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59-647: The name Miwok comes from the Sierra Miwok word miwwik meaning "people" or "Indians". It was originally used in 1877 for the Plains and Sierra Miwok people, but was later reassigned to its current usage in 1908 to describe the set of Utian languages distinct from the western Coastanoan (Ohlone) languages . Below are the 15 consonants of the Southern Sierra Miwok written in IPA (the common orthography

118-594: A linguist, contradicted himself on this point: First he said "Costanoans themselves were a set of tribelets [small tribes] who spoke a common language [...] distinguished from one another by slight differences in dialect"; however, after saying that, he concluded: "The eight branches of the Costanoan family were separate languages (not dialects) as different from one another as Spanish is from French". Randall Milliken stated in 1995 that there were eight dialects, citing missionary-linguist Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta to

177-466: A linguist, shifted his position in 2008 to follow Callaghan, referring to separate Costanoan languages rather than dialects. Golla (2011) states that all Costanoan languages in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay, with the exception of Karkin, were mutually intelligible . The Ohlone native people belonged to one or more tribes, bands or villages, and to one or more of the eight linguistic group regions (as assigned by ethnolinguists ). Native names listed in

236-782: A long period of time, under various administrators. Ethnohistorians Kroeber, Merriam, and others interviewed Ohlone speakers and were able to define some pronunciations on word lists. Ethnolinguists have used this to some advantage to create phonetic tables giving some semblance of languages, notably the Selected Costanoan Words by Merriam . A partial table of words comes from Indian Names for Plants and Animals Among California and other Western North American Tribes by Clinton Merriam. This published list covers 400 Ohlone words from interviews of native speakers. The Ohlone words listed are by "phonetic English" pronunciations. Language: Grammatical case A grammatical case

295-458: A particular stem shape to precede it and if there is not a necessary vowel or consonant before the suffix, /Y/ or /ʔ/ is added. Furthermore, some nominal suffixes are productive while others are not. Nominal suffixes also tend to have fewer allomorphs than verbal suffixes. Lastly, nominal themes may occur either word-medially or in the prefinal position before case or Series 1 or 2 pronominal suffixes. However, many follow class 3 nominal themes. Below

354-431: A singular/plural and a possessive/non-possessive distinction (e.g. chair , chairs , chair's , chairs' ); there is no manifest difference in the form of chair between "The chair is here." (subject) and "I own the chair." (direct object), a distinction made instead by word order and context. Cases can be ranked in the following hierarchy, where a language that does not have a given case will tend not to have any cases to

413-402: A stem that is shaped CV- or CVCV- or CVCVCV-. In the instance that a stem does not end in the appropriate form, either length /:/ or a glottal stop /ʔ/ will be added where a consonant is needed or /Y/ when a vowel is needed. Also, many suffixes display allomorphy depending on the following modal suffix. In these cases, the suffix spoken before the present imperfect zero suffix /-Ø-/ is treated as

472-428: A typical postfix: Southern Sierra Miwok also has a class of monomorphemic words called particles. These are the only words that can stand alone as roots without suffixes and usually follow the word that they modify. hane: "maybe", hy:ʔy: "yes" and jej "hey!" are a few examples of typical particles. Personal pronominal suffixes are separated into four series in the Southern Sierra Miwok language. As discussed in

531-496: A variety of factors, such as gender , number , phonological environment, and irregular historical factors. Pronouns sometimes have separate paradigms. In some languages, particularly Slavic languages , a case may contain different groups of endings depending on whether the word is a noun or an adjective . A single case may contain many different endings, some of which may even be derived from different roots. For example, in Polish,

590-491: Is a category of nouns and noun modifiers ( determiners , adjectives , participles , and numerals ) that corresponds to one or more potential grammatical functions for a nominal group in a wording. In various languages, nominal groups consisting of a noun and its modifiers belong to one of a few such categories. For instance, in English , one says I see them and they see me : the nominative pronouns I/they represent

649-569: Is advisably offensive and incorrect, per the Ohlone people.) Many of the known tribal and village names were recorded in the California mission records of baptism , marriage , and death. Some names have come from Spanish and Mexican settlers, some from early Anglo-European travelers, and some from the memories of Native American informants . Speakers were natives still alive who could remember their group's native language and details. Some of

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708-413: Is an example of a typical nominal suffix: These affixes follow final suffixes such as pronominal suffixes and case, and are not obligatory. Furthermore, more than one postfix may occur in a Southern Sierra Miwok word. In these instances, the postfixes occur in a definite sequence. In addition, all postfixes are invariable in form and therefore do not contain more than one allomorph. Below is an example of

767-580: Is based primarily on Callaghan (2001). Other classifications list Northern Costanoan, Southern Costanoan, and Karkin as single languages, with the following subgroups of each considered as dialects: More recently, Callaghan (2014) groups Awaswas together with Mutsun as part of a South Central Costanoan subgroup with the Southern Costanoan branch. Regarding the eight Ohlone branches, sources differ on if they were eight language dialects , or eight separate languages . Richard Levy, himself

826-532: Is hunting" and hika:hyj means "deer, accusative case" so each sentence given above regardless of the order means: "the man is hunting the deer". Southern Sierra Miwok contains three syntactic substitution classes, nominal expressions, verbal expressions and particles. Some members of each class can stand alone as a complete utterance. To form more complex sentences, members of the different classes are combined. Below are examples of possible complete utterances: Field recordings of Southern Sierra Miwok were made in

885-441: Is noted within ⟨ ⟩ ): There is considerable variation within the phonemes listed in the chart above. For example, the following allophones are in free variation with each other intervocalically and proceeding voiced consonants: Also, [ s ] is in free variation with [ z ] only in intervocalic environments. /k/ is slightly postvelar when it occurs before /a/ or /o/ , and in these situations it

944-663: Is often marked in English with a preposition . For example, the English prepositional phrase with (his) foot (as in "John kicked the ball with his foot") might be rendered in Russian using a single noun in the instrumental case , or in Ancient Greek as τῷ ποδί ( tôi podí , meaning "the foot") with both words (the definite article, and the noun πούς ( poús ) "foot") changing to dative form. More formally, case has been defined as "a system of marking dependent nouns for

1003-401: Is often written ⟨ḳ⟩ . When positioned intervocalically or after voiced consonants there is free variation between the velar and slightly postvelar variants of the following sounds: ( [ k̺ ] ~ [ ɣ ] ~ [ g ] ). Lastly, the following phonemes only occur in English loan words: /b, d, ɡ, f, dʒ, r/ . Below are the long and short variants of the 6 vowels of

1062-549: Is slightly backed before /w/ . /a/ acts the most differently compared to the other vowels as it is backed to [ɑ] when long and is slightly fronted before /w/ and /j/ and both fronted and raised before /ʔ/ and /k/ . Since vowel and consonant length is contrastive, length (represented as /ː/ ) is considered to be a separate (archi-)phoneme. There are two types of syllables in Southern Sierra Miwok: light , CV, and heavy, CV: or CVC. In each word, one of

1121-723: Is the process or result of altering nouns to the correct grammatical cases. Languages with rich nominal inflection (using grammatical cases for many purposes) typically have a number of identifiable declension classes, or groups of nouns with a similar pattern of case inflection or declension. Sanskrit has six declension classes, whereas Latin is traditionally considered to have five , and Ancient Greek three . For example, Slovak has fifteen noun declension classes , five for each gender (the number may vary depending on which paradigms are counted or omitted, this mainly concerns those that modify declension of foreign words; refer to article). In Indo-European languages, declension patterns may depend on

1180-467: The Bancroft Library , and more material continues to be published by local historical societies and associations. Many of the original sounds were first heard and copied down by Spanish missionaries using Spanish as a reference language, subject to human error, later translated into English and Anglicized over time. Spelling errors crept in as different missionaries kept separate records over

1239-539: The Miwok languages , they are members of the Utian language family . The most recent work suggests that Ohlone, Miwok, and Yokuts are branches of a Yok-Utian language family. Ohlone comprises eight attested varieties: Awaswas , Chalon , Chochenyo (also spelt as Chocheño), Karkin , Mutsun , Ramaytush , Rumsen , and Tamyen . Overall, divergence among these languages seems to have been roughly comparable to that among

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1298-453: The dative ) and genitive cases. They are used with personal pronouns : subjective case (I, you, he, she, it, we, they, who, whoever), objective case (me, you, him, her, it, us, them, whom, whomever) and possessive case (my, mine; your, yours; his; her, hers; its; our, ours; their, theirs; whose; whosever). Forms such as I , he and we are used for the subject (" I kicked John"), and forms such as me , him and us are used for

1357-1409: The object ("John kicked me "). As a language evolves, cases can merge (for instance, in Ancient Greek , the locative case merged with the dative), a phenomenon known as syncretism . Languages such as Sanskrit , Kannada , Latin , Tamil , and Russian have extensive case systems, with nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and determiners all inflecting (usually by means of different suffixes ) to indicate their case. The number of cases differs between languages: Persian has three; modern English has three but for pronouns only; Torlakian dialects , Classical and Modern Standard Arabic have three; German , Icelandic , Modern Greek , and Irish have four; Albanian , Romanian and Ancient Greek have five; Bengali , Latin, Russian, Slovak , Kajkavian , Slovenian , and Turkish each have at least six; Armenian , Czech , Georgian , Latvian , Lithuanian , Polish , Serbo-Croatian and Ukrainian have seven; Mongolian , Marathi , Sanskrit, Kannada, Tamil, Telugu , Malayalam , Assamese and Greenlandic have eight; Old Nubian and Sinhalese have nine; Basque has 13; Estonian has 14; Finnish has 15; Hungarian has 18; and Tsez has at least 36 cases. Commonly encountered cases include nominative , accusative , dative and genitive . A role that one of those languages marks by case

1416-577: The "first," "second," "third" and so on. For example, the common "when-then" construction is called the सति सप्तमी (Sati Saptami) or "The Good Seventh" as it uses the locative, which is the seventh case. In the most common case concord system, only the head-word (the noun) in a phrase is marked for case. This system appears in many Papuan languages as well as in Turkic , Mongolian , Quechua , Dravidian , Indo-Aryan , and other languages. In Basque and various Amazonian and Australian languages , only

1475-529: The 1950s by linguist Sylvia M. Broadbent, and several speakers, especially Chris Brown, Castro Johnson, and Alice Wilson. Ohlone languages The Ohlone languages, also known as Costanoan , form a small Indigenous language family historically spoken in Northern California , both in the southern San Francisco Bay Area and northern Monterey Bay area, by the Ohlone people. Along with

1534-768: The Indo-European languages had eight morphological cases , although modern languages typically have fewer, using prepositions and word order to convey information that had previously been conveyed using distinct noun forms. Among modern languages, cases still feature prominently in most of the Balto-Slavic languages (except Macedonian and Bulgarian ), with most having six to eight cases, as well as Icelandic , German and Modern Greek , which have four. In German, cases are mostly marked on articles and adjectives, and less so on nouns. In Icelandic, articles, adjectives, personal names and nouns are all marked for case, making it

1593-585: The Latin casus , which is derived from the verb cadere , "to fall", from the Proto-Indo-European root *ḱad- . The Latin word is a calque of the Greek πτῶσις , ptôsis , lit. "falling, fall". The sense is that all other cases are considered to have "fallen" away from the nominative. This imagery is also reflected in the word declension , from Latin declinere , "to lean", from

1652-809: The PIE root *ḱley- . The equivalent to "case" in several other European languages also derives from casus , including cas in French, caso in Italian and Kasus in German. The Russian word паде́ж ( padyézh ) is a calque from Greek and similarly contains a root meaning "fall", and the German Fall and Czech pád simply mean "fall", and are used for both the concept of grammatical case and to refer to physical falls. The Dutch equivalent naamval translates as 'noun case', in which 'noun' has

1711-489: The Southern Sierra Miwok language written in IPA (the common orthography is noted within ⟨ ⟩ ): /i, u, e, o/ are highest when long, as shown in the chart above. However, /o/ is also high before /w/ and /j/ . /i/ is at its lowest before /k/ and /ʔ/ while /u/ is lowest only before /ʔ/ . /e/ is slightly lower before /j/ , but, along with /o/ and /ɨ/ , is lowest before /ʔ/ , /k/ and /h/ , with /ɨ/ pronounced at approximately [ə] . Also, /ɨ/

1770-469: The accusative or the vocative cases are placed after the nominative and before the genitive. For example: For similar reasons, the customary order of the four cases in Icelandic is nominative–accusative–dative–genitive, as illustrated below: Sanskrit similarly arranges cases in the order nominative-accusative-instrumental-dative-ablative-genitive-locative-vocative. The cases are individually named as

1829-517: The accusative, genitive, and dative have merged to an oblique case, but many of these languages still retain vocative, locative, and ablative cases. Old English had an instrumental case, but neither a locative nor a prepositional case. The traditional case order (nom-gen-dat-acc) was expressed for the first time in The Art of Grammar in the 2nd century BC: Πτώσεις ὀνομάτων εἰσὶ πέντε· ὀρθή, γενική, δοτική, αἰτιατική, κλητική. There are five Cases,

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1888-567: The basic form. Lastly, two or more verbal suffixes often appear in the same word. Usually, the morphemes are ordered by immediate constituency, however, they can also be ordered depending on the stem-shape requirements of the last two suffixes of the base. In addition, some suffix combinations have separate stem requirements unlike if the suffixes were to appear alone. Below is an example of a typical verbal suffix: Nominal themes refer to theme suffixes that are followed directly by case markings or by Series 1 or 2 pronominal suffixes (see Syntax) before

1947-498: The basic structure of a Southern Sierra Miwok word: Below is a list of frequently occurring morphophonemic rules which Broadbent (1964) defines as "a rule of phonologically conditioned variation which applies to all morphemes, or allomorphs, of suitable morphophonemic shape.". Verbal Themes are morpheme sequences followed immediately by pronominal (final) suffixes. Below is a chart of allomorphs of common Southern Sierra Miwok irregular verbal bases. Verbal suffixes occur before

2006-425: The bus stop, in the future John is waiting for us at the bus stop . We will see what will happen in the future . by hand with John This letter was written by hand . I took a trip there with John . All of the above are just rough descriptions; the precise distinctions vary significantly from language to language, and as such they are often more complex. Case is based fundamentally on changes to

2065-403: The case marker. These themes can be hard for native English speakers to learn as many of them do not translate to English nouns but can be translated as past or future tense English verbs or verbal phrases. However, most forms which translate to English nouns, adverbs and adjectives are included as nominal themes. The three categories of nominal themes are: Southern Sierra Miwok does not require

2124-459: The effect that the idioms seemed distinct as one traveled from mission to mission, but actually formed a dialect chain from one neighboring local tribe to another. Catherine Callaghan (1997, 2001), a linguist who steeped herself in the primary documents, offered evidence that the Costanoan languages were distinct, with only Ramaytush, Tamyen, and Chochenyo possibly being dialects of a single language. Milliken (2008), himself an ethnohistorian and not

2183-471: The first two syllables is always heavy, so therefore every Southern Sierra Miwok word contains at least one heavy syllable. Because of this preference towards heavy syllables, consonant clusters are usually separated to form codas of preceding syllables. Southern Sierra Miwok uses the following three stress levels: Every Southern Sierra Miwok word consists of a root and (usually) one to two suffixes. Below are definitions of common terms used to describe

2242-528: The former tribe and village names were gleaned from the land maps (" diseños de terreno ") submitted by grantees in applying for Spanish and Mexican land grants or designs (" diseños ") that were drawn up in Alta California prior to the Mexican–American War . In this regard, large amounts of untranslated material is available for research in the records of Clinton H. Merriam housed at

2301-489: The languages of the Romance sub-family of Indo-European languages. Neighboring groups seem to have been able to understand and speak to each other. The number and geographic distribution of Ohlone language divisions partially mirrors the distribution of Franciscan missions in their original lands. While the known languages are, in most cases, quite distinct, intermediate dialects may have been lost as local groups gathered at

2360-554: The mission records were, in some cases, clearly principal village names, in others the name assigned to the region of a "multifamily landholding group" (per Milliken). Although many native names have been written in historical records, the exact spelling and pronunciations were not entirely standardized in modern English. Ethnohistorians have resorted to approximating their indigenous regional boundaries as well. (The word that Kroeber coined to designate California tribes, bands and villages, tribelet , has been published in many records but

2419-559: The missions. A newly discovered text from Mission Santa Clara provides evidence that Chochenyo of the East Bay area and Tamyen of the Santa Clara Valley were closely related dialects of a single San Francisco Bay Ohlone language. The last native speakers of Ohlone languages died by the 1950s. However, Chochenyo, Mutsun, and Rumsen are now in a state of revival (relearned from saved records). The classification below

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2478-403: The more extensive case system of Old English ). For other pronouns, and all nouns, adjectives, and articles, grammatical function is indicated only by word order , by prepositions , and by the " Saxon genitive " ( -'s ). Taken as a whole, English personal pronouns are typically said to have three morphological cases: Most English personal pronouns have five forms: the nominative case form,

2537-455: The morphology section, Series 1 and 2 pronominal suffixes follow nominal themes and precede case markings, whereas Series 3 and 4 pronominal suffixes follow verbal themes. Series 3 and 4 are also more complex as they distinguish first person inclusive (speaker + addressee) and exclusive (speaker only). Furthermore, pronominal suffixes can refer to both the subject and the object of the sentence; these are called double pronominal suffixes. However,

2596-474: The most conservative Germanic language . The eight historical Indo-European cases are as follows, with examples either of the English case or of the English syntactic alternative to case: John waited for us at the bus stop. Obey the law . The clerk gave a discount to us . According to the law ... of (the) The pages of the book turned yellow. The table is made out of wood . Hello, John! O John , how are you! (archaic) at

2655-596: The names given to each case suffix do not necessarily reflect the full range of their applications from the point of view of their Latin grammar counterparts. For example, the accusative case is mostly but not exclusively used for direct objects of a particular sentence. Due to the rich case system in Southern Sierra Miwok, the word order is of little to no importance to the syntax or semantics. For example, naŋŋaʔ halki: hika:hyj ; naŋŋaʔ hika:hyj halki: ; hika:hyj naŋŋaʔ halki: ; and halki: naŋŋaʔ hika:hyj in which, naŋŋaʔ means "the man, nominative case", halki: means "he

2714-455: The noun to indicate the noun's role in the sentence – one of the defining features of so-called fusional languages . Old English was a fusional language, but Modern English does not work this way. Modern English has largely abandoned the inflectional case system of Proto-Indo-European in favor of analytic constructions. The personal pronouns of Modern English retain morphological case more strongly than any other word class (a remnant of

2773-424: The oblique case form, a distinct reflexive or intensive form (such as myself , ourselves ) which is based upon the possessive determiner form but is coreferential to a preceding instance of nominative or oblique, and the possessive case forms, which include both a determiner form (such as my , our ) and a predicatively-used independent form (such as mine , ours ) which is distinct (with two exceptions:

2832-707: The older meaning of both 'adjective (noun)' and '(substantive) noun'. The Finnish equivalent is sija , whose main meaning is "position" or "place". Similar to Latin, Sanskrit uses the term विभक्ति (vibhakti) which may be interpreted as the specific or distinct "bendings" or "experiences" of a word, from the verb भुज् (bhuj) and the prefix वि (vi) , and names the individual cases using ordinal numbers. Although not very prominent in modern English, cases featured much more saliently in Old English and other ancient Indo-European languages , such as Latin , Old Persian , Ancient Greek , and Sanskrit . Historically,

2891-421: The perceiver and the accusative pronouns me/them represent the phenomenon perceived. Here, nominative and accusative are cases, that is, categories of pronouns corresponding to the functions they have in representation. English has largely lost its inflected case system but personal pronouns still have three cases, which are simplified forms of the nominative, accusative (including functions formerly handled by

2950-423: The phrase-final word (not necessarily the noun) is marked for case. In many Indo-European , Finnic , and Semitic languages , case is marked on the noun, the determiner, and usually the adjective. Other systems are less common. In some languages, there is double-marking of a word as both genitive (to indicate semantic role) and another case such as accusative (to establish concord with the head noun). Declension

3009-417: The purposes of discussion, Broadbent (1964) has separated the case suffixes into two categories, autonomous, which appear in the absolute final position of a word, and subordinate, which must be followed by an autonomous case suffix. Of these, four are considered autonomous, four are considered subordinate and one, the possessive (or genitive) case, can function as either autonomous or subordinate. Furthermore,

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3068-405: The right [nominative], the generic [genitive], the dative, the accusative, and the vocative. Latin grammars, such as Ars grammatica , followed the Greek tradition, but added the ablative case of Latin. Later other European languages also followed that Graeco-Roman tradition. However, for some languages, such as Latin, due to case syncretism the order may be changed for convenience, where

3127-410: The right of the missing case: This is, however, only a general tendency. Many forms of Central German , such as Colognian and Luxembourgish , have a dative case but lack a genitive. In Irish nouns, the nominative and accusative have fallen together, whereas the dative–locative has remained separate in some paradigms; Irish also has genitive and vocative cases. In many modern Indo-Aryan languages,

3186-684: The sentence. It is widely accepted that the Ancient Greeks had a certain idea of the forms of a name in their own language. A fragment of Anacreon seems to prove this. Grammatical cases were first recognized by the Stoics and from some philosophers of the Peripatetic school . The advancements of those philosophers were later employed by the philologists of the Library of Alexandria . The English word case used in this sense comes from

3245-456: The subject cannot be included in the object and vice versa i.e. "I am doing it for you" is an acceptable phrase to use a double pronominal suffix, but, "I am doing it for us" is not acceptable because "I" is included in "us/we". Below is a table that lists the various pronominal suffix morphemes for Southern Sierra Miwok organized by series number: Southern Sierra Miwok is unique among Native American languages as it has nine case suffixes . For

3304-564: The third person singular masculine he and the third person singular neuter it , which use the same form for both determiner and independent [ his car , it is his ]). The interrogative personal pronoun who exhibits the greatest diversity of forms within the modern English pronoun system, having definite nominative, oblique, and genitive forms ( who , whom , whose ) and equivalently-coordinating indefinite forms ( whoever , whomever , and whosever ). Although English pronouns can have subject and object forms (he/him, she/her), nouns show only

3363-534: The type of relationship they bear to their heads ". Cases should be distinguished from thematic roles such as agent and patient . They are often closely related, and in languages such as Latin, several thematic roles are realised by a somewhat fixed case for deponent verbs, but cases are a syntagmatic/phrasal category, and thematic roles are the function of a syntagma/phrase in a larger structure. Languages having cases often exhibit free word order , as thematic roles are not required to be marked by position in

3422-505: The use of independent personal pronouns. Instead, they are used in the nominative and accusative cases for emphasis and clarification, their roots are as follows: The following three demonstrative roots are class 3 nominal themes and are among the shortest roots in the language. They can be followed by a number of different suffixes and usually change considerably in meaning according to the attached suffix, they are: Nominal suffixes are similar to verbal suffixes in that each suffix requires

3481-424: The verbal theme and, along with the root, form the base of the word. Southern Sierra Miwok has many verbal suffixes, most of which are fully productive and can be applied to any stem of an appropriate shape, class and meaning. Verbal suffixes have derivational meanings . Furthermore, each verbal suffix has rules and requirements as to the shape of the stem that it can follow e.g. the suffix /-cc-/ "static" must follow

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