environmental health. The council has been under Labour majority control since 2022. Prior to that the council had been under Conservative majority control since the creation of the current authority in 1965. The first election
1785-505: Is a political concept. It is used to include all racially minorities oppressed because of the colour of their skin. Each geographical area, therefore, is likely to reflect its own "black" communities. In most areas this will inevitably mean people of African-Caribbean or Asian descent. However, in Haringey, for example, Cypriots have chosen to be, and are, involved in local Black Sections. Labour Party Black Sections, 1985 In July 1984,
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#17327809387861870-516: Is a sub grouping of officials with shared affinities or ethnicities who convene, often but not always to advocate, agitate, lobby or to vote collectively, on policy. At the highest level, in Congress and many state legislatures, Democratic and Republican members organize themselves into a caucus (occasionally called a "conference"). There can be smaller caucuses in a legislative body, including those that are multi- partisan or even bicameral . Of
1955-699: Is first found in reference to the Caucus Club of Boston , which was established in c. 1719, although the name is not documented until c. 1760. There are three main theories for the word's origins: The Boston Gazette of May 5, 1760, includes an essay commenting: Whereas it is reported, that certain Persons, of the Modern Air and Complexion , to the Number of Twelve at least, have divers Times of late been known to combine together, and are called by
2040-631: Is more usually a collective term for all members of a party sitting in Parliament, otherwise called a parliamentary group , rather than a word for a regular meeting of these members of Parliament . Thus, the Australian Federal Parliamentary Labor Party is commonly called "the Labor Caucus ". The word was used in New Zealand from at least the 1890s, when organized political parties began to emerge:
2125-590: Is no provision for the role of political parties in the United States Constitution . In the first two presidential elections, the Electoral College handled nominations and elections in 1789 and 1792 which selected George Washington . After that, Congressional party or a state legislature party caucus selected the party's presidential candidates. Nationally, these caucuses were replaced by the party convention starting in 1832 following
2210-643: Is the local authority for the City of Westminster in Greater London , England. It is a London borough council, one of 32 in London . The council has been under Labour majority control since 2022. Full council meetings are generally held at Westminster Council House , also known as Marylebone Town Hall, and the council has its main offices at Westminster City Hall on Victoria Street. Whilst an important centre of royal authority from Saxon times, Westminster
2295-609: The Nottingham East prospective Labour parliamentary candidate the same year, at the insistence of Kinnock. Responding to an anti-Labour black nationalist heckler, Bini Brown, Atkin had said, at a Black Sections public meeting in Birmingham, she would not want to represent "a Kinnock racist Labour party". Four Birmingham Labour MPs, led by Hattersley (the others were Robin Corbett , Terry Davis and Denis Howell ), signed
2380-627: The United States , where it can refer to a meeting of members of a political party to nominate candidates, plan policy, etc., in the United States Congress , or other similar representative organs of government. It has spread to certain Commonwealth countries, including Australia , Canada , New Zealand , and South Africa , where it generally refers to a regular meeting of all members of Parliament (MPs) who belong to
2465-413: The loony left . By 1987, Black Sections' founding principle of autonomous organisation within Labour was in doubt. In the face of the party's NEC backing a resolution authored by the right-wing MP Gwyneth Dunwoody , which threatened disciplinary action against future "separatist" activity, after the Black Sections arguably most successful conference, held in Nottingham, where its vice-chair Hassan Ahmed ran
2550-422: The 1970s and early 1980s, these candidates were often put by Labour in seats where they stood very little chance of winning. The Labour Party Black Sections debate emerged in the context of African, Caribbean, and Asian voting patterns gaining prominence from 1974. The call for Black Sections among black Labour Party activists came from their realisation of the significance of black votes, particularly in areas with
2635-422: The 1980s. In the 1987 general election , Boateng, Abbott, Grant, and Vaz were elected as MPs from 12 African, Caribbean and Asian prospective Parliamentary candidates. The four newly elected MPs were the outcome of the strategy of focusing on internal selections to get more black and Asian MPs into Parliament. However Black Sections chair Sharon Atkin, a left-wing Lambeth councillor, was controversially deselected as
Labour Party Black Sections - Misplaced Pages Continue
2720-619: The Black Socialist Society's first national committee were members of the Black Sections: Kingsley Abrams, Palma Black, Marc Wadsworth , and Jatin Haria, who was elected to the key role of secretary. An outcome of the Black Sections redefinition of autonomous Labour organisation was to move black politics from the periphery and into the heart of municipal and parliamentary politics. The organisation
2805-518: The Greater London Council was responsible for "wide area" services such as fire, ambulance, flood prevention , and refuse disposal ; with the boroughs (including Westminster) responsible for "personal" services such as social care, libraries, cemeteries and refuse collection . The Greater London Council was abolished in 1986 and its functions passed to the London Boroughs, with some services provided through joint committees. Westminster became
2890-553: The Labour Party and seek to win political leadership of it. To end its longest-running internal dispute of the 1980s, Labour finally agreed to change the party's constitution to embrace the Black Socialist Society along the lines put forward by the Black Sections. During the 1990 conference a compromise was reached. Clarence Lusane writes: Composite 8, as it was called, stated that the NEC would (a) recognize formally and support Black members' right to organize together for effective participation and representation; b) make provisions for
2975-490: The Labour leader Neil Kinnock was said to have welcomed the idea. In 1983, a composite motion (from motions several CLPs had submitted of Black Sections–supporting resolutions) setting out a framework for implementation by the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party (NEC) was debated at the Labour Party conference and then sent to the NEC for further consideration. After this, the NEC set up
3060-518: The Name of the New and Grand Corcas , tho' of declared Principles directly opposite to all that have heretofore been known: And whereas it is vehemently suspected, by some, that their Design is nothing less, than totally to overthrow the ancient Constitution of our Town-Meetings, as being popular and mobbish … The writer goes on to argue that this body's underhand attempts to influence voters are in opposition to
3145-647: The Organization of Political Parties (1902) to discussion of the development and operation of the "Caucus" in this sense. The word "caucus" is only occasionally encountered in contemporary politics in the British Isles. In contrast to other Anglosphere nations, it is never used for all members of a party in Parliament: the usual term for that concept, both in the UK and in the Republic of Ireland ,
3230-560: The Town ; … The following month, a writer signing himself "E. J." and claiming to be "a late Member" of the Boston "Corkass", explained in greater detail how the inner circle of the "Petty Corkass" manipulated the business of the broader "Grand Corkass": At present the heads of this venerable Company meet some weeks before a Town-Meeting, and consult among themselves, appoint town officers, and settle all other affairs that are to be transacted at town meeting; after these few have settled
3315-539: The affairs, they communicate them to the next better sort of their brethren; when they have been properly sounded and instructed, they meet with the heads; these are called the Petty Corkass: Here each recommends his friends, opposes others, juggle and trim, and often have pretty warm disputes; but by compounding and compromising, settle every thing before the Grand Corkass meets; tho' for form sake …
3400-420: The back of the success of Black Sections, more than 200 African Caribbean and Asian Labour candidates were elected across the country, a three-fold increase on their previous numbers and four black council leaders elected. The latter included Black Sections vice-chair Linda Bellos , who was leader of Lambeth council from 1986 to 1988; Black Sections supporter and leader of Brent council, Merle Amory. In 1983, Amory
3485-473: The composition of the council was: The next election is due in 2026. Since the last boundary changes in 2022 the council has comprised 54 councillors representing 18 wards , with each ward electing three councillors. Elections are held every four years. The council has its main offices at Westminster City Hall on Victoria Street in the Victoria area. It was designed by Burnet Tait & Partners on
Labour Party Black Sections - Misplaced Pages Continue
3570-763: The council, but within the English local government system the council remains a "most purpose" authority in terms of the available range of powers and functions. The local authority derives its powers and functions from the London Government Act 1963 and subsequent legislation, and has the powers and functions of a London borough council. It sets council tax and as a billing authority also collects precepts for Greater London Authority functions and business rates. It sets planning policies which complement Greater London Authority and national policies, and decides on almost all planning applications accordingly. It
3655-417: The country, they were not endorsed by the Labour leadership. The legitimate calls for fair representation made by black communities – whose electoral support was given overwhelmingly to Labour – were resisted by the party leadership of Kinnock and Hattersley, who wanted to defeat a rising left-wing rank and file that the right-wing Conservative Party –supporting tabloid national newspapers denounced as
3740-400: The demands of disenfranchised and disadvantaged black people. These urban disturbances provided black Labour activists with greater political leverage in their arguments. While the rise of the Labour municipal left wing , of prominent figures including Ken Livingstone in local government particularly in London , and with the base for the left in the Labour Party in the councils, this created
3825-660: The first black trade union general secretary. On top of that, black self-organised groups were formed in trade unions and by probation officers, teachers and students and even by police officers, who formed the National Black Police Association . The Trades Union Congress (TUC) created places on its general council and executive for black representatives, as the Black Sections had demanded. Paul Boateng, Diane Abbott, Bernie Grant , Russell Profitt and Keith Vaz stopped acting as Black Sections activists when they were selected for safe or winnable seats in
3910-636: The first national Black Sections conference was purposely held at Digbeth Hall, in Hattersley's Birmingham Sparkbrook constituency. Hattersley was invited but refused the invitation. More than 300 mainly African Caribbean delegates attended. At the 1984 Labour Party autumn annual conference, 23 resolutions supporting Black Sections were tabled. At every national party conference between 1983 and 1989, Black Sections activists managed to get resolutions via CLPs all over Britain to amend Labour's constitution and advocate formally recognising Black Sections. But after it
3995-539: The formation of Labour Party Black Sections. For supporters of the organisation, the rationale for its existence was the fact that although for decades more than 80% of black people who went to the polls had voted Labour, this was not reflected in the party's policies, priorities, hierarchy or among its political representatives. Supporters argued Black Sections would act as a transmission belt to get more African, Caribbean, and Asian people into Labour membership and actively involved in decision-making and representative roles in
4080-680: The growth and advancement of the Internet. Other congressional caucuses such as the Out of Iraq Caucus , are openly organized tendencies or political factions (within the House Democratic Caucus , in this case), and strive to achieve political goals, similar to a European "platform", but generally organized around a single issue. The term is also used in certain Commonwealth nations, including Australia , Canada , New Zealand and South Africa . When used in these countries, "caucus"
4165-468: The largest Black Section outside London, the organisation was forced to go on the defensive. Six black prospective parliamentary candidates, who were Black Sections members, agreed with Labour not to subscribe to "statements of Black Sections policy" (the Black Agenda), which were different from the general party programme. The main reason we want to see Black Sections recognised is because we believe
4250-613: The largest of them, the Liberal Party , used it to refer to its parliamentary members. In New Zealand, the term is now used by all political parties, but in Australia, it continues to be used only by the Labor Party . For the Australian Liberal , National and Green parties, the usual equivalent term is "party room". In South Africa all parties use the term "caucus". In Canada, "caucus" refers to all members of
4335-588: The lead of the Anti-Masonic Party 1831 convention. The term caucus is frequently used to discuss the procedures used by some states to select presidential nominees such as the Iowa caucuses , the first of the modern primary presidential election cycle , and the Texas caucuses . Since 1980 such caucuses have become, in the aggregate, an important component of the nomination process. Another meaning
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#17327809387864420-566: The lower tier of local government within the metropolis comprised various parish vestries and district boards . One such district was initially called the Westminster District , which was renamed the St Margaret and St John Combined Vestry in 1887. In 1900 the lower tier was reorganised into metropolitan boroughs , including Westminster (which inherited Westminster's city status), Paddington and St Marylebone , each with
4505-735: The many Congressional caucuses , one of the best-known is the Congressional Black Caucus , a group of African-American members of Congress. Another prominent example is the Congressional Hispanic Caucus , whose members voice and advance issues affecting Hispanics in the United States, including Puerto Rico . In a different vein, the Congressional Internet Caucus is a bipartisan group of Members who wish to promote
4590-440: The mediation model being used. For example, "facilitative mediation" tends to discourage the use of caucuses and tries to keep the parties talking at a single table, while "evaluative mediation" may allow parties to separate more often and rely on the mediator to shuttle information and offers back and forth. [REDACTED] Media related to Caucus at Wikimedia Commons Westminster City Council Westminster City Council
4675-697: The more laudable activities of "the old and true Corcas". A February 1763 entry in the diary of John Adams demonstrates that the word already held its modern connotations of a " smoke-filled room " where candidates for public election were pre-selected in private: This day learned that the Caucas Clubb meets at certain Times in the Garret of Tom Daws , the Adjutant of the Boston Regiment. He has
4760-501: The north end of the town, where all the ship business is carried on, used to meet, make a caucus, and lay their plan for introducing certain persons into places of trust and power. An analogical Latin-type plural "cauci" is occasionally used. In United States politics and government, caucus has several related but distinct meanings. Members of a political party or subgroup may meet to coordinate members' actions, choose group policy, or nominate candidates for various offices. There
4845-410: The official demand for Black Sections was replaced by the organisation's leadership accepting the compromise of a hybrid Black Socialist Society because they believed their original demand was no longer feasible. In 1990, the view which gained ascendancy was that Black Sections should continue to operate as a pressure group under its current constitution, actively develop a Black Socialist Society within
4930-520: The old boroughs and their councils were abolished. In 1966 the city was granted the dignity of having a lord mayor . The council's full legal name is "The Lord Mayor and Citizens of the City of Westminster", but it is generally known as Westminster City Council. From 1965 until 1986 the council was a lower-tier authority, with upper-tier functions provided by the Greater London Council . The split of powers and functions meant that
5015-401: The only way that appropriate strategies for overcoming racism will be devised, is when we as Black people come together and decide on effective anti-racist policies which we can take to a wider political audience. As victims of racism, we have a right to be in the forefront of the anti-racist struggle. Labour Party Black Sections, 1988 Clare Short , the left-wing Birmingham Ladywood MP,
5100-680: The opportunity to place the issue of black representation on the political agenda. Parallel organisations within the trade unions , such as the Nalgo Black Workers Group, the Black Trade Union Solidarity Movement, and Black Media Workers' Association, the latter two funded by the Livingstone-led Greater London Council , were set up prior to Labour Party Black Sections. There were two main approaches to
5185-437: The organization may meet prior to the convention as a caucus. Each caucus may decide how the group would vote on various issues that may come up at the convention. Unless the votes are made binding, however, each delegate is still free to vote in any fashion. The term caucus is also used in mediation , facilitation and other forms of alternative dispute resolution to describe circumstances wherein, rather than meeting at
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#17327809387865270-531: The pair belonged, got them reinstated at the Labour conference, against the wishes of Kinnock and Hattersley. Despite opposition from the Labour and trade union leaderships and a hostile news media, within a few years Black Sections had 35 branches, several of them in London and the Midlands, most sending "unofficial" delegates to their CLP party management and executive committees. In the 1986 council elections, on
5355-617: The party is in government. For example, this is traditionally so in the Australian Labor Party and the New Zealand Labour Party . The word "caucus" had a wide currency in the United Kingdom in the late 19th century, meaning a highly structured system of management and control within a political party, equivalent to a " party machine " in the United States. It was used with specific reference to
5440-404: The party's already existing Women's Section and Young Socialists . Dozens of supportive CLPs (CLPs) sent motions supporting Black Sections to the party's conference each year. In 1981, Labour Party Black Sections were first mooted after Britain's inner-city uprisings, to further African Caribbean and Asian representation within the Labour Party. Among its founding members were Diane Abbott , then
5525-474: The party's parliamentary leader. The caucus system is a departure from the Westminster tradition in giving members of the upper house a say in the election of the party leader, who may become head of government. The caucus also determines some matters of policy, parliamentary tactics, and disciplinary measures against disobedient MPs. In some parties, the caucus also has the power to elect MPs to Cabinet when
5610-565: The party, like the women and youth sections. Many of the Black Sections leaders remained Labour Party members. In 1991, they formed the grassroots Anti-Racist Alliance , which helped set up the Stephen Lawrence campaign for justice. In 1993, the Black Socialist Society was founded. Black Sections members joined to help set up local branches. The Black Socialist Society was supported by trade unions and Labour's Walworth Road headquarters, which ran its annual conferences. Key members of
5695-755: The party, to achieve parity with the existing Women and Youth Sections. This shifted after the 1987 general election to one of the Black Sections being prepared to consider proposals from the Labour leadership if they met Black Sections' general black self-organisation criteria. In 1988, Black Sections published the Black Agenda document after being urged by Race Today , Race & Class of Ambalavaner Sivanandan , and other activists in African Caribbean and Asian communities, to state their policies. Although Black Sections were established in CLPs around
5780-469: The party. Black Sections challenged the party's historical record of neglect of black community concerns, including its passing in government of racist immigration laws. The Black Section's argument was, if its demands were agreed by Labour, the organisation would provide the party with the electoral support it needed in key inner-city seats. By organising as a section ( caucus ) within the party, African, Caribbean and Asian Labour Party members hoped to create
5865-412: The policy was ruled to be illegal, and it was revealed that some of the homeless had been rehoused in condemned accommodation. After leaving office, Porter was found guilty of wilful misconduct and ordered to repay £36.1 million; a payment of £12.3 million was eventually accepted. Since 2000 the Greater London Authority has taken some responsibility for highways and planning control from
5950-415: The representation of Black members at all levels of the party; and c) adopt the working party's proposal on Black members' organization within the party that were presented to the NEC on 26 July 1989, namely, the setting up of a single affiliated organization for members of African, Caribbean, and Asian descent, with local and regional groups and direct representation on the NEC. The outcome of this resolution
6035-425: The same as all-women shortlists , which the Black Sections was the first to advocate, were used to redress the gender representational imbalance. Campaigners lobbied for the party's constitution to be amended to ensure Black Sections had representation in the party's decision-making bodies at every level, including on the NEC, as was already the case for the trade unions, women, youth, and socialist societies. "Black"
6120-566: The secretary of the Birmingham Liberal Association, William Harris (later dubbed the "father of the Caucus") devised a four-tier organizational structure (of ward committees, general committee, executive committee, and management committee) through which Liberal voters in different wards could be instructed in the precise combinations in which to cast their votes. In 1877 the newly formed National Liberal Federation
6205-585: The structure of the Liberal Party . Originally a pejorative term, used by detractors of the system with overtones of corrupt American practices, the name was soon adopted by the Liberals themselves. The system had originated at a local level in Birmingham in preparation for the 1868 general election , when, under the 1867 Reform Act , the city had been allocated three parliamentary seats , but each elector had only two votes. In order to spread votes evenly,
6290-623: Was MP for Birmingham Sparkbrook , a parliamentary constituency with a large Asian party membership that he feared would replace him if they were allowed to get organised, opposed Black Sections. When Birmingham Sparkbrook CLP secretary Kevin Scally and Birmingham City councillor Amir Khan set up Sparkbrook Black Section, Hattersley had them expelled from Labour. But a national Black Sections "Justice for Khan and Scally" campaign, led by Clare Short and supported by their Transport and General Workers' Union , then Britain's largest trade union and to which
6375-569: Was agreed the first ones in 1983 should be remitted to the NEC without a vote, they were subsequently heavily defeated, after passionate debates, despite growing support from some trade unions with their block votes in 1985, including the National Union of Public Employees , the largest health workers' union, and the National Union of Mineworkers . By 1986, more and more trade unions, particularly public sector ones under pressure from their large numbers of black members, agreed Black Sections had
6460-453: Was defunct for more than a decade after the connivance with the antagonistic Labour headquarters of its trade union chair Gloria Mills and treasurer Bob Purkiss. The Black Socialist Society was reconstituted into BAME Labour in 2007, after meetings Labour MP Keith Vaz and Chuka Umunna had with Labour Party leader Tony Blair . This kept Vaz on Labour's NEC as its representative before he stepped down in 2019 as an MP after being involved in
6545-561: Was elected deputy leader. Black Section supporters around the country, frustrated by the lack of a single black MP in Parliament established an increasing number of Black Sections in CLPs and demanded change. This put pressure on the Labour leadership to tackle poor African Caribbean and Asian representation in the party and to focus its attention on policies that black communities wanted. The Black Sections also called for "all-black shortlists" – powered quotas to ensure black prospective candidates were selected and then elected to Parliament,
6630-453: Was formed as a compromise between the party leadership and the organisation. This led to a split among Black Sections activists, with a minority rejecting a Black Socialist Society that they claimed would be half inside and half outside of the party, like the Labour head office-controlled National Organisation of Labour Students . The dissidents unsuccessfully urged the organisation to stick to its demand for Black Sections, which would be inside
6715-532: Was given a similar structure, on the initiative of Joseph Chamberlain , and again worked out in detail by Harris. Shortly afterwards the term "caucus" was applied to this system by The Times newspaper, which referred to "the 'caucus' with all its evils", and by the Conservative prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli . In 1880 Queen Victoria , following a meeting with Disraeli, wrote disapprovingly in
6800-412: Was held in 1964, initially operating as a shadow authority alongside the outgoing authorities until it came into its powers on 1 April 1965. Political control of the council since 1965 has been as follows: The role of Lord Mayor of Westminster is largely ceremonial. Political leadership is instead provided by the leader of the council . The leaders since 1965 have been: Following the 2022 election
6885-620: Was legitimate, often with the support of their CLPs and branches (wards). Consequently, the relationship between the Black Sections and the Labour leadership was marked by public conflict and constant tension that generated bad publicity for the party. Regardless, Black Sections achieved successes including four of its black supporters being elected London council leaders. Merle Amory (Brent), Black Sections vice-chair Linda Bellos (Lambeth), Bernie Grant (Haringey), and Dorman Long (Brent, after Amory) were elected as council leaders in London. Four of them became MPs, and Bill Morris getting elected as
6970-492: Was made a peer and put in the House of Lords by Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn in 2018. The internal focus depoliticised the aims of the Black Sections. In October 1990, at the annual general meeting, Bernie Grant pointed out that the general political mood was one of retreat, the left was weak, and his view was the Black Sections' corresponding weakness meant it was time to be "pragmatic" and assess what would be achievable in such
7055-606: Was not formally incorporated as a borough for local government purposes until 1900. However, it was declared a city in 1540. From 1856 the area of the modern borough was within the area governed by the Metropolitan Board of Works , which was established to provide services across the metropolis of London. In 1889 the Metropolitan Board of Works' area was made the County of London . From 1856 until 1900
7140-459: Was one of the few white politicians, along with Tony Benn and Ken Livingstone, to stand by Black Sections throughout its almost decade-long campaign. Despite the support for Black Sections, which, by then existed all over the labour movement , Labour still refused to recognise the organisation or and give it an official place in developing the party's race policies. In 1989, Martha Osamor , deputy leader of Haringey council in north London , and
7225-415: Was the creation of the Black Socialist Society. In 1991, at the Black Sections' annual general meeting, it was acknowledged by national chair Mike Wongsam, summing up on behalf of the NEC, that enabling the Black Socialist Society would mean developing an organisation that would replace Labour Party Black Sections' influence within the Labour Party. Black Sections were disbanded and the Black Socialist Society
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