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38-679: Lillers ( French pronunciation: [lilɛʁ] ; West Flemish : Lillaar ) is a commune in the Pas-de-Calais department in the Hauts-de-France region of France . A small farming and light industrial town situated some 15 km northwest of Béthune and 40 km west of Lille , at the junction of the D185, D182 and the D69 roads. The town is bypassed by the N43 to the north and

76-479: A German pronunciation: [ç] both for the <sch> (standard German [ʃ] ) and the ⟨ch⟩ . Proper names and German loanwords into other languages that have been reborrowed , particularly when they have gone through or are perceived to have gone through the English language are often pronounced " hyperforeign ". Examples include "Hamburger" or the names of German-Americans and

114-532: A common hypercorrection is the fortition of properly lenis stops, sometimes including aspiration as evidenced by the speech of Günther Beckstein . The digraph <ig> in word-final position is pronounced [ɪç] per the Bühnendeutsch standard, but this pronunciation is frequently perceived as nonstandard and instead realized as [ɪɡ̊] or [ɪk] ( final obstruent devoicing ) even by speakers from dialect areas that pronounce

152-858: A confusion related to the Qamatz Gadol Hebrew vowel, which in the accepted Sephardi Hebrew pronunciation is rendered as /aː/ but which is pronounced /ɔ/ in Ashkenazi Hebrew , and in Hebrew words that also occur in Yiddish . However, the Qamatz Qaṭan vowel, which is visually indistinguishable from the Qamatz Gadol vowel, is rendered as /o/ in both pronunciations. This leads to hypercorrections in both directions. Other hypercorrections occur when speakers of Israeli Hebrew (which

190-592: A long ie ( [i] ). Like for the ui , the long o ( [o] ) can be replaced by an [ø] ( eu ) for some words but a [uo] for others. That often causes similarities to ranchers English. Here are some examples showing the sound shifts that are part of the vocabulary: Plural forms in Standard Dutch most often add -en , but West Flemish usually uses -s , like the Low Saxon dialects and even more prominently in English in which -en has become very rare. Under

228-522: A short u ( [ɐ] ), a phenomenon also occurring in Russian and some other Slavic languages , called akanye . That happens spontaneously to some words, but other words keep their original short o sounds. Similarly, the short a ( [ɑ] ) can turn into a short o ( [ɔ] ) in some words spontaneously. The diphthong ui ( /œy/ ) does not exist in West Flemish and is replaced by a long u ( [y] ) or

266-819: Is a second declension word of Latin origin when in fact it is third declension and comes from Greek . Sociolinguists often note hypercorrection in terms of pronunciation (phonology). For example, William Labov noted that all of the English speakers he studied in New York City in the 1960s tended to pronounce words such as hard as rhotic (pronouncing the "R" as / h ɑːr d / rather than / h ɑː d / ) more often when speaking carefully. Furthermore, middle class speakers had more rhotic pronunciation than working class speakers did. However, lower-middle class speakers had more rhotic pronunciation than upper-middle class speakers. Labov suggested that these lower-middle class speakers were attempting to emulate

304-559: Is based on Sephardic) attempt to pronounce Ashkenazi Hebrew, for example for religious purposes. The month of Shevat ( שבט ‎) is mistakenly pronounced Shvas , as if it were spelled * שְׁבַת ‎. In an attempt to imitate Polish and Lithuanian dialects, qamatz (both gadol and qatan ), which would normally be pronounced [ɔ] , is hypercorrected to the pronunciation of holam , [ɔj] , rendering גדול ‎ ('large') as goydl and ברוך ‎ ('blessed') as boyrukh . In some Spanish dialects,

342-427: Is formally spelt de in the subjective case and dem in the objective case. Informally it can be spelled dom (" Dom tycker om mig ."), yet dom is only acceptable in spoken language. When spelt more formally, they are often confused with each other. (" De tycker om mig ." as a correct form, compared to " Dem tycker om mig "* as an incorrect form in this case). As an object form, using dem in

380-414: Is never pronounced that way, however). The conjunction och is also sometimes pronounced the same way. Both pronunciations can informally be spelt å . (" Jag älskar å fiska å jag tycker också om å baka .") When spelt more formally, the infinitive marker /'ɔ/ is sometimes misspelt och . (" Få mig och hitta tillbaka .*") The third person plural pronoun, pronounced dom in many dialects,

418-404: Is pronounced only if the next word begins with a vowel sound. Another feature of West Flemish is the conjugation of ja and nee ("yes" and "no") to the subject of the sentence. That is somewhat related to the double subject, but even when the rest of the sentence is not pronounced, ja and nee are generally used with the first part of the double subject. This conjugation can be negated with

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456-526: Is sometimes called hyperurbanism , defined by Kingsley Amis as an "indulged desire to be posher than posh". In 2004, Jack Lynch, assistant professor of English at Rutgers University , said on Voice of America that the correction of the subject-positioned "you and me" to "you and I" leads people to "internalize the rule that 'you and I' is somehow more proper, and they end up using it in places where they should not – such as 'he gave it to you and I' when it should be 'he gave it to you and me.' However,

494-516: Is widely spoken are Bruges , Dunkirk , Kortrijk , Ostend , Roeselare and Ypres . West Flemish is listed as a "vulnerable" language in UNESCO 's online Red Book of Endangered Languages . West Flemish has a phonology that differs significantly from that of Standard Dutch, being similar to Afrikaans in the case of long E, O and A. Also where Standard Dutch has sch , in some parts of West Flanders, West-Flemish, like Afrikaans, has sk . However,

532-535: The /h/ sounds to a /x/ or /ɣ/ . Standard Dutch also has many words with an -en ( /ən/ ) suffix (mostly plural forms of verbs and nouns). While Standard Dutch and most dialects do not pronounce the final n , West Flemish typically drops the e and pronounces the n inside the base word. For base words already ending with n , the final n sound is often lengthened to clarify the suffix. That makes many words become similar to those of English: beaten , listen etc. The short o ( [ɔ] ) can also be pronounced as

570-670: The A26 autoroute to the south. The river Clarence flows through the town. After being owned by the Counts of Flanders , Lillers, which had been fortified against the Normans was given as a dowry in 1179 to King Philip II Augustus of France. In 1327, Artois was created a county by Louis IX . His brother Robert became the first Count. In 1303, the city of Lillers was looted by the Flemings . In 1340, King Edward III of England claimed

608-645: The War of Spanish Succession . In 1710, Lillers was taken by Spanish troops. The allied British, German and Dutch forces under the command of the Duke of Marlborough established their headquarters at Lillers until forced out by the Marquis de Goesbriand, the head of the French troops. The Treaty of Utrecht ended the war in 1713, when Lillers found itself a part of France. The still thriving shoe industries of Lillers started in

646-474: The 19th century. West Flemish language West Flemish is spoken by about a million people in the Belgian province of West Flanders , and a further 50,000 in the neighbouring Dutch coastal district of Zeelandic Flanders (200,000 if including the closely related dialects of Zeelandic ) and 10-20,000 in the northern part of the French department of Nord . Some of the main cities where West Flemish

684-583: The best known traits are the replacement of Standard Dutch (pre-)velar fricatives g and ch in Dutch ( /x, ɣ/ ) with glottal h [h, ɦ] ,. The following differences are listed by their Dutch spelling, as some different letters have merged their sounds in Standard Dutch but remained separate sounds in West Flemish. Pronunciations can also differ slightly from region to region. The absence of /x/ and /ɣ/ in West Flemish makes pronouncing them very difficult for native speakers. That often causes hypercorrection of

722-467: The companies named after them, even if they were or are first generation immigrants. Some German speakers pronounce the metal umlaut as if it were a "normal" German umlaut. For example, when Mötley Crüe visited Germany, singer Vince Neil said the band could not figure out why "the crowds were chanting, 'Mutley Cruh! Mutley Cruh! ' " In Swedish, the word att is sometimes pronounced / ɔ / when used as an infinitive marker (its conjunction homograph

760-532: The digraph [ɪç] or [ɪʃ] . Palatinate German language speakers are among those who pronounce both the digraph ⟨ch⟩ and the trigraph ⟨sch⟩ as [ʃ] . A common hypercorrection is to produce [ç] even where standard German has [ʃ] such as in Helmut Kohl 's hypercorrect rendering of "Geschichte", the German word for "history" with

798-413: The distribution of a pattern found in loanwords and extending it to other environments. The result of this process does not reflect the rules of either language. For example, habanero is sometimes pronounced as though it were spelled "habañero", in imitation of other Spanish words like jalapeño and piñata . Machismo is sometimes pronounced "makizmo", apparently as if it were Italian, rather than

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836-406: The extra word, toet ( [tut] ), or strenght strengthened by adding mo- or ba- (or both). Hypercorrection In sociolinguistics , hypercorrection is the nonstandard use of language that results from the overapplication of a perceived rule of language-usage prescription . A speaker or writer who produces a hypercorrection generally believes through a misunderstanding of such rules that

874-510: The final intervocalic /d/ ( [ð] ) is dropped, such as in pescado (fish), which would typically be pronounced [pesˈkaðo] but can be manifested as [pesˈkao] dialectically. Speakers sensitive to this variation may insert a /d/ intervocalically into a word without such a consonant, such as in the case of bacalao (cod), correctly pronounced [bakaˈlao] but occasionally hypercorrected to [bakaˈlaðo] . Outside Spain and in Andalusia ,

912-914: The form or phrase they use is more "correct", standard , or otherwise preferable, often combined with a desire to appear formal or educated. Linguistic hypercorrection occurs when a real or imagined grammatical rule is applied in an inappropriate context, so that an attempt to be "correct" leads to an incorrect result. It does not occur when a speaker follows "a natural speech instinct", according to Otto Jespersen and Robert J. Menner. Hypercorrection can be found among speakers of less prestigious language varieties who attempt to produce forms associated with high-prestige varieties, even in situations where speakers of those varieties would not. Some commentators call such production hyperurbanism . Hypercorrection can occur in many languages and wherever multiple languages or language varieties are in contact. Studies in sociolinguistics and applied linguistics have noted

950-417: The influence of Standard Dutch, -s is being used by fewer people, and younger speakers tend to use -en . The verbs zijn ("to be") and hebben ("to have") are also conjugated differently. West Flemish often has a double subject. Standard Dutch has an indefinite article that does not depend on gender, unlike in West Flemish. However, a gender-independent article is increasingly used. Like in English, n

988-403: The initial h from words; e.g. have becomes ' ave . A hypercorrection associated with this is H-adding , adding an initial h to a word which would not normally have one. An example of this can be found in the speech of the character Parker in the marionette TV series Thunderbirds , e.g. "We'll 'ave the haristocrats 'ere soon" (from the episode "Vault of Death"). Parker's speech

1026-535: The language in more formal occasions, thus using the locative even when the accusative should be used (typically, when indicating direction rather than location): " Izlazim na kolovozu " instead of " izlazim na kolovoz ". Ghil'ad Zuckermann argues that the following hypercorrect pronunciations in Israeli Hebrew are "snobbatives" (from snob + -ative , modelled upon comparatives and superlatives ): The last two hypercorrection examples derive from

1064-458: The linguists Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum write that utterances such as "They invited Sandy and I" are "heard constantly in the conversation of people whose status as speakers of Standard English is clear" and that "[t]hose who condemn it simply assume that the case of a pronoun in a coordination must be the same as when it stands alone. Actual usage is in conflict with this assumption." Some British accents, such as Cockney , drop

1102-572: The new language (a situation known as language transfer ). The effect can occur, for example, when a student of a new language has learned that certain sounds of their original language must usually be replaced by another in the studied language, but has not learned when not to replace them. English has no authoritative body or language academy codifying norms for standard usage , unlike some other languages . Nonetheless, within groups of users of English, certain usages are considered unduly elaborate adherences to formal rules. Such speech or writing

1140-407: The overapplication of rules of phonology , syntax , or morphology , resulting either from different rules in varieties of the same language or second-language learning . An example of a common hypercorrection based on application of the rules of a second (i.e., new, foreign) language is the use of octopi for the plural of octopus in English; this is based on the faulty assumption that octopus

1178-457: The phonemes /θ/ and /s/ have merged, mostly into the realization [ s ] but ceceo , i.e. the pronunciation of both as [ s̟ ] is found in some areas as well, primarily parts of Andalusia. Speakers of varieties that have [ s ] in all cases will frequently produce [ θ ] even in places where peninsular Spanish has [ s ] when trying to imitate a peninsular accent. As Spanish orthography distinguishes

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1216-532: The phonetic English pronunciation which resembles the original Spanish word, /mɑːˈtʃiz.mo/ . Similarly, the z in chorizo is sometimes pronounced as /ts/ (as if it were Italian), whereas the original Spanish pronunciation has /θ/ or /s/ . Some English-Spanish cognates primarily differ by beginning with s instead of es , such as the English word spectacular and the Spanish word espectacular . A native Spanish speaker may conscientiously hypercorrect for

1254-448: The pronunciation of upper-middle class speakers, but were actually over-producing the very noticeable R-sound. A common source of hypercorrection in English speakers' use of the language's morphology and syntax happens in the use of pronouns (see § Personal pronouns ) . Hypercorrection can also occur when learners of a new-to-them (second, foreign) language try to avoid applying grammatical rules from their native language to

1292-563: The region. In 1637, the town was taken by Marshall de la Ferté for Spain . In 1639, it was won back by Marshall de la Meilleraye to become French again. The Spanish retook it, only to be beaten off by the French in 1657. In 1659, the Treaty of the Pyrenees was concluded, which ceded most of the Artois to France, except Saint-Omer and Aire-sur-la-Lys . In 1710, the region was the scene of

1330-568: The throne of France and started the Hundred Years War , marked by two famous battles, that of Crécy 1346 and that of Battle of Agincourt , 1415, where Robert Wavrin, Lord of Lillers, met his death. In 1542, during the war against Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor , French troops burned Lillers. The population were still living in tents or huts three years later. After a period of peace, the Thirty Years' War caused devastation in

1368-831: The two phonemes in all varieties, but the pronunciation is not differentiated in Latin American varieties, some speakers also get mixed up with the spelling. Many Spanish dialects tend to aspirate syllable-final /s/ , and some even elide it often. Since this phenomenon is somewhat stigmatized, some speakers in the Caribbean and especially the Dominican Republic may attempt to correct for it by pronouncing an /s/ where it does not belong. For example, catorce años '14 years' may be pronounced as catorces año . The East Franconian dialects are notable for lenition of stops /p/ /t/ /k/ to [b], [d], [g]. As such

1406-402: The word escape by writing or saying scape , or for the word establish by writing or saying stablish , which is archaic , or an informal pronunciation in some dialects. As the locative case is rarely found in vernacular usage in the southern and eastern dialects of Serbia, and the accusative is used instead, speakers tend to overcorrect when trying to deploy the standard variety of

1444-593: Was based on a real person the creators encountered at a restaurant in Cookham . The same, for the same reason, is often heard when a person of Italian origins speaks English: "I'm h angry h at Francesco", "I'd like to h eat something". This should not be expected to be consistent with the h-dropping common in the Italian accent, so the same person may say "an edge-og" instead of "a hedgehog", or just say it correctly. Hyperforeignism arises from speakers misidentifying

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