The Monthly Review is an independent socialist magazine published monthly in New York City . Established in 1949, the publication is the longest continuously published socialist magazine in the United States.
153-686: Following the failure of the independent 1948 presidential campaign of Henry A. Wallace , two former supporters of the Wallace effort met at the farm in New Hampshire where one of them was living. The two men were literary scholar and Christian socialist F.O. "Matty" Matthiessen and Marxist economist Paul Sweezy , who were former colleagues at Harvard University . Matthiessen came into an inheritance after his father died in an automobile accident in California and had no pressing need for
306-448: A "stop-Dewey" movement. A key obstacle soon developed, however, as both men refused to unite behind a single candidate to oppose Dewey: "The essence of their impasse was simple. Neither Stassen nor Taft hated Dewey enough to withdraw [in favor of the other], and neither man thought he could get his delegates to follow if he did." Instead, both Taft and Stassen, along with Senator Vandenberg, simply agreed to try to hold their own delegates in
459-1121: A Chinese Village by William Hinton (1966), Monopoly Capital by Paul A. Baran and Paul M. Sweezy (1966), Revolution and Evolution in the Twentieth Century by James Boggs and Grace Lee Boggs (1969) , The National Question: Selected Writings by Rosa Luxemburg (1971) , The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays by E. P. Thompson (1973), the English translation of Open Veins of Latin America by Eduardo Galeano (1973), Puerto Rican Obituary by Pedro Pietri (1973) , Unity and Struggle: Speeches and Writings of Amilcar Cabral (1974), Spiks , by Pedro Juan Soto (1974) , Unequal Development by Samir Amin (1976), The Arabs in Israel by Sabri Jiryis (1976), On Education: Articles on Educational Theory and Pedagogy, and Writings for Children from "The Age of Gold" by Jose Martí and edited by Eric Foner (1979), The 'Dictatorship of
612-718: A GOP victory because they know it would bring on another Great Depression ." In several speeches, Truman stated that "GOP" actually stood for "gluttons of privilege", and said that Republicans were "princes of privilege" and "bloodsuckers with offices on Wall Street." He told one audience that "The Republicans have begun to nail the American consumer to the wall with spikes of greed." At the National Plowing Contest in Dexter, Iowa , Truman told 80,000 farmers in attendance that "this Republican Congress has already stuck
765-426: A Russian . . . I would not agree to anything . . . we are aggressively preparing for war." Wallace's support in polling fell from 11% in a January poll by Roper Center for Public Opinion Research to 6% by June and 4% by October. Wallace traveled over 55,000 miles during the campaign. The Wallace-Taylor ticket finished in fourth place in the election, winning 1,157,328 votes (2.4%). This was only slightly less than
918-552: A field placement in Gary, Indiana, Lynd saw an opportunity to continue a campaign he had been working on "targeting the fact that US Steel, which had one of its biggest steel making sites in Indiana, paid almost no taxes... But Alinsky and the organizer Lynd was supervising had different plans. Instead, the trainee 'tried to organize around the existence of a pornographic bookstore in Indiana, just next to Gary.' " In May, 1970 he requested
1071-408: A heart attack prior to the work's first publication in 1966. Monthly Review launched in 1949 with a circulation of just 450 copies, most of whom were personal acquaintances of either Huberman or Sweezy. The magazine's ideology and readership closely paralleled that of the independent socialist weekly newspaper The National Guardian , established in 1948. Despite a conservative political climate in
1224-577: A hospital in Warren, Ohio , on November 17, 2022, five days before his 93rd birthday. At Yale, Lynd became an outspoken opponent of the Vietnam War . His protest activities included speaking engagements, protest marches, and a controversial visit to Hanoi along with Herbert Aptheker and Tom Hayden on a fact-finding trip at the height of the war, which made him unwelcome to the Yale administration. As
1377-487: A job from Saul Alinsky in 1968 supervising the second phase of the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) Saul Alinsky organizer training school "Although he was highly critical of Alinsky's politics, he needed a job at the time... Lynd started teaching courses on US workers' history but also on contemporary forms of collective action to the dozen or so individuals." In the supervision of the trainee in
1530-662: A leave of absence to return to his research in oral history, and left the IAF altogether a year later. In a letter announcing his decision he wrote "[Saul and I] come out of quite different political and organizing backgrounds, and it is not surprising that sooner or later our paths would diverge." Meanwhile, he and his wife Alice embarked upon an oral history project dealing with the working class. The conclusions of this work, titled Rank and File , inspired Lynd to study law in order to assist workers victimized by companies and left unprotected by bureaucratic labor unions. In 1973, he enrolled at
1683-579: A letter declaring his intention to refuse to pay taxes in protest against the Vietnam War, and urging other people to also take this stand. In 1968, Lynd published his book Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism . It came under severe criticism by then-Marxist professor Eugene Genovese , writing in the New York Review of Books . Professor David Donald in reviewing the book called it "a major work in American intellectual history". About
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#17327729372381836-616: A margin, and Dewey himself countered with similarly narrow victories in New York (the nation's largest electoral prize at the time), his birth state of Michigan, and Maryland. But this was too little to give him the election. Dewey would always believe that he lost the election because he lost the rural vote in the Midwest, which he had won in 1944 (note the Kaltenborn predictions that Truman would joyously mock had taken for granted that
1989-542: A member of the Communist party. John Abt served as legal counsel to the convention's permanent chairman, Albert Fitzgerald; he also testified years later that he was a Communist. Rexford Tugwell , a prominent liberal in President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal , served as the chairman of the party's platform committee. He became convinced that the party was being manipulated by Communists, and
2142-586: A minimum wage, and called for the elimination of the House Un-American Activities Committee , which was investigating the possibility of communist spies within the government and labor unions. Wallace and his supporters charged that the committee was violating the civil liberties of government workers and labor unions. The Progressives also generated a great deal of controversy because of the widespread belief that they were secretly controlled by Communists who were more loyal to
2295-526: A pitchfork in the farmer's back" to rapturous applause. Truman nicknamed the Republican-controlled Congress as the "worst", "do-nothing" Congress, a remark that brought strong criticism from Republican Congressional leaders (such as Taft), but no comment from Dewey. In fact, Dewey rarely mentioned Truman's name during the campaign, which fit into his strategy of appearing to be above petty partisan politics. Under Dewey's leadership,
2448-535: A presidential candidate. Finally, Senator Pepper declared his intention to challenge Truman for the presidential nomination. His candidacy collapsed when the liberal Americans for Democratic Action and the Congress of Industrial Organizations withheld their support, partly due to concerns over Pepper's attacks on Truman's foreign policy decisions regarding the Soviet Union. As a result of the refusal by most of
2601-442: A presidential election. Both Vandenberg and Warren were highly popular in their home states, but each refused to campaign in the primaries, which limited their chances of winning the nomination. Their supporters, however, hoped that in the event of a Dewey-Taft-Stassen deadlock, the convention would turn to their man as a compromise candidate. General MacArthur, the famous war hero, was especially popular among conservatives. Since he
2754-594: A publication with roots in the so-called "Old Left", it was not unsympathetic to the young radical movement which grew in conjunction with the Civil Rights Movement and the opposition to conscription and the Vietnam War . Among those associated with the 1960s New Left published by the Monthly Review were C. Wright Mills , Herbert Marcuse , Todd Gitlin , Carl Oglesby , David Horowitz , and Noam Chomsky . The Monthly Review editorial staff
2907-525: A strong grassroots organization in the state. Working with $ 150,000 sent by Dewey's powerful New York political organization (three times the previous record spent in an Oregon primary), Lockwood paid "for 126 billboards, hundreds of sixty-second radio spots on every station in the state, and half-hour broadcasts each noon...The daily Portland Oregonian carried five Dewey advertisements a day." Dewey also extensively campaigned in Oregon, spending three weeks in
3060-449: A third founding editor of Monthly Review — although not listed as such on the publication's masthead — was German émigré Otto Nathan (1893–1987). Although his time of editorial association with the magazine was short, Nathan was instrumental in obtaining what would become a seminal essay for the magazine, a lead piece for the debut May 1949 issue by physicist Albert Einstein entitled " Why Socialism? " Another key contributor during
3213-652: Is a violation of the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights...I am against it because I know from a great many years of experience in law enforcement that the proposal wouldn't work. Stripped to its naked essentials...this is nothing but the method of Hitler and Stalin. It is thought control...an attempt to beat down ideas with a club. It is a surrender of everything we believe in." Surveys showed that from 40 to 80 million people nationwide listened to
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#17327729372383366-456: Is almost as good as elected. [...] I can think of nothing duller or more intellectually barren than acting like a sports announcer who feels he must pretend he is witnessing a neck-and-neck race." Roper stopped polling voters until the final week before the election, when he took another poll. It showed "a slight shift to Truman; it still gave Dewey a heavy lead, however, so he decided not to hedge his bet." One poll showing strong Truman support in
3519-539: Is clearly a shocking infringement on the rights of Xinjiang’s native peoples." After elaborating on these claims, the authors concluded their letter by expressing hopes that it too would be republished on MR Online, and directing readers to the Critical China Scholars web site. The lead author of the letter was David Brophy , a historian of China at the University of Sydney . Darren Byler , one of
3672-671: The Journal Citation Reports , the print journal has a 2014 impact factor of 0.460, ranking it 107th out of 161 journals in the category "Political Science". 1948 United States presidential election Harry S. Truman Democratic Harry S. Truman Democratic Presidential elections were held in the United States on November 2, 1948. Incumbent Democratic President Harry S. Truman defeated heavily favored Republican New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey , and third-party candidates, becoming
3825-732: The America First Party for which he was presidential candidate ( 1944 ). Given Truman's sinking popularity and the seemingly fatal three-way split in the Democratic Party, Dewey appeared unbeatable to the point where top Republicans believed that all their candidate had to do to win was to avoid major mistakes. Following this advice, Dewey carefully avoided risks and spoke in platitudes, avoiding controversial issues, and remained vague on what he planned to do as president, with speech after speech being nonpartisan and also filled with optimistic assertions or empty statements of
3978-537: The McCarthy Era , he was dishonorably discharged after it was found that he had briefly affiliated with communist groups while an undergraduate at Harvard College . He went on to earn a doctorate in history at Columbia University and accepted a teaching position at Spelman College , in Georgia , where he worked closely with historian and civil rights activist Howard Zinn . When Zinn was fired from Spelman at
4131-483: The Progressive Party and criticizing his confrontational Cold War policies. Dewey, the leader of his party's liberal eastern wing and the 1944 Republican presidential nominee , defeated conservative Ohio Senator Robert A. Taft and other challengers at the 1948 Republican National Convention . This was the first election to have primary and general election debates, with Dewey debating Harold Stassen in
4284-736: The Roosevelt Hotel in New York City to await the returns. Truman, aided by the Secret Service , snuck away from reporters covering him in Kansas City and rode to nearby Excelsior Springs, Missouri . There, he took a room in the historic Elms Hotel , had dinner and a Turkish bath , and went to sleep. As the votes came in, Truman took an early lead that he never lost. The leading radio commentators, such as H. V. Kaltenborn of NBC , still confidently predicted that once
4437-677: The Soviet Union in the 1960s and 1970s, with editor Paul Sweezy objecting to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 and the suppression of the Polish trade union "Solidarity" through martial law in 1981. In the latter case, Sweezy declared the incident had proved beyond doubt that "the Communist regimes of the Soviet bloc have become the expression and the guardians of a new rigidified hierarchical structure which has nothing in common with
4590-481: The Soviet Union than the United States. Wallace himself denied being a Communist, but he repeatedly refused to disavow their support and, at one point, was quoted as saying that the "Communists are the closest thing to the early Christian martyrs." Walter Reuther , the president of the influential United Auto Workers union, strongly opposed Wallace's candidacy, stating that "people who are not sympathetic with democracy in America are influencing him." Philip Murray ,
4743-473: The Taft-Hartley Law went into effect on June 23, 1947. Finally, Truman's appointment of a liberal civil rights commission convinced Southern conservatives that to re-establish their voice they had to threaten third-party action to defeat Truman in 1948. Alexander F. Whitney , who was previously critical of Truman and threatened to finance a third-party campaign, praised him after Truman vetoed
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4896-634: The United States Capitol after winning election to the Senate in 1944, was named as Wallace's running mate. Although he was a member of the Democratic Party, Taylor accepted the Progressive Party's vice-presidential nomination, saying "I am not leaving the Democratic Party. It left me. Wall Street and the military have taken over the Democratic Party." After receiving the vice-presidential nomination, Taylor told reporters that there
5049-676: The University of Chicago law school, where he earned a degree in 1976. From there, the Lynds relocated to Youngstown, Ohio , in the heart of the Rust Belt . Working first for the union-side labor law firm of Green, Schiavoni, Murphy & Haines, and then for Northeast Ohio Legal Services in Youngstown, he proved to be a vital participant in the late 1970s struggle to keep the Youngstown steel mills open. He served as lead counsel for six local unions, several dozen individual steelworkers, and
5202-617: The "Dixiecrats", the party's main goal was continuing the policy of racial segregation in the South and the Jim Crow laws that sustained it. Governor Thurmond, who had led the walkout, became the party's presidential nominee after the convention's initial favorite, Arkansas Governor Benjamin Laney , withdrew his name from consideration. Governor Wright of Mississippi received the vice-presidential nomination. The Dixiecrats had no chance of winning
5355-512: The "country vote" would go to Dewey) . Of the 3,096 counties/independent cities making returns, Truman won the most popular votes in 1,639 (52.94%) while Dewey carried 1,190 (38.44%). Thurmond prevailed in 265 counties (8.56%) while two counties (0.06%) in South Dakota split evenly between Truman and Dewey. Truman's net vote totals in the twelve largest cities, which was around 1,481,000, had decreased by 750,000 from Roosevelt's results in
5508-469: The "late returns" came in Dewey would overcome Truman's lead and win. At midnight, Truman awoke and turned on the radio in his room; he heard Kaltenborn announce that while Truman was still ahead in the popular vote, he could not possibly win. At 4 a.m., Truman awoke again and heard on the radio that his popular-vote lead was now nearly two million votes, and that he was well ahead in the electoral vote. He told
5661-401: The "one broad issue that Dewey set forth in the campaign was unity...but [he] was oversold on an issue which had no visceral appeal to the average American. It was hard to understand what Dewey was driving at. Sometimes it seemed that he was asking Americans to achieve unity by being united behind him." On the other hand, Truman's campaign strategist, Clark Clifford , said that Truman's campaign
5814-407: The 1944 election, which was around 2,230,000. If all of the votes Wallace received went to Truman then only the states of Maryland, Michigan, and New York would have flipped. Staughton Lynd Staughton Craig Lynd (November 22, 1929 – November 17, 2022) was an American political activist, author, and lawyer. His involvement in social justice causes brought him into contact with some of
5967-475: The Cambridge University 2009 reprint of the book, Commentary Magazine referred to it as an "established classic". It became clear that Yale would deny Lynd tenure, and he became unemployable in academia. Lynd relocated his family to Chicago. There, he struggled to make a living from community organizing. Sociologist and Professor of American Studies M. Clément Petitjean notes that Lynd accepted
6120-632: The Cold War - still forcefully argued against banning the Communist Party: "This outlawing idea is nothing new...for thousands of years despots have tortured, imprisoned, killed, and exiled their opponents, and their governments have always fallen into the dust." Dewey ended his turn in the debate by stating that "I am unalterably, wholeheartedly, and unswervingly against any scheme to write laws outlawing people because of their religious, political, social, or economic ideas. I am against it because it
6273-675: The Court ruled in his favor. In 1953, the Monthly Review added veteran radical Scott Nearing to the magazine's ranks. From that date and for nearly 20 years Nearing authored a column descriptively entitled "World Events". During the Truman and Eisenhower years, many left-wing intellectuals found a space for their work in the magazine, including a number that would gain in stature in the ensuing liberalized decade, such as pacifist activist Staughton Lynd (1952), historian William Appleman Williams (1952), and sociologist C. Wright Mills (1958). From
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6426-846: The Cuban Revolutionary War by Che Guevara (1994) , Haiti: State Against Nation by Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1996), The Problem of the Media: U.S. Communication Politics in the Twenty-First Century by Robert W. McChesney (2000), Toward an Open Tomb: The Crisis of Israeli Society by Michel Warschawski (2000), Biology under the Influence by Richard Lewontin and Richard Levins (2007), Walter A. Rodney : A Promise of Revolution by Clairmont Chung (2008), The Great Financial Crisis by Fred Magdoff and John Bellamy Foster (2009), America's Education Deficit and
6579-475: The Democrats regained control of both houses of Congress, which they had lost in 1946. Thus, Truman's election confirmed the Democratic Party's status as the nation's majority party. This was the last presidential election before the ratification of the 22nd Amendment in 1951, which would establish term limits for a president. This did not apply to the incumbent Truman, but as he chose not to run in 1952, this
6732-634: The Ecumenical Coalition of the Mahoning Valley which sought to reopen the mills under worker-community ownership. Despite the ultimate failure of those efforts, the Lynds continued organizing in the Youngstown-Warren area. Staughton Lynd remained extremely active as an attorney, taking on a broad range of cases, including those concerning chemically disabled auto workers and retired steelworkers. Lynd's book Lucasville
6885-645: The Eightieth Congress, and you'll be sorry!" Abels wrote that Dewey's decision to deny Halleck the vice-presidential bid "may have been a fateful one...Halleck with his forceful personality might have changed the tone of the Dewey campaign, and certainly the issue of the record of the GOP-controlled Eightieth Congress would have to have been met heads on." Instead, Dewey chose popular governor (and future Chief Justice ) Earl Warren of California as his running mate. Following
7038-511: The NAACP convention in 1947, and to Congress in February 1948. This proposal disappointed Northern and Western liberals who wanted more swift and sweeping reforms in civil rights, but it also failed to placate Southern conservatives, and both sides decided to present their own amendments and proposals to Truman's civil rights plank. Former Texas Governor Dan Moody proposed a plank that supported
7191-667: The Proletariat' from Marx to Lenin by Hal Draper (1982), The Poor and the Powerless: Economic Policy and Change in the Caribbean by Clive Y. Thomas , Columbus : His Enterprise: Exploding the Myth by Hans Koning (1987) and Eurocentrism (1989) by Samir Amin . In later years, Monthly Review Press has published such titles as Discourse on Colonialism by Aimé Césaire (1995), Reminiscences of
7344-504: The Republican Congressional leadership to pass its own platform. The 80th Congress played into Truman's hands, delivering very little in the way of substantive legislation during this time. Truman simply ignored the fact that Dewey's policies were considerably more liberal than most of his fellow Republicans, and instead concentrated his fire against what he characterized as the conservative, obstructionist tendencies of
7497-634: The Republican Party had, "ever since its inception...been under the control of special privilege; and they have completely proved it in the Eightieth Congress." At the end of the speech, the "delegates rose to their feet and cheered loudly for two minutes...for a moment Truman had created the illusion – few regarded it as more than an illusion – that the Democrats had a fighting chance in November." For both Republicans and Democrats, there were movements of support for General Dwight D. Eisenhower ,
7650-780: The Republican candidates, yet during the primaries he was criticized for being vague on many issues. Stassen stunned Dewey and MacArthur in the Wisconsin primary; Stassen's surprise victory virtually eliminated General MacArthur, whose supporters had made a major effort on his behalf. Stassen defeated Dewey again in the Nebraska primary, thus making him the new frontrunner. He then made the strategic mistake of trying to beat Taft in Ohio, Taft's home state. Stassen believed that if he could defeat Taft in his home state, Taft would be forced to quit
7803-439: The Republican nomination, an offer that Eisenhower declined. Truman's offer to Eisenhower did not become public knowledge during the campaign. As a result of Truman's low standing in the polls, several Democratic party bosses began working to "dump" Truman and nominate a more popular candidate. Among the leaders of this movement were Jacob Arvey , the head of the powerful Cook County (Chicago) Democratic organization; Frank Hague ,
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#17327729372387956-403: The Republican primary, while Norman Thomas debated Farrell Dobbs in the general election. Truman's feisty campaign style energized his base of traditional Democrats, consisting of most of the white South, as well as labor unions, and Catholic and Jewish voters; he also fared surprisingly well with Midwestern farmers. Dewey ran a low-risk campaign and avoided directly criticizing Truman. With
8109-589: The Republicans had enacted a platform at their 1948 convention that called for expanding Social Security , more funding for public housing, civil rights legislation, and promotion of health and education by the federal government. These positions were unacceptable to the conservative Congressional Republican leadership; Truman exploited this rift in the opposing party by calling a special session of Congress on "Turnip Day" (referring to an old piece of Missouri folklore about planting turnips in late July) and daring
8262-508: The Secret Service agents guarding him to drive him back to Kansas City, "because it looks as if we're in for another four years." For the rest of his life, Truman would gleefully mimic Kaltenborn's staccato voice predicting his defeat throughout that election night. Dewey, meanwhile, realized that he was in trouble when early returns from New England and New York showed him running well behind his expected vote total. He stayed up for
8415-652: The States' Rights Party, but the Progressive Party received no electoral votes. Southern Democrats had become increasingly disturbed over President Truman's support of civil rights, particularly following his executive order racially integrating the U.S. armed forces and a civil rights message he sent to Congress in February 1948. At the Southern Governor's Conference in Wakulla Springs, Florida, on February 6, Mississippi Governor Fielding Wright proposed
8568-555: The Sunday papers two days before the election, showed Truman gaining sharply – to 44% – and the interviews on which it was based had been conducted two weeks earlier. The national mood was shifting daily, almost hourly." After the election, a study by the University of Michigan revealed that "14% of Truman's voters, or 3,374,800, had decided to vote for him in the last fortnight of the campaign." Gallup and Roper also did an analysis of
8721-607: The Taft–Hartley Act and stated that the veto "vindicated him in the eyes of labor". Whitney and Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen had been supporters of Wallace since the 1944 convention. Wallace stated that he wanted "to work within the Democratic party realm" in September 1947. Truman was aware of his unpopularity. In July 1947, he privately offered to be Eisenhower's running mate on the Democratic ticket if MacArthur won
8874-464: The U.S. and an estimated 350,000 TV sets in the whole country. As the convention opened, Dewey was believed to have a large lead in the delegate count. His campaign managers, such as Herbert Brownell Jr. , Edwin Jaeckle , and J. Russell Sprague , were "as skillful a group of operators as ever manipulated a convention...it was said at the convention that the Dewey forces "could have won even with Taft" as their candidate." His main opponent, Senator Taft,
9027-503: The United States , and Secretary of Commerce under Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1946, President Truman fired Wallace as Secretary of Commerce when Wallace publicly opposed Truman's firm moves to counter the Soviet Union in the Cold War . Wallace's 1948 platform opposed the Cold War, including the Marshall Plan and Truman Doctrine . The Progressives proposed stronger government regulation and control of Big Business . They also campaigned to end discrimination against blacks and women, backed
9180-425: The United States, the magazine quickly reached a critical mass of subscribers, with its paid circulation rising to 2,500 in 1950 and to 6,000 in 1954. During the era of McCarthyism in the early 1950s, editors Paul Sweezy and Leo Huberman were targeted for "subversive activities". Sweezy's case, tried by New Hampshire Attorney General , reached the Supreme Court and became a seminal case on freedom of speech when
9333-578: The War on Youth by Henry A. Giroux (2013), Big Farms Make Big Flu: Dispatches on Infectious Disease, Agribusiness, and the Nature of Science by Rob Wallace (2016), Fighting Two Colonialisms: Women in Guinea-Bissau by Stephanie J. Urdang (1975/2017), The Dawning of the Apocalypse: The Roots of Slavery, White Supremacy, Settler Colonialism, and Capitalism in the Long Sixteenth Century by Gerald Horne (2020), as well as Marx's Ecology , The Return of Nature and other titles by Monthly Review Magazine editor John Bellamy Foster . According to
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#17327729372389486-508: The approach" with the moderate plank; so the President supported and defended the "Crackpot" Biemiller plank, which passed by 651.5 votes to 582.5. It also received strong support from many of the big-city party bosses, most of whom felt that the civil rights platform would encourage the growing black population in their cities to vote for the Democrats. The passage of the civil rights platform caused some three dozen Southern delegates, led by South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond , to walk out of
9639-424: The boss of New Jersey; James Roosevelt , the eldest son of former President Franklin D. Roosevelt ; and liberal Senator Claude Pepper from Florida. The rebels hoped to draft Eisenhower as the Democratic presidential candidate. On July 10, Eisenhower officially refused to be a candidate. There was then an attempt to put forward Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas , but Douglas also declared that he would not be
9792-433: The city's harbor. Newsweek polled fifty experts, with all fifty predicting a Dewey win. Several well-known and influential newspaper columnists, such as Drew Pearson and Joseph Alsop , wrote columns to be printed the morning after the election speculating about Dewey's possible choices for his cabinet; the day before the election, Pearson wrote that any chance of a Truman victory was "impossible", and his column printed
9945-466: The convention, Humphrey memorably stated that "the time has come for the Democratic Party to get out of the shadow of states' rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights!" Truman and his staff knew it was highly likely that any civil rights plank would lead to Southern delegates staging a walk-out in protest, but Truman believed that civil rights was an important moral cause and ultimately abandoned his advisers' attempts to "soften
10098-448: The convention, most political experts in the news media rated the Republican ticket as an almost-certain winner over the Democrats. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party fragmented. A new Progressive Party (the name had been used earlier by Theodore Roosevelt in 1912 and Robert M. La Follette in 1924 ) was created afresh in 1948, with the nomination of Henry A. Wallace , who had served as Secretary of Agriculture , Vice President of
10251-413: The convention. The Southern delegates who remained nominated Senator Richard Russell Jr. from Georgia for the Democratic nomination as a rebuke to Truman. Nonetheless, 947 Democratic delegates voted for Truman as the Democratic nominee, while Russell received only 266 votes, all from the South. Truman's first choice for his running mate was Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, hoping that it might make
10404-464: The day after the election stated that Pearson had "surveyed the closely-knit group around Tom Dewey who will take over the White House 86 days from now." Walter Winchell reported that gambling odds were 15 to 1 against Truman. More than 500 newspapers, accounting for over 78% of the nation's total circulation, endorsed Dewey. Truman picked up 182 endorsements, accounting for just 10% of America's newspaper readership, being surpassed by Thurmond, who got
10557-491: The debate concerned whether to outlaw the Communist Party of the United States . Stassen, despite his liberal reputation, argued in favor of outlawing the party, stating his belief that a network of Soviet-directed Communist spies "within the U.S. demanded immediate, and punitive, response...Why did Dewey oppose such a ban? Stassen wanted to know." "We must not coddle Communism with legality", Stassen insisted. Dewey - while criticizing Communist totalitarianism and Soviet actions in
10710-498: The debate, and most observers rated Dewey as the winner. Four days after the debate, Dewey defeated Stassen in the Oregon primary. From this point forward, the New York governor had the momentum he needed to win his party's nomination for a second straight time. The 1948 Republican National Convention was held in Philadelphia , Pennsylvania. It was the first presidential convention to be shown on national television. At this time, there were 27 television stations in full operation in
10863-429: The dump-Truman delegates to support him, Pepper withdrew his candidacy for the nomination on July 16. Lacking a candidate acceptable to all sides, the leaders of the dump-Truman movement reluctantly agreed to support Truman for the nomination. At the Democratic Convention, Truman initially proposed a civil rights plank to the party platform that moderated the strong vocal support for civil rights that he had expressed at
11016-535: The dust off from your feet and go elsewhere." He ate only in unsegregated restaurants, traveled with a black secretary, and in Mississippi had to be escorted by police for protection. His aide Clark Foreman admitted that Wallace wanted to stir up controversy for the publicity it would receive in more liberal areas in the North and West. As the campaign progressed, however, Wallace's crowds thinned and his standing in
11169-504: The election outright, the Dixiecrats hoped that their defection would show that the Democratic Party needed Southern support in order to win national elections, and that this fact would weaken the pro-civil rights movement among Northern and Western Democrats. The Dixiecrats were weakened, however, when most Southern Democratic leaders (such as Governor Herman Talmadge of Georgia and "Boss" E. H. Crump from Tennessee) refused to support
11322-574: The election themselves, since they could not get on the ballot in enough states to win the necessary electoral votes. Their strategy was to take enough Southern states from Truman to force the election into the United States House of Representatives under the provisions of the Twelfth Amendment , where they could then extract concessions from either Truman or Dewey on racial issues in exchange for their support. Even if Dewey won
11475-653: The end of the 1962–63 academic year, Lynd protested. During the summer of 1964, Lynd served as director of the SNCC -organized Freedom Schools of Mississippi. After accepting a position at Yale University , Lynd relocated to New England . In 1965 he gave lectures on 'The History of the American Left' at the Free University of New York . Lynd married Alice Niles in 1951. They had three children and were married until Lynd's death from multiple organ failure at
11628-413: The end of the month, just above the poll's margin of error. Although Truman was gaining momentum, most political analysts were reluctant to break with the conventional wisdom and say that a Truman victory was a serious possibility. After 1948, pollsters would constantly test voters through election day. On September 9, nearly two months before election day, pollster Elmo Roper announced "Thomas E. Dewey
11781-483: The expensive but lackluster Dewey film and the far cheaper but more effective Truman film as important factors in determining the preferences of undecided voters. As the campaign drew to a close, the polls showed Truman was gaining: though Truman lost all nine of the Gallup Poll 's post-convention surveys, Dewey's Gallup lead dropped from 17 points in late September to nine points in mid-October and just five points by
11934-534: The experts told him he shouldn't." The key states in the 1948 election were Ohio, California, and Illinois. Truman won each of these states by less than 1 percentage point; they gave him a total of 78 electoral votes. Had Dewey carried all three states - which would have required a shift of just 29,000 votes - he would have won the election in the Electoral College despite losing the popular vote by 2.13 million votes (or 4.36%). If Dewey had won any two of
12087-402: The final weeks of the campaign, American movie theaters agreed to play two short newsreel-like campaign films in support of the two major-party candidates: both had been created by its respective campaign organization. The Dewey film, shot professionally on an impressive budget, featured very high production values but somehow reinforced an image of the New York governor as cautious and distant. On
12240-580: The first 15 years of Monthly Review was economist Paul Baran , frequently considered as the third member of an editorial troika including Sweezy and Huberman. A tenured professor at Stanford University , Baran was one of a very few self-identified Marxists to teach economics at American universities during the Cold War period. Baran worked closely with Sweezy on a book regarded as a landmark in Marxist theory entitled Monopoly Capital, although he died of
12393-402: The first state primary approaching, Eisenhower was forced to make a quick decision. Stating that soldiers should keep out of politics, Eisenhower declined to run and requested that the grassroots draft movement cease its activities. After a number of failed efforts to get Eisenhower to reconsider, the organization disbanded, with the majority of its leadership endorsing the presidential campaign of
12546-564: The first title offered by the affiliated publisher in 1952. Harry Braverman (author of Labor and Monopoly Capital ) became director of Monthly Review Press in 1967. The present director of the Press is Michael D. Yates (author of Naming the System ). Monthly Review Press is also the U.S. publisher of The Socialist Register , an annual British publication since 1964, which contains topical essays written by radical academics and activists as
12699-480: The following day. Part of the reason Truman's victory came as such a shock was because of uncorrected flaws in the emerging craft of public opinion polling. According to historian William Manchester , "many professional pollsters [...] believed in what some had come to call Farley's Law ." James Farley, President Franklin Roosevelt's successful campaign manager in 1932 and 1936, had stated that, in his opinion,
12852-507: The formation of a new third party to protect racial segregation in the South. On May 10, 1948, the governors of the eleven states of the former Confederacy, along with other high-ranking Southern officials, met in Jackson, Mississippi , to discuss their concerns about the growing civil rights movement within the Democratic Party. At the meeting, South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond criticized President Truman for his civil rights agenda, and
13005-429: The former Governor of Minnesota , Harold Stassen . With Eisenhower refusing to run, the contest for the Republican nomination was between Stassen, New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey , Senator Robert A. Taft from Ohio, California Governor Earl Warren , General Douglas MacArthur , and Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg from Michigan, the senior Republican in the Senate. Dewey, who had been the Republican nominee in 1944 ,
13158-550: The government. In the fall campaign the Wallace-Taylor ticket made a Southern tour, where both Wallace and Taylor insisted on speaking to racially integrated audiences, in defiance of Southern custom and law at the time. In several North Carolina cities Wallace was hit by a total of "twenty-seven eggs, thirty-seven tomatoes, six peaches, and two lemons." When he left the state he announced: "As Jesus Christ said, if at any time they will not listen to you willingly, then shake
13311-612: The governors discussed ways to oppose it. The Southern Democrats who had walked out of the Democratic National Convention to protest the civil rights platform approved by the convention, and supported by Truman, promptly met at Municipal Auditorium in Birmingham, Alabama , on July 17, 1948, and formed yet another political party, which they named the States' Rights Democratic Party . More commonly known as
13464-535: The great majority of voters decided which candidate to support during the political conventions. The fall campaigns, Farley believed, were simply "ineffective carnivals" that swayed few voters. In 1948 many pollsters, relying on Farley's Law, believed that the election was effectively over after the Republican and Democratic conventions, and they discounted the impact of Truman's campaigning that fall. Manchester noted that "Gallup's September 24 report foresaw 46.5% for Dewey to 38% for Truman. His last column, appearing in
13617-547: The groundbreaking " Middletown " studies of Muncie, Indiana , in the late 1920s and 1930s. Though the family lived in New York City, his mother elected to give birth at a hospital she preferred in Philadelphia . Lynd followed not only his parents' academic occupations, but also their strong left-wing beliefs. He was a conscientious objector who was assigned to a non-combatant position in the U.S. military, but amid
13770-401: The high road" his campaign had taken and to continue to ignore Truman's attacks. The sole exception was Kansas committeeman Harry Darby, who warned Dewey and his managers "that farmers were in a mutinous mood" and recommended that Dewey take a tougher and more aggressive stance. However, given that all the polls still showed Dewey leading, and no other committee member supported Darby, his advice
13923-464: The hopes of preventing Dewey from obtaining a majority. This proved to be futile, as Dewey's efficient campaign team methodically gathered the remaining delegates they needed to win the nomination. Stassen tried to contact General Eisenhower to ask him to reconsider becoming a candidate, but Eisenhower "could not be reached." After the second round of balloting, Dewey was only 33 votes short of victory. Taft then called Stassen and urged him to withdraw from
14076-411: The illusion of an external military threat was required to sustain this system of priorities in government spending; consequently, effort was made by the editors to challenge the dominant Cold War paradigm of "Democracy versus Communism" in the material published in the magazine. In its editorial line Monthly Review offered critical support of the Soviet Union during its early years although over time
14229-406: The kind of socialist society Marxists have always regarded as the goal of modern working class movements." Despite an apparent decline of the American Left in the 1980s, Monthly Review ' s circulation hovered in the 8,000 range throughout the decade. Between 1997 and 2000, Monthly Review was co-edited by Ellen Meiksins Wood , Magdoff and Sweezy. Since 2006, John Bellamy Foster has been
14382-399: The large Northern and Midwestern states to the Republicans. Conservatives dominated the party in the South, and they were angered by the growing voice of labor unions and black voters in the party outside the South. The hope that Truman would reverse course faded when he vetoed the Taft-Hartley Law , which sought to reduce the power of labor unions. Congress voted to override Truman's veto, and
14535-490: The letters were nicknamed the "Guru letters." In his book Out of the Jaws of Victory , the journalist Jules Abels wrote: "Personalities were referred to by symbolic titles—Roosevelt was 'The Flaming One', Churchill 'The Roaring Lion', and Cordell Hull 'The Sour One'... some of the letters were signed 'Wallace', others ' Galahad '", the name that Roerich had assigned Wallace in his cult. This revelation—including direct quotes from
14688-569: The letters—led to much ridicule of Wallace in the national press. The Progressive Party Convention, which was also held in Philadelphia, was a highly contentious affair; several famous newspaper journalists, such as H. L. Mencken and Dorothy Thompson , publicly accused the Progressives of being covertly controlled by Communists. The party's platform was drafted by Lee Pressman , the convention secretary; he later admitted that he had been
14841-1385: The magazine became increasingly critical of Soviet dedication to Socialism in one country and peaceful coexistence , seeing that country as playing a more or less conservative role in a world marked by national revolutionary movements. After the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s, Sweezy and Huberman soon came to see the People's Republic of China as the actual center of the world revolutionary movement. Monthly Review never aligned with any specific revolutionary movement or political organization. Many of its articles have been written by academics, journalists, and freelance public intellectuals, including Albert Einstein , Tariq Ali , Isabel Allende , Samir Amin , Julian Bond , Marilyn Buck , G. D. H. Cole , Bernardine Dohrn , W. E. B. Du Bois , Barbara Ehrenreich , Andre Gunder Frank , Eduardo Galeano , Che Guevara , Lorraine Hansberry , Edward S. Herman , Eric Hobsbawm , Michael Klare , Saul Landau , Michael Parenti , Robert W. McChesney , Ralph Miliband , Marge Piercy , Frances Fox Piven , Adrienne Rich , Jean-Paul Sartre , Daniel Singer , E. P. Thompson , Immanuel Wallerstein , and Raymond Williams . In 2004, Monthly Review editor John Bellamy Foster told The New York Times : "The Monthly Review ...
14994-534: The middle years of the 1960s, radical political theory saw a resurgence in association with the emergence of a New Left in Europe and North America. Monthly Review grew in stature in tandem with this resurgence. While remaining an intellectual journal not oriented towards acquiring a mass readership, circulation of the publication nonetheless grew throughout this era, approaching 9,100 in 1970 before peaking at 11,500 in 1977. While Monthly Review remained essentially
15147-445: The money. Matthiessen made the offer to Sweezy to underwrite "that magazine [Sweezy] and Leo Huberman were always talking about," committing the sum of $ 5,000 per year for three years. Matthiessen's funds made the launch of Monthly Review possible, although the amount of the seed money was reduced to $ 4,000 per year in the second and third years by the executors of Matthiessen's estate following his suicide in 1950. Although Matthiessen
15300-432: The most popular general of World War II and a favorite in the polls. Unlike the latter movement within the Democratic Party, however, the Republican draft movement came largely from the grassroots of the party. By January 23, 1948, the grassroots movement had successfully entered Eisenhower's name into every state holding a Republican presidential primary, and polls gave him a significant lead against all other contenders. With
15453-502: The nation's most influential activists, including Howard Zinn , Tom Hayden , A. J. Muste , and David Dellinger . Lynd's contribution to the cause of social justice and the peace movement is chronicled in Carl Mirra's biography, The Admirable Radical: Staughton Lynd and Cold War Dissent, 1945–1970 (2010). Lynd was one of two children born to the renowned sociologists Robert Staughton Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd , who authored
15606-520: The obvious, including the famous quote: "You know that your future is still ahead of you." An editorial in the Louisville Courier-Journal summed it up: No presidential candidate in the future will be so inept that four of his major speeches can be boiled down to these historic four sentences: Agriculture is important. Our rivers are full of fish. You cannot have freedom without liberty. Our future lies ahead. Another writer noted
15759-496: The only person who appears to have considered Truman's campaign to be winnable was the president himself, who confidently predicted victory to anyone who would listen to him. Near the end of the campaign, Truman privately wrote a state-by-state electoral vote prediction and gave it to his aide, George Elsey. Truman believed that he would win the election with 340 electoral votes, to 108 for Dewey, 42 for Thurmond, and 37 marked doubtful (he accidentally left out four electoral votes). In
15912-409: The other hand, the Truman film, hastily assembled on virtually no budget by the perpetually cash-short Truman campaign, relied heavily on public-domain and newsreel footage of the president taking part in major world events and signing important legislation. Perhaps unintentionally, the Truman film visually reinforced an image of him as engaged and decisive. Years later, historian David McCullough cited
16065-681: The outline of a report by the Qiao Collective , a "diaspora Chinese media collective challenging U.S. aggression on China," that disputed allegations of genocide and slavery in China's treatment of Uyghur Muslim minorities in Xinjiang and suggested that "the politicization of China’s anti-terrorism policies in Xinjiang is another front of the U.S.-led hybrid war on China". In response, an organization named Critical China Scholars wrote an open letter to Monthly Review lamenting republication of
16218-682: The party. Despite being an incumbent president, Truman was not placed on the ballot in Alabama. In the states of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina, the party was able to be labeled as the main Democratic Party ticket on the local ballots on election night. Outside of these four states, it was only listed as a third-party ticket. Although it had initially appeared that the Socialist Party would refrain from nominating its own candidate and instead endorse Wallace's run, policy differences and Wallace's refusal to publicly repudiate
16371-462: The polls dropped. Wallace was hurt by the successful effort of labor unions to keep their members in the Democratic column, and by controversial statements from Progressives supporting "appeasement with Russia." Wallace himself attacked Winston Churchill as a "racist" and "imperialist", and Senator Taylor earned criticism for a speech in which he claimed that the "Nazis are running the U.S. government. So why should Russia make peace with them? If I were
16524-736: The powerful publisher of the Chicago Tribune , nixed his chances. According to journalist Jules Abels, Dewey managers Brownell, Sprague, and Jaeckle then appeared to offer the vice-presidential nomination to influential Indiana Congressman Charles Halleck , in exchange for Halleck delivering the entire Indiana delegation to Dewey. Halleck did so, but Dewey, who had not been present at the meeting between his managers and Halleck, decided to reject his candidacy, telling his aides "Halleck won't do." After Dewey told Halleck of his decision, Halleck "was first speechless with disbelief and then overcome with emotion." He told Dewey that "you're running out on
16677-557: The premise that capitalism was capable of infinite growth through Keynesian macroeconomic fine-tuning. Instead, the magazine's editors and leading writers have remained true to the traditional Marxist perspective that capitalist economies contain internal contradictions which will ultimately lead to their collapse and reconstitution on a new socialist basis. Topics of editorial concern have included poverty , unequal distribution of incomes and wealth. Although not averse to discussion of esoteric matters of socialist theory, Monthly Review
16830-649: The president of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), stated in April 1948 that "the Communist Party is directly responsible for the creation of the third party [Progressive Party] in the United States." Wallace was also hurt when Westbrook Pegler , a prominent conservative newspaper columnist, revealed that Wallace as vice president had written coded letters discussing prominent leaders such as Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill to his controversial Russian New Age spiritual guru Nicholas Roerich ;
16983-445: The print journal since the launch of the magazine's web site is available for free access, while archives going back to the journal's inauguration in 1949 are available to subscribers. In addition to these articles, the website also hosts Monthly Review Press and MR Online . Progressive Era Repression and persecution Anti-war and civil rights movements Contemporary From its first issue, Monthly Review attacked
17136-502: The protest movement became increasingly violent, Lynd began to have misgivings. As a self-described " social democratic pacifist " and "Marxist Existentialist Pacifist", he became more interested in the possibilities of local organizing. Lynd's obituary in The New York Times described his political influences as "drawing equal inspiration from Marxism, American abolitionism and Quaker pacifism". In 1967, Lynd signed
17289-534: The publication's editor. Brett Clark is the associate editor, and the magazine also has one assistant editor and an editorial committee. Monthly Review continues to be published as a print magazine with 11 issues per year (one per month with July and August combined into a single, thematic issue). The print magazine primarily publishes original content, including full articles, book reviews, and poetry, with exceptions such as reprises or adaptations of previously published work identified as such. Everything published in
17442-566: The publication, with Sweezy's theoretical bent and writing ability put to use for a majority of the editorial content, while Huberman took charge of the business and administrative aspects of the enterprise. Sweezy remained at home in New Hampshire, traveling down to New York City once a month to read manuscripts , where Huberman conducted the day-to-day operations of the magazine along with his wife, Gerty Huberman, and family friend Sybil Huntington May. Briefly joining Sweezy and Huberman as
17595-439: The race and endorse him as Dewey's main opponent. When Stassen refused, Taft wrote a concession statement and had it read to the convention at the start of the third ballot; at this point the other candidates also dropped out, and Dewey was then nominated unanimously by acclamation . Dewey's campaign team originally wanted Illinois Governor Dwight Green to be his running mate, but the opposition of Colonel Robert R. McCormick ,
17748-486: The race and most of Taft's delegates would support him instead of Dewey. Taft defeated Stassen in his native Ohio, and Stassen earned the hostility of the party's conservatives. Even so, Stassen was still leading Dewey in the polls for the upcoming Oregon primary. Dewey, however, realized that losing another primary would end his chances at the nomination, and he decided to make an all-out effort in Oregon. In April 1948, Dewey sent Paul Lockwood, one of his top aides, to build
17901-643: The remaining 12% from many Southern papers. Alistair Cooke , the distinguished writer for the Manchester Guardian newspaper in the United Kingdom, published an article on the day of the election entitled "Harry S. Truman: A Study of a Failure." For its television coverage, NBC News had constructed a large cardboard model of the White House containing two elephants that would pop out when NBC announced Dewey's victory; since Truman's defeat
18054-565: The report on the Monthly Review web site. While the authors of the letter acknowledged that the "applicability of terms such as 'genocide' and 'slavery' can be debated," they nonetheless contended that criticizing Western media for "double standards" by pointing out the contrast between harsh condemnation of Chinese human-rights violations in comparative silence or apologies for European and US violations, as well as suggesting that Chinese abuses were less severe than those by Western governments, amount to " agnosticism, let alone denialism, towards what
18207-400: The rest of the night and early morning analyzing the votes as they came in, and by 10:30 a.m., he was convinced he had lost; at 11:14 a.m., he sent a gracious telegram of concession to Truman. The pro-Republican Chicago Daily Tribune was so certain of Dewey's victory that on Tuesday afternoon, before any polls closed, it printed " DEWEY DEFEATS TRUMAN " as its banner headline for
18360-619: The rural Midwest was sponsored by the Staley Milling Company, who "polled farmers by giving them a choice of a donkey or an elephant on chicken feed sacks. When the results among 20,000 farmers showed up as fifty-four percent to forty-six percent for the donkey, the poll was abandoned." When Dewey considered adopting a more aggressive stance after noticing that his crowds were dwindling, Herbert Brownell contacted 90 GOP state committeemen and committeewomen in all 48 states. With one exception, they "urged [Dewey] to press forward on
18513-730: The signatories, said he hoped the letter would make it "difficult for leftist 'scholar-activists' to continue to promote Xinjiang-related disinformation." Monthly Review Magazine has had six editors listed on its masthead: Harry Braverman became director of Monthly Review Press in 1967, and the present director of the Press is Michael D. Yates . In addition to the U.S.-based magazine, there are seven sister editions of Monthly Review . They are published in Greece; Turkey; Spain; South Korea; as well as separate English, Hindi, and Bengali editions in India. Monthly Review Press, an allied endeavor,
18666-404: The state. He "invaded every hamlet, no matter how isolated, speaking at rural crossroads and shaking hands in hamburger stands. One journalist commented that Dewey was the greatest explorer of Oregon since Lewis and Clark ." Dewey also agreed to debate Stassen in Oregon on national radio. Held on May 17, 1948, it was the first-ever radio debate between presidential candidates. The sole issue of
18819-600: The status quo of states' rights; a similar but shorter proposal was made by Cecil Sims of the Tennessee delegation. On the liberal side, Wisconsin Representative Andrew Biemiller proposed a strong civil rights plank that was more explicit and direct in its language than Truman's convention proposal. Minneapolis Mayor Hubert Humphrey led the support for the Biemiller plank. In his speech to
18972-481: The support of communists caused them to break with the Progressive Party and nominate their own ticket. The party therefore nominated Norman Thomas , a five-time Socialist nominee and the former party chairman, as president, and Tucker P. Smith , an economics professor, as vice president. Thomas debated Farrell Dobbs , the nominee of the Socialist Workers Party , during the general election. This
19125-511: The third president to succeed to the presidency upon his predecessor's death and be elected to a full term. It was one of the greatest election upsets in American history . Truman had been elected vice president in the 1944 election , and succeeded to the presidency in April 1945 upon the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt . He won his party's nomination at the 1948 Democratic National Convention only after defeating attempts to drop him from
19278-485: The third-party candidacies of Thurmond and Wallace each won less than 3% of the popular vote, with Thurmond carrying four southern states in the Deep South . Truman's surprise victory was the fifth consecutive presidential win for the Democratic Party, the longest winning streak for the Democrats, and the longest for either party since the 1880 election . With simultaneous success in the 1948 congressional elections ,
19431-491: The three, no nominee would have reached the 266 electoral votes required for election, and the Dixiecrats would have succeeded in their goal of forcing the election into the House of Representatives. The extreme closeness of the vote in these three states was the major reason why Dewey waited until late on the morning of November 3 to concede defeat. Aside from Ohio, California, and Illinois, Truman carried Idaho by almost as narrow
19584-422: The three-way split in the Democratic Party, and with Truman's low approval ratings, Truman was widely considered to be the underdog in the race, and virtually every prediction (with or without public opinion polls) indicated Dewey would win the election. Defying these predictions, Truman won the election with 303 electoral votes to Dewey's 189. Truman also won 49.6% of the popular vote compared to Dewey's 45.1%, while
19737-516: The ticket more appealing to liberals. Douglas refused the nomination. Needing an alternative, Truman then selected Senator Alben W. Barkley from Kentucky , who had delivered the convention's keynote address , as his running mate, and Barkley was nominated by acclamation. Truman gave a fighting acceptance speech, he stated that "Senator Barkley and I will win this election and make the Republicans like it – don't you forget it!... We will do that because they are wrong and we are right." He claimed that
19890-541: The ticket. The convention's civil rights plank caused a walkout by several Southern delegates, who launched a third-party " Dixiecrat " ticket led by South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond . The Dixiecrats hoped to win enough electoral votes to force a contingent election in the House of Representatives , where they could extract concessions from either Dewey or Truman in exchange for their support. Former vice president Henry A. Wallace also challenged Truman by launching
20043-464: The undue influence Communists exerted over Wallace, including the prominent American socialist Norman Thomas . In the fall, Thomas would run as the Socialist Party presidential candidate to offer liberals a non-Communist alternative to Wallace. Senator Glen H. Taylor from Idaho , an eccentric figure who was known as a "singing cowboy" and who had ridden his horse "Nugget" up the steps of
20196-465: The unpopular 80th Congress. Truman toured much of the nation with his fiery rhetoric, playing to large, enthusiastic crowds. "Give 'em hell, Harry" was a popular slogan shouted out at stop after stop along the tour. The polls and the pundits held that Dewey's lead was insurmountable and that Truman's efforts were for naught. Truman's own staff considered the campaign a last hurrah. Even Truman's own wife, Bess , had private doubts that her husband could win;
20349-567: The votes; they "learned that one voter in every seven (6,927,000), made up his mind in the last two weeks before the election. Of these, 75 percent picked Truman", which was more than his margin of victory over Dewey. "Using either the Michigan figures or Gallup-Roper's, one finds that some 3,300,000 fence-sitters determined the outcome of the race in its closing days – when Dewey's instincts were urging him to adopt Truman's hell-for-leather style and slug it out with him, and when he didn't because all
20502-431: The world." The site frequently republishes online articles from other sites identified at the start of the post, and followed by a disclaimer by the editors indicating that " Monthly Review does not necessarily adhere to all of the views conveyed in articles republished at MR Online. Our goal is to share a variety of left perspectives that we think our readers will find interesting or useful." In 2020, MR Online republished
20655-769: Was 1968 . On July 12, the Democratic National Convention convened in Philadelphia in the same arena where the Republicans had met a few weeks earlier. Spirits were low; the Republicans had taken control of both houses of the United States Congress and a majority of state governorships during the 1946 mid-term elections, and the public opinion polls showed Truman trailing Republican nominee Dewey, sometimes by double digits. Furthermore, some liberal Democrats had joined Henry A. Wallace 's new Progressive Party, and party leaders feared that Wallace would take enough votes from Truman to give
20808-689: Was "pitched to four distinct interest groups – labor, the farmer, the Negro, and the consumer. Every move had these four interest groups in mind." Since he was trailing in the polls, Truman decided to adopt a slashing, no-holds-barred campaign. He ridiculed Dewey by name, criticized Dewey's refusal to address specific issues, and scornfully targeted the Republican-controlled 80th Congress with a wave of relentless and blistering partisan assaults. Truman claimed that "the Communists are rooting for
20961-412: Was "so heartsick about Communist infiltration of the party that he discussed . . . with his wife disaffiliating [from the party] the night before the convention" started. Tugwell later did disassociate himself from the Progressive Party and did not participate in Wallace's fall campaign. A number of other Progressive Party delegates and supporters would quit the party in protest over what they perceived as
21114-410: Was a difference between "pink" Communists and "red" Communists. Taylor claimed that "pink" Communists would support the Wallace-Taylor ticket because they believed in a "peaceful revolution" to turn the government to left-wing beliefs, but "red" Communists would support the Republican ticket in the belief that they would cause another Great Depression , which would give Communists the chance to take over
21267-433: Was and is Marxist, but did not hew to the party line or get into sectarian struggles." From 2005 to 2016, Monthly Review published an associated website, MRzine . At its closure, Monthly Review announced that it would maintain an online archive of the site. In 2017, MRzine was replaced by MR Online, which is described as "a forum for collaboration and communication between radical activists, writers, and scholars around
21420-1018: Was coedited in part by the late Leo Panitch . Titles published by the press in its formative years include We, the People: The Drama of America by Leo Huberman (1932), The Empire of Oil by Harvey O'Connor (1955), The Political Economy of Growth by Paul Baran (1957), Consciencism : Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization and Development with Particular Reference to the African Revolution by Kwame Nkrumah (1959), Caste, Class and Race by Oliver Cromwell Cox (1948/1959), Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America: Historical Studies of Chile and Brazil by Andre Gunder Frank (1962), The United States, Cuba, and Castro by William Appleman Williams (1963), Anarchism by Daniel Guerin (1965), Fanshen: A Documentary of Revolution in
21573-593: Was considered certain, no donkeys were placed in the White House model. As Truman made his way to his hometown of Independence, Missouri , to await the election returns, some among his inner circle had already accepted other jobs, and not a single reporter traveling on his campaign train thought that he would win, while a number of prominent Republicans, anticipating serving in a Dewey administration, had already bought homes in Washington. On election night, Dewey, his family, and campaign staff confidently gathered in
21726-480: Was enthusiastically supported by William Randolph Hearst in all of his newspapers. The "surprise" candidate of 1948 was Stassen, a liberal from Minnesota. In 1938, Stassen had been elected governor of Minnesota at the age of 31; he resigned as governor in 1943 to serve in the wartime Navy. In 1945 he served on the committee that created the United Nations . Stassen was widely regarded as the most liberal of
21879-496: Was generally characterized by an aversion to doctrinaire citations of Marxist canon in favor of the analysis of real-world economic and historical trends. Readability was emphasized and the use of academic jargon discouraged. Editors Huberman and Sweezy argued as early as 1952 that massive and expanding military spending was an integral part of the process of capitalist stabilization, driving corporate profits, bolstering levels of employment, and absorbing surplus production. They argued
22032-549: Was hobbled by an ineffective campaign team that one writer called "bumblers", and another historian noted that Taft's campaign manager, Ohio Congressman Clarence J. Brown , "seemed no match for Herbert Brownell...while the Dewey forces were busy flattering delegates and hinting at promises of patronage, Brown was still worrying about such mundane matters as hotel rooms and seats in the gallery for his friends." Taft and Stassen, Dewey's leading opponents, met in Taft's hotel suite to plan
22185-623: Was joined in May 1969 by radical economist Harry Magdoff , replacing Leo Huberman, who had died in 1968. Magdoff, a reader of the publication from its first issue in 1949, bolstered the already well-developed " Third-Worldist " orientation of the publication, based upon revolutionary events in Cuba , China, and Vietnam . Certain Maoist influence made itself felt in the content of the publication in this period. Monthly Review became steadily more critical of
22338-476: Was launched in 1951 in response to the inability of the maverick left-wing journalist I. F. Stone to otherwise find a publisher for his book The Hidden History of the Korean War . Stone's work, which argued that the still ongoing Korean War was not a case of simple Communist military aggression but was rather the product of political isolation, South Korean military buildup, and border provocations, became
22491-441: Was regarded as the frontrunner when the primaries began. Dewey was the acknowledged leader of the Republican Party's Eastern Establishment . In 1946 he had been re-elected governor of New York by the largest margin in state history. Dewey's handicap was that many Republicans disliked him on a personal level; he often struck observers as cold, stiff, and calculating. Taft was the leader of the Republican Party's conservative wing, which
22644-447: Was rejected. In the campaign's final days, many newspapers, magazines, and political pundits were so confident of Dewey's impending victory they wrote articles to be printed the morning after the election speculating about Dewey's Presidency: Life magazine printed a large photo in its final edition before the election, entitled "Our Next President Rides by Ferryboat over San Francisco Bay", that showed Dewey and his staff riding across
22797-653: Was serving in Japan as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers occupying that nation, he was unable to campaign for the nomination. He did make it known, however, that he would accept the GOP nomination if it were offered to him, and some conservative Republicans hoped that by winning a primary contest he could prove his popularity with voters. They chose to enter his name in the Wisconsin primary. His candidacy
22950-417: Was strongest in the Midwest and parts of the South. Taft called for abolishing many New Deal welfare programs, which he felt were harmful to business interests, and he was skeptical of American involvement in foreign alliances such as the United Nations . Taft had two major weaknesses: He was a plodding, dull campaigner, and he was viewed by most party leaders as being too conservative and controversial to win
23103-525: Was the financial angel of the new publication, from the outset the editorial task was handled by Sweezy and his co-thinker, the left wing popular writer Leo Huberman . The author of an array of books and pamphlets during the 1930s and early 1940s, the New York University -educated Huberman worked full-time on Monthly Review from its establishment until his death of a heart attack in 1968. Sweezy and Huberman were complementary figures guiding
23256-724: Was the first debate between general election presidential candidates. Edward A. Teichert , the nominee of the Socialist Labor Party of America , had challenged Thomas to a debate, but Teichert declined after Thomas asked for Dobbs to also be invited. This Party nominated Gerald L. K. Smith , a leader of the Share Our Wealth movement during the Great Depression , founder of the Christian Nationalist Crusade , and founder of
23409-409: Was the last presidential election with no future disqualification effect for second-term winners. Additionally, this was one of only two elections held since the Democrats and Republicans became the two major parties in U.S. politics where a presidential candidate from either party lost despite carrying two of the three Rust Belt states of Michigan , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin ; the other election
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