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The Reform Acts (or Reform Bills , before they were passed) are legislation enacted in the United Kingdom in the 19th and 20th century to enfranchise new groups of voters and to redistribute seats in the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom . When short titles were introduced for these acts, they were usually Representation of the People Act .

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96-570: These began with the Reform Acts of 1832 , 1867 , and 1884 , to increase the electorate for the House of Commons and remove certain inequalities in representation. The bill of 1832 disfranchised many boroughs which enjoyed undue representation and increased that of the large towns, at the same time extending the franchise. It was put through Parliament by the Whigs . The bill of 1867 was passed by

192-580: A general election was held. Electoral reform, which had been frequently discussed during the preceding parliamentary session, became a major campaign issue. Across the country, several pro-reform "political unions" were formed, made up of both middle and working class individuals. The most influential of these was the Birmingham Political Union , led by Thomas Attwood . These groups confined themselves to lawful means of supporting reform, such as petitioning and public oratory, and achieved

288-506: A run on the banks ; one day signs appeared across London reading "Stop the Duke; go for gold!" £1.8 million was withdrawn from the Bank of England in the first days of the run (out of about £7 million total gold in the bank's possession). The National Political Union and other organisations sent petitions to the House of Commons, demanding that they withhold supply (cut off funding to

384-425: A Tory and as an "independent Whig"). Like his father, he shrank from proposing the wholesale abolition of the rotten boroughs, advocating instead an increase in county representation. The House of Commons rejected Pitt's resolution by over 140 votes, despite receiving petitions for reform bearing over twenty thousand signatures. In 1783, Pitt became Prime Minister but was still unable to achieve reform. King George III

480-427: A borough varied widely however, from a dozen or so up to 12,000. Frequently the selection of Members of Parliament (MPs) was effectively controlled by one powerful patron: for example Charles Howard, 11th Duke of Norfolk , controlled eleven boroughs. Criteria for qualification for the franchise varied greatly among boroughs, from the requirement to own land, to merely living in a house with a hearth sufficient to boil

576-533: A high level of public support. The Tories won a majority in the election, but the party remained divided, and support for the Prime Minister ( the Duke of Wellington ) was weak. When the Opposition raised the issue of reform in one of the first debates of the year, the Duke made a controversial defence of the existing system of government, recorded in the formal "third-party" language of the time: He

672-415: A lifetime right to vote, however they had qualified, provided they were resident in the boroughs in which they were electors. In those boroughs which had freemen electors, voting rights were to be enjoyed by future freemen as well, provided their freemanship was acquired through birth or apprenticeship and they too were resident. The Act also introduced a system of voter registration , to be administered by

768-473: A more significant event; it has been argued that it was the inclusion of the word "male", thus providing the first explicit statutory bar to women voting, which provided a focus of attack and a source of resentment from which, in time, the women's suffrage movement grew. Many constituencies, especially those with small electorates, were under the control of rich landowners, and were known as nomination boroughs or pocket boroughs , because they were said to be in

864-588: A pot. There had been calls for reform long before 1832, but without success. The Act that finally succeeded was proposed by the Whigs , led by Prime Minister Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey . It met with significant opposition from the Pittite factions in Parliament, who had long governed the country; opposition was especially pronounced in the House of Lords . Nevertheless, the bill was eventually passed, mainly as

960-479: A result of public pressure. The Act granted seats in the House of Commons to large cities that had sprung up during the Industrial Revolution , and removed seats from the " rotten boroughs ": those with very small electorates and usually dominated by a wealthy patron. The Act also increased the electorate from about 400,000 to 650,000, making about one in five adult males eligible to vote. By defining

1056-786: A right rather than the property of the privileged but the First World War delayed further reforms. After the War, women were granted voting rights with cross-party unanimity in the Act of 1918 , the Fourth Reform Act, which enfranchised all men aged over 21 and women over 30. This last piece of gender discrimination was eliminated 10 years later by the Equal Franchise Act 1928 , the Fifth Reform Act, passed by

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1152-614: A right to an interest or share in the disposing of the affairs of the kingdom ... that hath not a permanent fixed interest in this kingdom." The views of the conservative "Grandees" eventually won out. Oliver Cromwell , who became the leader of England after the abolition of the monarchy in 1649, refused to adopt universal suffrage; individuals were required to own property (real or personal) worth at least £200 in order to vote. He did nonetheless agree to some electoral reform; he disfranchised several small boroughs, granted representation to large towns such as Manchester and Leeds , and increased

1248-434: A separate MP in every Parliament. Cromartyshire and Nairnshire were each united with a different neighbouring county, to form Ross and Cromarty , and Elginshire and Nairnshire . Edinburgh and Glasgow now had two MPs; Aberdeen , Dundee , Greenock , Paisley and Perth one each. The remaining burghs combined in districts to elect 18 MPs, much as before; but now individual votes were added up among burghs across

1344-614: A shorthand Parliamentary reporter. The novel Middlemarch , by Mary Ann Evans ( George Eliot ) is set in the 1830s and mentions the struggle over the Reform Bills, though not as a major topic. Eliot's Felix Holt, the Radical , set in 1832, is a novel explicitly about the Great Reform Act. The Chartists campaigned from 1838 for a wider reform. The movement petered out in the 1850s, but achieved most of its demands in

1440-422: A single member. Statutes passed in 1430 and 1432, during the reign of Henry VI , standardised property qualifications for county voters. Under these Acts, all owners of freehold property or land with an annual value of at least forty shillings in a particular county were entitled to vote in that county. This requirement, known as the forty shilling freehold , was never adjusted for inflation of land value; thus

1536-623: A torrent of corruption as no private hereditary fortune could resist". During the 1640s, England endured a civil war that pitted King Charles I and the Royalists against the Parliamentarians . In 1647, different factions of the victorious parliamentary army held a series of discussions, the Putney Debates , on reforming the structure of English government. The most radical elements proposed universal manhood suffrage and

1632-625: A voter as a male person, it also introduced the first explicit statutory bar to women voting . The full title is An Act to amend the representation of the people in England and Wales . Its formal short title and citation is Representation of the People Act 1832 ( 2 & 3 Will. 4 . c. 45). The Act applied only in England and Wales; the Irish Reform Act 1832 brought similar changes to Ireland. The separate Scottish Reform Act 1832

1728-413: A way fairer to the cities of the old industrial north, which had experienced tremendous growth. The Act also did away with most of the "rotten" and "pocket" boroughs such as Old Sarum , which with only seven voters, all controlled by the local squire, was still sending two members to Parliament. This act not only re-apportioned representation in Parliament, thus making that body more accurately represent

1824-510: Is often known as " The mother of parliaments ". In the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland , before 1832, fewer than one adult male in ten was eligible to vote in parliamentary elections. Moreover, the franchise varied a great deal between England (which included Wales), where it was wider, and Scotland and Ireland, where it was narrower. A few boroughs gave the vote to all male householders, but many parliamentary seats were under

1920-648: The Conservatives under the urging of the Liberals , while that of 1882 was introduced by the Liberals and passed in 1884. These latter two bills provided for a more democratic representation. Following the First World War , the Reform Act 1918 was enacted with cross-party unanimity. It enfranchised all men over the age of 21 and women over the age of 30. Ten years later, the Reform Act 1928 , passed by

2016-620: The Glorious Revolution . It was revived in the 1760s by the Whig Prime Minister William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham ("Pitt the Elder"), who called borough representation "the rotten part of our Constitution " (hence the term "rotten borough"). Nevertheless, he did not advocate an immediate disfranchisement of rotten boroughs. He instead proposed that a third member be added to each county, to countervail

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2112-579: The Liberal Democrats political party, have called for a new "Great Reform Act" to introduce electoral changes they favour. These would include lowering the minimum voting age to 16 and introducing proportional representation , which are also supported by the Green Party of England and Wales . Reform Act 1832 The Representation of the People Act 1832 (also known as the Reform Act 1832 , Great Reform Act or First Reform Act )

2208-642: The National Political Union . Perceiving this group as a threat, the government issued a proclamation pursuant to the Corresponding Societies Act 1799 declaring such an association "unconstitutional and illegal", and commanding all loyal subjects to shun it. The leaders of the National Political Union ignored this proclamation, but leaders of the influential Birmingham branch decided to co-operate with

2304-613: The Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829 . This legislation repealed various laws that imposed political disabilities on Roman Catholics, in particular laws that prevented them from becoming members of Parliament. In response, disenchanted ultra-Tories who perceived a danger to the established religion came to favour parliamentary reform, in particular the enfranchisement of Manchester, Leeds, and other heavily Nonconformist cities in northern England. The death of King George IV on 26 June 1830 dissolved Parliament by law, and

2400-600: The Scottish Reform Act and the Irish Reform Act . Scotland received eight additional seats, and Ireland received five; thus keeping the total number of seats in the House of Commons the same as it had been before the Act. While no constituencies were disfranchised in either of those countries, voter qualifications were standardised and the size of the electorate was increased in both. Between 1835 and 1841, local Conservative Associations began to educate citizens about

2496-524: The Seditious Meetings Act prohibited groups of more than 50 people from assembling to discuss any political subject without prior permission from the sheriff or magistrate. Since the House of Commons regularly rejected direct challenges to the system of representation by large majorities, supporters of reform had to content themselves with more modest measures. The Whig Lord John Russell brought forward one such measure in 1820, proposing

2592-660: The Society of the Friends of the People , included 28 MPs. In 1793, Grey presented to the House of Commons a petition from the Friends of the People, outlining abuses of the system and demanding change. He did not propose any specific scheme of reform, but merely a motion that the House inquire into possible improvements. Parliament's reaction to the French Revolution was so negative, that even this request for an inquiry

2688-605: The electoral system in the United Kingdom. Such legislation typically used " Representation of the People Act " as the short title , by which name the 1918, 1928 and other acts in the 20th century are better known. The title Representation of the People Act was adopted in other countries of, or formerly part of, the British Empire through the spread of the Westminster parliamentary system . The Parliament of

2784-525: The overseers of the poor in every parish and township. It instituted a system of special courts to review disputes relating to voter qualifications. It also authorised the use of multiple polling places within the same constituency, and limited the duration of polling to two days. (Formerly, polls could remain open for up to fifteen days. ) The Reform Act itself did not affect constituencies in Scotland or Ireland. However, there were also reforms there, under

2880-482: The "Radical" reforms supported by these organisations (for example, universal suffrage) found even less support in Parliament. For example, when Sir Francis Burdett , chairman of the London Hampden Club, proposed a resolution in favour of universal suffrage, equally sized electoral districts, and voting by secret ballot to the House of Commons, his motion found only one other supporter ( Lord Cochrane ) in

2976-449: The "celebrated article on Government", James Mill had stated: ... all those individuals whose interests are indisputably included in those of other individuals may be struck off without any inconvenience ... In this light also women may be regarded, the interests of almost all of whom are involved in that of their fathers or in that of their husbands. The passing of the Act seven years later enfranchising "male persons" was, however,

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3072-406: The 8th and 16th centuries. They were not merely parliamentary constituencies: many components of government (as well as courts and the militia ) were organised along county lines. The members of Parliament chosen by the counties were known as knights of the shire . In Wales, each county elected one member, while in England, each county elected two members until 1826 when Yorkshire's representation

3168-459: The Act abolished 143 borough seats in England (one of the boroughs to be completely abolished, Higham Ferrers , returned only a single MP). In their place the Act created 130 new seats in England and Wales: Thus 65 new county seats and 65 new borough seats were created in England and Wales. The total number of English members fell by 17 and the number in Wales increased by four. The boundaries of

3264-491: The Act, the number of Scottish MPs increased from 45 to 53 and the franchise increased by an even greater proportion, growing from under 5,000 of the 2,300,000 population to 65,000 voters (now covering householders of £10 value in the burghs and property owners of £10 or tenants of £50 rental in the country seats). However the ballot was not secret and landowners could manipulate the property qualification by distributing nominal £10 parcels to multiple nominees who would follow

3360-400: The Act. The new constituencies saw party conflicts within the middle class, and between the middle class and working class. A study of elections in the medium-sized borough of Halifax, 1832–1852, concluded that the party organisations, and the voters themselves, depended heavily on local social relationships and local institutions. Having the vote encouraged many men to become much more active in

3456-532: The Conservatives, resulted in universal suffrage with a voting age of 21. In 1969, the United Kingdom became the first major democratic country to lower its age of franchise to 18 in the Reform Act 1969 passed by the Labour government. Internationally, the Parliament of the United Kingdom and its Westminster system played a "vanguard role" with worldwide influence on the spread of democracy, thus it

3552-554: The Conservatives. The voting age was lowered in 1969 by the Labour government in the Sixth Reform Act , making Britain the first major democratic nation to extend voting rights to all adults aged 18 or over. The periodic redrawing of constituency boundaries is now dealt with by a permanent Boundary Commission in each part of the United Kingdom, rather than a Reform Act. Some people in Britain, mostly associated with

3648-435: The Duke of Rutland, Lord Lonsdale, the Duke of Newcastle, and about twenty other holders of boroughs. They are our masters!" T. H. B. Oldfield claimed in his Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland that, out of the 514 members representing England and Wales, about 370 were selected by nearly 180 patrons. A member who represented a pocket borough was expected to vote as his patron ordered, or else lose his seat at

3744-476: The House of Lords with pro-reform votes. But the prerogative of creating peerages rested with the king, who recoiled from so drastic a step and rejected the unanimous advice of his cabinet. Lord Grey then resigned, and the king invited the Duke of Wellington to form a new government. The ensuing period became known as the " Days of May ", with so great a level of political agitation that some feared revolution. Some protesters advocated non-payment of taxes, and urged

3840-572: The Lords rejected the Reform Bill, public violence ensued. That very evening, riots broke out in Derby , where a mob attacked the city jail and freed several prisoners. In Nottingham , rioters set fire to Nottingham Castle (the home of the Duke of Newcastle) and attacked Wollaton Hall (the estate of Lord Middleton). The most significant disturbances occurred at Bristol , where rioters controlled

3936-567: The Reform Act. After Newark was enfranchised in 1661, no additional boroughs were enfranchised, and, with the sole exception of Grampound's 1821 disenfranchisement, the system remained unchanged until the Reform Act of 1832. Most English boroughs elected two MPs; but five boroughs elected only one MP: Abingdon , Banbury , Bewdley , Higham Ferrers and Monmouth . The City of London and the joint borough of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis each elected four members. The Welsh boroughs each returned

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4032-413: The Reform Bill was difficult. During the committee stage, Isaac Gascoyne put forward a motion objecting to provisions of the bill that reduced the total number of seats in the House of Commons. This motion was carried, against the government's wishes, by 8 votes. Thereafter, the ministry lost a vote on a procedural motion by 22 votes. As these divisions indicated that Parliament was against the Reform Bill,

4128-500: The Second Reform Act also created major shock waves in contemporary British culture. In works such as Matthew Arnold 's Culture and Anarchy and John Ruskin 's The Crown of Wild Olive , contemporary authors debated whether the shift of power would create democracy that would, in turn, destroy high culture. A further Reform Bill was introduced in 1882 by the Liberals. It was passed by the Conservatives in 1884 becoming

4224-492: The Third Reform Act. It was the first electoral reform act to apply to the United Kingdom as a whole. Only with this Act did a majority of adult males gain the right to vote in parliamentary elections. Along with the 1885 Redistribution Act, this tripled the electorate again, giving the vote to most agricultural laborers. By the end of the 19th century and in they early 20th century, voting was coming to be regarded as

4320-436: The United Kingdom played a "vanguard role" with worldwide influence on the spread of democracy, thus it is often known as " the mother of parliaments ". The 1832 Reform Act for England and Wales was the most controversial of the electoral reform acts passed by the Parliament. Similar Acts were passed the same year for Scotland , and Ireland. They were put through Parliament by the Whigs . The Acts reapportioned Parliament in

4416-589: The Whigs' decisive victory in the 1831 election, some speculated that opponents would abstain, rather than openly defy the public will. Indeed, when the Lords voted on the second reading of the bill after a memorable series of debates, many Tory peers did refrain from voting. However, the Lords Spiritual mustered in unusually large numbers, and of 22 present, 21 voted against the Bill. It failed by 41 votes. When

4512-529: The amount of land one had to own in order to vote gradually diminished over time. The franchise was restricted to men by custom rather than statute; on rare occasions women had been able to vote in parliamentary elections as a result of property ownership. Nevertheless, the vast majority of people were not entitled to vote; the size of the English county electorate in 1831 has been estimated at only 200,000 and 400,000 enfranchised Englishmen overall. Furthermore,

4608-405: The bill standardised and expanded the borough franchise, increasing the size of the electorate (according to one estimate) by half a million voters. On 22 March, the vote on the second reading attracted a record 608 members, including the non-voting Speaker (the previous record was 530 members). Despite the high attendance, the second reading was approved by only one vote, and further progress on

4704-489: The borough influence. The Whigs failed to unite behind the expansion of county representation; some objected to the idea because they felt that it would give too much power to the aristocracy and gentry in rural areas. Ultimately, despite Chatham's exertions, Parliament took no action on his proposals. The cause of parliamentary reform was next taken up by Lord Chatham's son, William Pitt the Younger (variously described as

4800-718: The borough to the highest bidder. Especially notorious for their corruption were the " nabobs ", or individuals who had amassed fortunes in the British colonies in Asia and the West Indies . The nabobs, in some cases, even managed to wrest control of boroughs from the nobility and the gentry. Lord Chatham , Prime Minister of Great Britain during the 1760s, casting an eye on the fortunes made in India commented that "the importers of foreign gold have forced their way into Parliament, by such

4896-471: The citizens of the country, but also gave the power of voting to those lower in the social and economic scale, for the act extended the right to vote (in the boroughs) to any long-term holders of tenements of at least £10 annual value, adding 217,000 voters to an electorate of 435,000. Annual value here refers to the income that the land could be expected to earn if let, in a year. As many as one man in five, though by some estimates still only one in seven, now had

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4992-519: The city for three days . The mob broke into prisons and destroyed several buildings, including the palace of the Bishop of Bristol , the mansion of the Lord Mayor of Bristol , and several private homes. Other places that saw violence included Dorset , Leicestershire, and Somerset . Meanwhile, the political unions, which had hitherto been separate groups united only by a common goal, decided to form

5088-522: The constituency—in the past the MP had been elected at a meeting of representatives from each burgh. Boundary changes meant that a burgh for parliamentary elections might not have the same boundaries as the burgh for other purposes. The effect of the Reform Act was considerable. Before 1832 the Scottish Parliamentary electorate had been about 5,000 adult males. Following the passing of

5184-581: The control of a small group or sometimes a single rich aristocrat. Reforms had been proposed in the 18th century, both by radicals such as John Wilkes and by more conservative politicians such as William Pitt the Younger . However, there was strong opposition to reform, especially after the outbreak of the French Revolution (1789–1799). The cause was continued after 1792 by the London Corresponding Society . Eventually,

5280-408: The county in which Leeds is situated. In this form, the bill passed both houses and became law. In 1828, Lord John Russell suggested that Parliament repeat the idea by abolishing the corrupt boroughs of Penryn and East Retford , and by transferring their seats to Manchester and Birmingham. This time, however, the House of Lords rejected his proposals. In 1830, Russell proposed another, similar scheme:

5376-477: The disfranchisement of the notoriously corrupt borough of Grampound in Cornwall. He suggested that the borough's two seats be transferred to the city of Leeds. Tories in the House of Lords agreed to the disfranchisement of the borough, but refused to accept the precedent of directly transferring its seats to an industrial city. Instead, they modified the proposal so that two further seats were given to Yorkshire ,

5472-483: The enfranchisement of Leeds, Manchester, and Birmingham, and the disfranchisement of the next three boroughs found guilty of corruption; again, the proposal was rejected. Support for reform came from an unexpected source—a reactionary faction of the Tory Party—in 1829. The Tory government under Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington , responding to the danger of civil strife in largely Roman Catholic Ireland, drew up

5568-655: The entire House. Despite such setbacks, popular pressure for reform remained strong. In 1819, a large pro-reform rally was held in Birmingham. Although the city was not entitled to any seats in the Commons, those gathered decided to elect Sir Charles Wolseley as Birmingham's "legislatorial representative". Following their example, reformers in Manchester held a similar meeting to elect a "legislatorial attorney". Between 20,000 and 60,000 (by different estimates) attended

5664-620: The event, many of them bearing signs such as "Equal Representation or Death". The protesters were ordered to disband; when they did not, the Manchester Yeomanry suppressed the meeting by force. Eighteen people were killed and several hundred injured in what later became known as the Peterloo Massacre . In response, the government passed the Six Acts , measures designed to quell further political agitation. In particular,

5760-543: The franchise to 7 per cent of the population. Tradesmen, such as shoemakers, believed that the Reform Act had given them the vote. One example is the shoemakers of Duns, Scottish Borders , Berwickshire . They created a banner celebrating the Reform Act which declared, "The battle's won. Britannia's sons are free." This banner is on display at People's History Museum in Manchester . Many major commercial and industrial cities became separate parliamentary boroughs under

5856-425: The government by discouraging activities on a national level. After the Reform Bill was rejected in the Lords, the House of Commons immediately passed a motion of confidence affirming their support for Lord Grey's administration. Because parliamentary rules prohibited the introduction of the same bill twice during the same session, the ministry advised the new king, William IV , to prorogue Parliament. As soon as

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5952-404: The government) until the House of Lords should acquiesce. Some demonstrations called for the abolition of the nobility, and some even of the monarchy. In these circumstances, the Duke of Wellington had great difficulty in building support for his premiership, despite promising moderate reform. He was unable to form a government, leaving King William with no choice but to recall Lord Grey. Eventually

6048-459: The king consented to fill the House of Lords with Whigs; however, without the knowledge of his cabinet, Wellington circulated a letter among Tory peers, encouraging them to desist from further opposition, and warning them of the consequences of continuing. At this, enough opposing peers relented. By abstaining from further votes, they allowed the legislation to pass in the House of Lords, and the Crown

6144-423: The longer run. Legislative bills were introduced by the Conservatives under the urging of the Liberals . The 1867/8 Acts for England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland extended the right to vote still further down the class ladder. In England and Wales, the reforms added just short of a million voters, including many workingmen, which doubled the electorate to almost two million. Like the Great Reform Act before it,

6240-492: The method in which the Scottish counties elected members of Parliament. As a general rule the counties each continued to elect one member. However, before the Act six small counties elected an MP only in alternate Parliaments. This arrangement was ended, but a different solution was adopted for each pair of counties. Clackmannanshire and Kinross-shire became a single constituency . Buteshire and Caithness-shire were given

6336-453: The ministry decided to request a dissolution and take its appeal to the people. The political and popular pressure for reform had grown so great that pro-reform Whigs won an overwhelming House of Commons majority in the general election of 1831 . The Whig party won almost all constituencies with genuine electorates, leaving the Tories with little more than the rotten boroughs. The Reform Bill

6432-552: The new divisions and parliamentary boroughs were defined in a separate Act, the Parliamentary Boundaries Act 1832 . In county constituencies, franchise rights were extended to copyholders and long-term (at least sixty years) leaseholders of land with at least £10 annual value, medium-term (between twenty and sixty years) leaseholders of land with at least £10 annual value, and to tenants-at-will paying an annual rent of at least £50 . Annual value refers to

6528-576: The new session began in December 1831, the Third Reform Bill was brought forward. The bill was in a few respects different from its predecessors; it no longer proposed a reduction in the total membership of the House of Commons, and it reflected data collected during the census that had just been completed. The new version passed in the House of Commons by even larger majorities in March 1832; it

6624-487: The next election. Voters in some constituencies resisted outright domination by powerful landlords, but were often open to corruption. Electors were bribed individually in some boroughs, and collectively in others. In 1771, for example, it was revealed that 81 voters in New Shoreham (who constituted a majority of the electorate) formed a corrupt organisation that called itself the "Christian Club", and regularly sold

6720-550: The number of members elected by populous counties. These reforms were all reversed, however, after Cromwell's death and the last parliament to be elected in the Commonwealth period in 1659 reverted to the electoral system as it had existed under Charles I. Following Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 the issue of parliamentary reform lay dormant; James II 's attempt to remodel municipal corporations to gain control of their borough seats created an antipathy to any change after

6816-610: The parliamentary franchise was expanded and made more uniform through a series of Reform Acts beginning with the Great Reform Act in 1832. These acts extended voting rights to previously disenfranchised citizens . Sources refer to up to six "Reform Acts", although the earlier three in 1832, 1867/68 and 1884, are better known by this name. Some other acts related to electoral matters also became known as Reform Acts. The following Acts of Parliament are known as Reform Acts: There are many other electoral reform Acts that changed

6912-415: The party's platform and encouraged them to register to vote annually, as required by the Act. Coverage of national politics in the local press was joined by in-depth reports on provincial politics in the national press. Grassroots Conservatives therefore saw themselves as part of a national political movement during the 1830s. The size of the pre-Reform electorate is difficult to estimate. Voter registration

7008-584: The pockets of their patrons. Most patrons were noblemen or landed gentry who could use their local influence, prestige, and wealth to sway the voters. This was particularly true in rural counties, and in small boroughs situated near a large landed estate. Some noblemen even controlled multiple constituencies: for example, the Duke of Norfolk controlled eleven, while the Earl of Lonsdale controlled nine. Writing in 1821, Sydney Smith proclaimed that "The country belongs to

7104-406: The political, economic and social sphere. Scottish Reform Act 1832 The Scottish Reform Act 1832 was an Act of Parliament that introduced wide-ranging changes to the election laws of Scotland . The act was passed at approximately the same time as the Reform Act 1832 , which applied to England and Wales . The chief architects of the Act were Francis Jeffrey and Henry Cockburn . It

7200-593: The present moment he had imposed upon him the duty of forming a legislature for any country [...] he did not mean to assert that he could form such a legislature as they possessed now, for the nature of man was incapable of reaching such excellence at once. [...] [A]s long as he held any station in the government of the country, he should always feel it his duty to resist [reform] measures, when proposed by others. The Prime Minister's absolutist views proved extremely unpopular, even within his own party. Less than two weeks after Wellington made these remarks, on 15 November 1830 he

7296-474: The rent at which the land might reasonably be expected to be let from year to year. (The franchise rights of 40 shilling freeholders were retained.) The property qualifications of borough franchise were standardised to male occupants of property who paid a yearly rental of £10 or more. The property could be a house, warehouse, counting-house, shop, or other building as long as it was occupied, and occupied for at least 12 months. Existing borough electors retained

7392-421: The reorganisation of parliamentary constituencies. Their leader Thomas Rainsborough declared, "I think it's clear, that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government." More conservative members disagreed, arguing instead that only individuals who owned land in the country should be allowed to vote. For example, Henry Ireton stated, "no man hath

7488-603: The right to vote. The agitation preceding and following the First Reform Act made many people consider fundamental issues of society and politics. The bill allowed the middle classes to share power with the upper classes; for many conservatives , this was revolutionary. Some historians argue that this transfer of power achieved in Britain and Ireland what the French Revolution of 1848 eventually achieved in France. Charles Dickens observed these events at first hand as

7584-438: The sizes of the individual county constituencies varied significantly. The smallest counties, Rutland and Anglesey , had fewer than 1,000 voters each, while the largest county, Yorkshire , had more than 20,000. Those who owned property in multiple constituencies could vote multiple times . Not only was this typically legal (since there was usually no need for a property owner to live in a constituency in order to vote there) it

7680-505: The time of their original enfranchisement, but later went into decline, and by the early 19th century some only had a few electors, but still elected two MPs ; they were often known as rotten boroughs . Of the 70 English boroughs that Tudor monarchs enfranchised, 31 were later disenfranchised . Finally, the parliamentarians of the 17th century compounded the inconsistencies by re-enfranchising 15 boroughs whose representation had lapsed for centuries, seven of which were later disenfranchised by

7776-811: The women's vote appears to have been first made by Jeremy Bentham in 1817 when he published his Plan of Parliamentary Reform in the form of a Catechism , and was taken up by William Thompson in 1825, when he published, with Anna Wheeler , An Appeal of One Half the Human Race, Women, Against the Pretensions of the Other Half, Men, to Retain Them in Political, and Thence in Civil and Domestic Slavery: In Reply to Mr. Mill's Celebrated Article on Government . In

7872-485: Was a pledge to carry out parliamentary reform. On 1 March 1831, Lord John Russell brought forward the Reform Bill in the House of Commons on the government's behalf. The bill disfranchised 60 of the smallest boroughs, and reduced the representation of 47 others. Some seats were completely abolished, while others were redistributed to the London suburbs, to large cities, to the counties, and to Scotland and Ireland. Furthermore,

7968-522: Was again brought before the House of Commons, which agreed to the second reading by a large majority in July. During the committee stage, opponents of the bill slowed its progress through tedious discussions of its details, but it was finally passed in September 1831, by a margin of more than 100 votes. The Bill was then sent up to the House of Lords, a majority in which was known to be hostile to it. After

8064-403: Was also feasible, even with the technology of the time, since polling was usually held over several days. In boroughs the franchise was far more varied. There were broadly six types of parliamentary boroughs, as defined by their franchise: Some boroughs had a combination of these varying types of franchise, and most had special rules and exceptions, so many boroughs had a form of franchise that

8160-447: Was an Act of Parliament of the United Kingdom (indexed as 2 & 3 Will. 4 . c. 45) that introduced major changes to the electoral system of England and Wales . It reapportioned constituencies to address the unequal distribution of seats and expanded franchise by broadening and standardising the property qualifications to vote. Before the reform, most members of Parliament nominally represented boroughs . The number of electors in

8256-678: Was averse to the idea, as were many members of Pitt's own cabinet. In 1786, the Prime Minister proposed a reform bill, but the House of Commons rejected it on a 174–248 vote. Pitt did not raise the issue again for the remainder of his term. Support for parliamentary reform plummeted after the French Revolution in 1789. Many English politicians became steadfastly opposed to any major political change. Despite this reaction, several Radical Movement groups were established to agitate for reform. A group of Whigs led by James Maitland, 8th Earl of Lauderdale , and Charles Grey founded an organisation advocating parliamentary reform in 1792. This group, known as

8352-519: Was forced to resign after he was defeated in a motion of no confidence . Sydney Smith wrote, "Never was any administration so completely and so suddenly destroyed; and, I believe, entirely by the Duke's declaration, made, I suspect, in perfect ignorance of the state of public feeling and opinion." Wellington was replaced by the Whig reformer Charles Grey , who had by this time inherited the title of Earl Grey. Lord Grey's first announcement as Prime Minister

8448-420: Was fully convinced that the country possessed, at the present moment, a legislature which answered all the good purposes of legislation,—and this to a greater degree than any legislature ever had answered, in any country whatever. He would go further, and say that the legislature and system of representation possessed the full and entire confidence of the country. [...] He would go still further, and say, that if at

8544-561: Was increased to four, following the disenfranchisement of the Cornish borough of Grampound . Parliamentary boroughs in England ranged in size from small hamlets to large cities, partly because they had evolved haphazardly. The earliest boroughs were chosen in the Middle Ages by county sheriffs, and even a village might be deemed a borough. Many of these early boroughs (such as Winchelsea and Dunwich ) were substantial settlements at

8640-405: Was lacking, and many boroughs were rarely contested in elections. It is estimated that immediately before the 1832 Reform Act, 400,000 English subjects (people who lived in the country) were entitled to vote, and that after passage, the number rose to 650,000, an increase of more than 60%. Rodney Mace estimates that before, 1 per cent of the population could vote and that the Reform Act only extended

8736-435: Was once again sent up to the House of Lords. Realizing that another rejection would not be politically feasible, opponents of reform decided to use amendments to change the bill's essential character; for example, they voted to delay consideration of clauses in the bill that disfranchised the rotten boroughs. The ministers believed that they were left with only one alternative: to create a large number of new peerages, swamping

8832-542: Was rejected by a margin of almost 200 votes. Grey tried to raise the subject again in 1797, but the House again rebuffed him by a majority of over 150. Other notable pro-reform organisations included the Hampden Clubs (named after John Hampden , an English politician who opposed the Crown during the English Civil War) and the London Corresponding Society (which consisted of workers and artisans). But

8928-568: Was revolutionary, enlarging the electorate by a factor of 13 from 5,000 to 65,000. After the Acts of Union 1800 became law on 1 January 1801, the unreformed House of Commons comprised 658 members, of whom 513 represented England and Wales. There were two types of constituency: counties and boroughs. County members were supposed to represent landholders, while borough members were supposed to represent mercantile and trading interests. Counties were historical national subdivisions established between

9024-465: Was subsequently given the official short title of the Representation of the People (Scotland) Act 1832 . Prior to the Act, Scotland's electorate was only 0.2% of the population compared to 4% in England. The Scottish electorate overnight soared from 5,000 to 65,000, or 13% of the adult men, and was no longer a private preserve for a few very rich families. The Act did not substantially change

9120-526: Was thus not forced to create new peers. The bill finally received royal assent on 7 June 1832, thereby becoming law. The Reform Act's chief objective was the reduction of the number of nomination boroughs. There were 203 boroughs in England before the Act. The 56 smallest of these, as measured by their housing stock and tax assessments, were completely abolished. The next 30 smallest boroughs each lost one of their two MPs. In addition Weymouth and Melcombe Regis 's four members were reduced to two. Thus in total

9216-462: Was unique to themselves. The largest borough, Westminster , had about 12,000 voters, while many of the smallest, usually known as "rotten boroughs", had fewer than 100 each. The most famous rotten borough was Old Sarum , which had 13 burgage plots that could be used to "manufacture" electors if necessary—usually around half a dozen was thought sufficient. Other examples were Dunwich (32 voters), Camelford (25), and Gatton (7). The claim for

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