High Court
85-584: Wen Wei Po is a pro-Beijing state-owned newspaper based in Hong Kong. The newspaper was established in Hong Kong on 9 September 1948, 10 years after the launch of its Shanghai counterpart in 1938. Its head office is located at the Hing Wai Centre ( Chinese : 興偉中心 ) in Aberdeen, Hong Kong . The paper is owned by Ta Kung Wen Wei Media Group, which is controlled by the liaison office of
170-402: A Legislative Council seat in any geographical constituency or one of the newly created five-seat district council 'superconstituency' vacated by the resignation or death of a legislator would be filled by a 'leapfrog' mechanism by the next best placed candidate at the previous election. The plan attracted criticism from Pan-Democrats; even its allies in the legislature expressed reservations about
255-704: A broader background. The former Secretary for Security Regina Ip , who was in charge of introducing the Basic Law Article 23 stood in the Hong Kong Island by-election in 2007 against the former Chief Secretary Anson Chan supported by the pro-democrats. Despite her defeat, she was able to be elected in the 2008 Legislative Council election , and formed the middle class and professional oriented New People's Party in 2011. Some pro-Beijing legal professionals who ran as independents, such as Priscilla Leung , Paul Tse and Junius Ho were elected to
340-402: A different place and different circumstances", which had included soldiers shooting many on the stretches of Changan Jie, about a mile west of the square, and in scattered confrontations throughout the city, where some soldiers were beaten or burned to death by angry workers. Lee Tze Chung , the president of the newspaper since 1951, was dismissed, and editor-in-chief Kam Yiu-yu went into exile in
425-592: A long rivalry with the pro-Kuomintang bloc . After the Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in 1984, affirming Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong from 1997, the traditional leftists realigned itself and unofficially formed a loose " United Front " with the conservative pro-business elites to counter the emergence of the pro-democracy camp in the 1990s and ensure a smooth transition of the Hong Kong sovereignty in Beijing's interest. Since
510-626: A number of powerful triad related individuals were called into action. Hong Kong legislative elections District Court Magistrates' Court Special courts and tribunals: Chief Executive Elections Legislative elections District council elections Consular missions in Hong Kong Hong Kong–China relations Hong Kong–Taiwan relations Legislative elections are held in Hong Kong every four years Legislative Council (LegCo) in accordance with Article 69 of
595-426: A reconciliation of the two camps. In late 2012, some pro-Leung advocacy groups with the allegations of Beijing's financial supports began to emerge such as Voice of Loving Hong Kong , Caring Hong Kong Power and Hong Kong Youth Care Association, which launched counter-protests against the pan-democrats. The Leung Chun-ying administration with its hardline stance on the growing movement for Hong Kong independence after
680-533: A spontaneous reaction to the excesses of the pan-democracy camp, as Hong Kong's silent majority who wish for a prosperous, harmonious society and who reject the "social violence" of the pan-democrats. Describing themselves as apolitical and independent of outside powers, these groups use various tactics to counter the pan-democrats, including counter rallies and marches in opposition to pan-democrat ones, counter petitions, and making accusations of campaign fund fraud and irregularities against pan-democrat politicians to
765-493: A week after the events. However, no evidence has ever confirmed the account or the existence of the supposed witness. According to Jay Mathews writing in the Columbia Journalism Review , the story was not factual—all verified eyewitness accounts say that all students remaining in the square were allowed to leave peacefully—and that instead hundreds of workers and Beijing residents did die that night but "in
850-654: Is a political alignment in Hong Kong which generally supports the policies of the Beijing central government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) towards Hong Kong. The term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use to label the broader segment of the Hong Kong political arena which has the closer relationship with the establishment , namely the governments of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and
935-786: Is reviewed and confirmed by the Candidate Eligibility Review Committee of the HKSAR according to opinions issued by the Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region : 20 seats of the Legislative Council are returned by geographical constituencies (GC) through single non-transferable vote with a district magnitude of 2 ("binomial system"). The binomial system
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#17327753505381020-528: The 2019–20 Hong Kong protests , Safeguard Hong Kong Alliance and Politihk Social Strategic have organised protests either in support of the government's extradition bill or the Hong Kong Police. During the 2012 Chief Executive election campaign , Leung's campaign officers were seen attending a dinner in Lau Fau Shan with Kwok Wing-hung, nicknamed “Shanghai Boy”, an alleged former leader of
1105-541: The Basic Law . Legislative elections are held either at the expiry of a four-year term or when the Chief Executive dissolves the legislature and calls a new election. Elections for the geographical constituencies were hotly contested. Across constituencies, LegCo elections have been mocked as a weak attempt at democracy and lacks the power to make laws and be the voice of the people of Hong Kong. Even prior to
1190-578: The Basic Law . The total number of Legislative Council members is increased from 60 to 70. Alongside the creation of five new geographical constituency seats, five new functional constituency seats were created in the District Council (Second) FC . The 5 new FC seats were returned by direct elections through proportional representation using the largest remainder method with Hare quota . The 2010 electoral reform provides for parallel voting , in which each registered voter can participating in
1275-533: The Chief Executive and Legislative Council , in contrast to the more progressive proposal of the pro-democracy activists . Several new political parties, including the New Hong Kong Alliance (NHKA) founded in 1989 by Lo Tak-shing from the conservative wing and the Business and Professionals Federation of Hong Kong (BPF) founded in 1990 by Vincent Lo from the mainstream wing, evolved from
1360-778: The Chief Executive election in 2012 , with the Chief Secretary Henry Tang and the Convenor of the Executive Council, Leung Chun-ying using scandals, dirty tactics and smears on each other. With fierce competition deeply dividing the pro-Beijing camp into the Tang camp and the Leung camp, Leung eventually won the election with the support of the Liaison Office. After the election, Beijing called for
1445-702: The Chinese General Chamber of Commerce and the Hong Kong Chinese Reform Association became the three pillars of the local pro-CCP organs, following the orders of the New China News Agency , the de facto Communist China's representative in Hong Kong. Their rivals were the pro-Nationalist faction , who pledged allegiance to the Nationalist government on Taiwan. The FTU took a leading role in
1530-621: The District Boards election , Urban and Regional Council election and Legislative Council election in 1991. To counter the pro-democracy influence in the legislature, the British-appointed unofficial members of the Legislative Council launched the Co-operative Resources Centre (CRC) in 1991 which transformed into the pro-business conservative Liberal Party in 1993, becoming the arch rival of
1615-565: The Election Committee which also elected the Chief Executive every five years. The size of the constituency reduced to six seats in 2000 and was entirely abolished and replaced by the directly elected geographical constituency seats in the 2004 election . The plurality-at-large voting system was used in 1998 and 2000. In the 2021 electoral overhaul, the Election Committee constituency was reintroduced, taking 40 of
1700-624: The Election Committee Constituency was re-established for returning 40 members. Under the 2021 Hong Kong electoral changes initiated by the National People's Congress , the Legislative Council is now composed of 90 members returned from 3 constituencies. Each candidate running for Legislative elections is to be nominated by 10-20 members of the Election Committee , before their eligibility
1785-604: The Hong Kong 1967 Leftist Riots , which, inspired by the Cultural Revolution in the Mainland, aimed at overthrowing the British colonial rule in Hong Kong. The leftists lost their prestige after the riots for a period of time as the general public was against the violence attributed to the leftists, although the presence of the pro-Beijing Maoist elements remained strong in the universities and colleges throughout
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#17327753505381870-827: The Hong Kong Basic Law Consultative Committee (BLCC) and the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee (BLDC) as the means of forming a united front . To ensure the post-1997 political system would be dominated by business and professional interests, the Business and Professional Group of the Basic Law Consultative Committee was formed in April 1986 to propose a conservative, less democratic proposal of Group of 89 for electing
1955-546: The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Pro-Beijing politicians are labeled "patriots" by pro-Beijing media and "loyalists" by the rival pro-democracy camp . The pro-Beijing camp evolved from Hong Kong's pro-CCP faction, often called "leftists", which acted under the direction of the CCP. It launched the 1967 Hong Kong riots against British colonial rule in Hong Kong and had
2040-552: The Independent Commission Against Corruption . They also make use of mass heckling at pan-democracy forums to silence debate. Outside commentators suspect that these groups are orchestrated by China's Liaison Office in Hong Kong pointing to a use of language that parrots Beijing's and an antipathy to Falun Gong which mirrors Beijing's own political line. Whether directly or not these organisations have received support from Beijing through
2125-477: The Legislative Council from 1988 to the 1991 elections . 18 members were returned from geographical constituencies by popular vote, out of a total of 60 LegCo members. As Chris Patten succeeded David Wilson as the last Governor of Hong Kong , extensive electoral reform proposals were announced in Patten's inaugural Policy Address. The minimum voting age was lowered from 21 to 18, and all appointed seats on
2210-697: The People's Liberation Army for their crackdown of protesters in Tiananmen Square . The paper reported what it claimed was a firsthand account from a 20-year-old Qinghua University student, whose identity was kept confidential. This account alleged that soldiers first set up over ten machine guns in front of the Heroes Monument and mass fired into the crowd of students inside Tiananmen square, and mowing them down. The New York Times gave this supposed eyewitness account prominent display on June 12,
2295-662: The Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed which the United Kingdom and the People's Republic of China governments agreed on handing over Hong Kong from British to Chinese rule in 1997, the Green Paper: the Further Development of Representative Government in Hong Kong was published in July 1984. The Green Paper cemented first large-scale constitutional reform in developing a representative government during
2380-690: The United Front Work Department , with employees of Chinese companies based in Hong Kong, being asked to sign petitions and attend rallies, and members of hometown societies being paid to do the same. During the 2014 Hong Kong protests , on mid-October 2014, the "love Hong Kong faction" took to wearing a blue ribbon as a counter to the protesters yellow one. It is alleged that it is the "love Hong Kong faction" that has organised counter protests and who attempted to charge through pan-democracy protesters in Causeway Bay. During
2465-659: The United States . Following the dismissals, Wen Wei Po received financial support from the Chinese government to repair the image of China following the military crackdown in Beijing. Wen Wei Po has been described as pro-China and leftist. According to The Challenge of Hong Kong's Reintegration With China , a book written by Ming K. Chan, Wen Wei Po is a "mouthpiece" of the Chinese government. Despite their low credibility and dismal circulation in Hong Kong, these mouthpieces are well-financed by advertising revenues from
2550-440: The handover in 1997, the pro-Beijing camp has become the major supporting force of the Hong Kong government and maintained control of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (LegCo), having the advantage of indirectly elected functional constituencies . Going into the 2010s, the pro-Beijing camp underwent a period of diversification in which different parties emerged and targeted different voters which resulted in steady increases of
2635-688: The largest remainder method with Hare quota was adopted by the SAR government in replacement of the first-past-the-post system introduced in 1995. The system designed to reward the weaker pro-Beijing candidates and dilute the electoral strength of the majority democrats. For functional constituencies, corporate voting was restored after it was abolished in 1995. It reduced the number of eligible voters by almost 90 percent, from over 1.1 million in 1995 to fewer than 140,000 in 1998. The elected Urban Council and Regional Council were also abolished by Tung Chee-hwa's government . The first legislative election in
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2720-423: The "pro-government camp". In the 1990s when the traditional leftists and business elites unofficially formed the loose " United Front " towards the handover in 1997, "pro-Beijing camp" has become a broader term for the whole segment. The term "pro-government camp" has also been used to describe the same segment which support the SAR government. During the unpopular administration of Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa ,
2805-434: The 1970s, in which many of the pro-CCP university and college graduates became the backbones of the pro-Beijing camp today. After the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984, the pro-CCP organisations became active again, of which many of them were appointed to various positions relating to the transition of the sovereignty of Hong Kong. The Beijing government also appointed many Hong Kong tycoons and professionals to sit on
2890-419: The 2014 Umbrella Revolution was strongly criticised by the pro-democrats and some pro-Beijing moderates. James Tien, a keen supporter of Henry Tang in 2012 became a leading critic of Leung. He was stripped from his Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) office during the 2014 protests after he asked Leung to step down. In the 2015 District Council and 2016 Legislative Council elections,
2975-471: The Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) who hosted the town hall meeting invited a group of triad-related individuals to a dinner party and called in supporters to support Leung prior to the meeting. Tang Sui-man, also known as "Four Eyes Man", representative of the villagers from Wang Toi Shan Ho Lik Pui Tsuen, Tsang Shu-wo, also known as "Tall Man Wo", chairman of Ping Shan Heung Rural Committee and
3060-554: The British rule. The Green Paper suggested the introduction of indirect election in two stages in 1985 and 1988 to the unofficial members of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (LegCo) by an electoral college consisting of Members of the Urban Council of Hong Kong , the new Regional Council to be established in 1986, and District Boards and functional groups or functional constituencies . The first Legislative Council elections , electing 24 unofficial members of LegCo,
3145-529: The Chinese government in Hong Kong. Wen Wei Po is subsidised by and advocates for the Chinese government. Wen Wei Po accounts for less than 1 percent of Hong Kong's readership, and is mainly read by an audience in mainland China and older Hong Kong readers. In a 2019 public opinion survey conducted by the Chinese University of Hong Kong , Wen Wei Po was rated by respondents as the second least credible paid newspaper in Hong Kong. Wen Wei Po
3230-695: The Communist East River guerillas were active in the Pearl River Delta . The Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions (FTU), an umbrella trade union for the local left-wing unions, was founded in April 1948. After the Communist victory in the Chinese Civil War , the local communists ( 土共 ) remained in their semi-underground status. In the early post-war days, the Hong Kong and Kowloon Federation of Trade Unions,
3315-532: The DAB obtained one-quarter of the vote and received only two out of 20 directly elected seats in the 1995 elections - the final before Hong Kong reverted to Chinese rule. The artificial majority of the democratic camp received harsh criticism from the pro-Beijing camp and the Chinese government. The same two options from the last session were brought back to the agenda; and when Chief Executive Tung Chee-Hwa came to power, he selected proportional representation over SNTV as
3400-554: The DAB on Article 23 and their blind support for the Tung Chee-hwa's administration were strongly criticised and led to their losses in the District Council election . In 2005, veteran civil servant Donald Tsang succeeded the unpopular Tung Chee-hwa stepped down as Chief Executive in Beijing's direction. The pro-government camp supported the Tsang government, even though some traditional leftists questioned Tsang's background in
3485-617: The Decision allowed appropriate amendments to the methods for selection and formation of the Chief Executive and the Legco to be made as long as they conform to the principle of gradual and orderly progress. Afterwards, the government continued to consult the public on the issues of political reform by a special commission led by the Chief Secretary for Administration . Eventually, the government tabled its motions (see whole text) on
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3570-503: The HKSAR was held in 1998, with 20 members returned by geographical constituencies through direct elections, 10 members returned by the 800-member Election Committee and 30 members returned by functional constituencies (FC). The number of LegCo members returned from geographical constituencies (GC) increased from 20 to 24 in 2000 and to 30 in 2004 , constituting half of the legislature. Seats returned by Election Committee were abolished by 2004. In April 2004, Mr. Tung Chee-Hwa ,
3655-643: The Hong Kong SAR under Chinese National People's Congress established the Provisional Legislative Council on 26 January 1996 that served as Hong Kong's interim legislature until July 1998. The Provisional Legislative Council (PLC) installed by the Beijing government during the intense Sino-British confrontation over the democratic reform decided on the electoral system of the post-handover Legislative Council. For geographical constituencies, proportional representation using
3740-1091: The Information Technology FC reorganized as the Technology & Innovation FC ; the Medical FC and Health Services FC combined to form the Medical and Health Services FC. 2 new FCs were established, namely the Commercial (Third) and the HKSAR Deputies to the National People's Congress, HKSAR Members of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and Representatives of Relevant National Organisations FCs. Functional constituencies are now principally elected by body votes;
3825-534: The Legislative Council in recent elections, which were seen receiving support from the Liaison Office , which was viewed growing influence in Hong Kong's domestic affairs. On the other hand, the FTU, which operated as the sister organisation of the DAB, began to run under its own banner, taking a more pro-labour and pro-grassroots stance as compared to the DAB's big-tent position. Two pro-Beijing candidates ran for
3910-468: The Legislative Council upon the founding of the new SAR government in 1997. Since 1997, the pro-Beijing camp has never lost a majority in LegCo, controlling LegCo through a collaboration of the pro-Beijing groups with their support within the functional constituencies . In 2002, Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa formed a governing alliance with the DAB and Liberal Party, the two largest pro-Beijing parties in
3995-1166: The PRC companies...Wen Wei Po has received more funds...Both papers print many Xinhua -initiated commentaries under pseudonym aimed to criticize and intimidate China's critics. Wen Wei Po is known to periodically leak first hand information about the PRC's space program and military buildup. Examples of this occurring include the advanced launch date of the Shenzhou 7 mission. Pro-Beijing High Court District Court Magistrates' Court Special courts and tribunals: Chief Executive Elections Legislative elections District council elections Consular missions in Hong Kong Hong Kong–China relations Hong Kong–Taiwan relations Mainland China Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) Macau (pro-Beijing) Republic of China (Taiwan, pro-Beijing) Mainland China Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) Macau (pro-Beijing) Republic of China (Taiwan, pro-Beijing) Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) Mainland China Hong Kong (pro-Beijing) The pro-Beijing camp , pro-establishment camp or pro-China camp
4080-734: The United Democrats. In 1992, the traditional leftists also formed the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) under the direction of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office . In 1994, a group of businessmen and professionals founded the Hong Kong Progressive Alliance (HKPA) under the direction of the New China News Agency. The large-scale democratisation initiated by then Governor Chris Patten resulted in
4165-433: The Urban Council, Regional Council and District Boards were to be abolished by 1995. Single-member constituencies were to be introduced to geographical constituencies of the Legislative Council, elected seats of the Urban Council, elected seats of the Regional Council and elected seats of District Boards. Patten significantly broadened the electoral franchise to the first fully-elected Legislative Council returned in 1995 ,
4250-440: The aforesaid amendments at the Legislative Council Meeting on 21 December 2005. The motions were considered to have no progress and improvement to the democratic development by the pro-democracy councilors. Since the government lacked the endorsement of a two-thirds majority of all the members of the Legislative Council, both motions were voted down . The Legislative Council passed the Government's bill on amending Annex II of
4335-544: The camp, co-ordinates the camp on communication and voting (similar to whipping), and draws up the duty roster to avoid quorum not met. Following the election of CY Leung as Chief Executive of Hong Kong , public discontent manifested itself in the form of mass petitions, rallies and demonstrations, so much so that it seemed that a plurality of the Hong Kong public was anti-Leung. In late 2012 pro-Leung advocacy groups began to emerge such as Voice of Loving Hong Kong , Caring Hong Kong Power and Hong Kong Youth Care Association,
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#17327753505384420-475: The colonial civil service. After the setbacks in 2003, the pro-Beijing camp won back seats lost in 2003 in the 2007 District Council election , in which the DAB became the largest victor. The DAB enjoyed another victory in 2011 District Council election . In the Hong Kong legislative election, 2012 , the pro-Beijing camp won more than half of the geographical constituency seats respectively in Hong Kong Island , Kowloon West and New Territories West , narrowing
4505-442: The composition of which conformed with Basic Law provisions on the composition of the 1st Legislative Council of Hong Kong SAR . Patten lobbied the Legislative Council (Electoral Provisions) (Amendment) Bill 1994 which broadened the franchise of certain existing functional constituencies by replacing corporate voting with individual voting. 9 new functional constituency seats were established, allowing about 2.7 million people to have
4590-436: The context of Hong Kong. Some pro-Beijing factions, including the "traditional leftists" who evolved from their Marxist-Leninist and Maoist conviction in the 1960s and 70s often hold a strong sentiment of patriotism and Chinese nationalism . They have had a years-long tradition of following the orders of the CCP, many of whom were also alleged underground members of the Communist Party. Amongst pragmatists, especially among
4675-432: The creation of instability. The pro-Beijing camp evolved from the pro-CCP faction in Hong Kong which existed since the establishment of the CCP. The 1922 Seamen's strike , led by the Chinese Seamen's Union and the 1925–26 Canton–Hong Kong strike , led by various left-wing labour unions, were the two major Communist-related labour movements in the British colony of Hong Kong . During the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong ,
4760-408: The deterioration of Sino-British relations and led to the emergence of an "unholy alliance" of pro-Beijing businesspeople and leftist loyalists versus the pro-democratic popular alliance. The Liberal Party led by Allen Lee launched a campaign attempting to defeat Patten's proposal which was backed by Beijing despite its eventual failure. Despite this, in the broadened franchise, the pro-Beijing camp
4845-408: The early SAR period. With the last British Governor Chris Patten 's electoral reform , the ECC was composed of all elected District Board members who had been elected in 1994 . The Single Transferable Vote system was used in the 1995 election . After the handover of Hong Kong , the ECC was allocated 10 seats out of the total 60 seats in the SAR Legislative Council, comprising all members of
4930-515: The election of one geographical constituency and one functional constituency and The District Council (Second) FC was abolished by the National People's Congress under the 2021 Hong Kong electoral changes . In mid-May 2011, the government, which considered the resignations leading to "de facto referendum" ( 2010 Hong Kong by-election ) 'abusive' and a waste of resources, revealed its plan to do away with by-elections entirely. Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Stephen Lam proposed that
5015-430: The election with 777 votes, beating Tsang's 365 votes and retired judge Woo Kwok-hing 's 21 votes. The pro-Beijing camp formed a united front in the 2018 Legislative Council by-election . It took two of the four vacancies left by the 2016 Legislative Council oath-taking controversy , by taking the Kowloon West geographical constituency and Architectural, Surveying, Planning and Landscape functional constituency from
5100-547: The fact that all these groups feature the Chinese character for love in the names has led to these groups to be called the "love Hong Kong faction" ( 愛字派 ; 'love character faction'). The word love in this context is taken from the lexicon of political debate in mainland China, were the slogan "Love China, Love the Party ", is seen as the basis of patriotism, and the demand that any future Chief Executive of Hong Kong must "Love China, Love Hong Kong" ( 愛國愛港 ). These supposedly grassroots organisations present themselves as being
5185-477: The former Chief Executive of Hong Kong , submitted his Report to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) on whether there is a need to amend the methods for selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong in 2007 and for forming the Legislative Council of Hong Kong in 2008. On 26 April 2004, the NPCSC at its 9th session of meeting adopted a Decision (see whole text) , which rejected universal suffrage in both 2007 and 2008. However,
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#17327753505385270-461: The group. The Liberal Democratic Federation of Hong Kong (LDF) consisted of the pro-government elected officeholders in which Maria Tam was the key person was also formed in 1990 in preparation for the first direct elections to the Legislative Council in 1991. The Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 sparked pro-democracy sentiments in Hong Kong. The newly formed democratic party, the United Democrats of Hong Kong , enjoyed landslide victories in
5355-516: The handover in 1997, the LegCo played a lesser role to the powerful Executive Council (EXCO) as the real corridor of power in Hong Kong, though reforms made by Governor Chris Patten expanded the electoral franchise by allowing more voters to participate in the functional constituency elections. These reforms were revoked by Beijing after the 1997 handover. The Legislative Council was composed exclusively of ex officio or nominated members from its establishment in 1883 through 1985. Months before
5440-460: The hardcore pro-government parties, mainly the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), were labelled "loyalists" by the pro-democracy camp . In recent years, a more neutral term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use, especially in Chinese media. The pro-Beijing camp members are united by the political ideology of being closer to Beijing government , as much out of conviction as of pragmatism, but vary on other issues within
5525-420: The legislature, by inviting the two chairmen, Jasper Tsang and James Tien , to the Executive Council . On 1 July 2003, a peaceful crowd of more than 500,000 protested against the introduction of controversial legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law . James Tien, chairman of the Liberal Party and member of the Executive Council, forced the government to delay the second reading of the bill. The stance of
5610-401: The local triad Wo Shing Wo . The content of the meeting remained unknown to the public. In a town hall meeting on 11 August 2013 in Tin Shui Wai , where Leung attended, some thug-like supporters of Leung allegedly provoked and beat up protesters. Leung Che-cheung , chairman of the New Territories Association of Societies (NTAS) and Legislative Council member of the Democratic Alliance for
5695-516: The new system. Changes to the electoral system of geographical constituencies are outlined as follows: Under the 2021 Hong Kong electoral changes , 28 functional constituencies (FC) return 30 members. The Labour Functional Constituency returns three members by plurality block voting . The other FCs return one member each with first-past-the-post voting . The 2021 electoral reform saw the dissolution of District Council (First) and District Council (Second) FCs. 3 existing FCs were reconstituted:
5780-416: The next stage of development of representative government. Despite strong public opinion in the consultations supporting the introduction of direct elections, the Government concluded that no clear consensus on the timing or the extent of the introduction of direct elections emerged. The subsequent White Paper: the Development of Representative Government: The Way Forward delayed the first direct elections to
5865-408: The number of FCs with individual votes were reduced, together with elimination of mixed individual and body voting systems. The Election Committee constituency was one of the three constituencies designed in the Basic Law of Hong Kong next to the directly elected geographical constituencies and the indirectly elected functional constituencies for the first and second-term Legislative Council fin
5950-411: The number of seats held in the geographical constituencies between pro-Beijing and pro-democrats to 17 seats and 18 seats respectively. The pro-Beijing camp retained control of the Legislative Council and the DAB remained the largest party with 13 seats in total. Since the late 2000s, the pro-Beijing camp has expanded its spectrum of support from pro-business elites and traditional leftists to those from
6035-430: The policies of the Beijing, where the seat of the Government of the People's Republic of China is. Therefore, "pro-Beijing camp" is sometimes referred to as "pro-China camp". The faction in the pro-Beijing camp which evolved from the "traditional leftists" was also known as the "pro-communists" ( 親共人士 ), while the business elites and professionals who were appointed by the colonial government before 1997 were called
6120-428: The possibility of electoral reform was almost certain, with single non-transferable vote (SNTV) and party-list proportional representation being strongly considered. However, responding to public dissatisfication with the details, the electoral reform movement started losing popularity and, in the end, the government prescribed simple plurality as a last resort. The problems of this system were quickly realized when
6205-424: The pro-Beijing camp is mostly concerned with patriotism, social stability and economic prosperity. The pro-Beijing camp generally supports universal suffrage in Hong Kong under Beijing's framework , under which only Beijing-designated "patriots" may govern Hong Kong, although the most conservative faction opposes increased democratic development in Hong Kong with the introduction of universal suffrage and see in it
6290-466: The pro-business elites and tycoons who have been absorbed into Beijing's " United Front ", have enjoyed political power and privileges, as well as economic interests, from the present political system and their close ties with the Beijing authorities. Some moderates also hope that in conceding on those issues on which China will not compromise, preserving as much as possible in the way of personal liberties and local autonomy can be achieved. The rhetoric of
6375-434: The pro-democrats and localists scored better-than expected victories over the pro-Beijing camp. In December 2016, Leung Chun-ying announced he would not seek re-election. The two top officials, Chief Secretary for Administration Carrie Lam and Financial Secretary John Tsang emerged as front runners in the 2017 Chief Executive election after Leung's announcement. Both resigned from their posts; while Lam's resignation
6460-416: The pro-democrats and localists. Vincent Cheng of the DAB narrowly defeated Yiu Chung-yim who was disqualified from the Legislative Council in the oath-taking controversy, becoming the first pro-Beijing candidate to win in a single-member district election since the handover. Convenor of the pro-Beijing camp is also known as the "class monitor" by the local media. The convenor usually speaks on behalf of
6545-504: The right to vote in functional constituencies. An Election Committee composed of district board members returned 10 members to the Legislative Council. In response to Patten's reforms, Beijing cancelled the "through-train arrangement" allowing the last Legislative Council in the British-era to be sworn in as the 1st Legislative Council of Hong Kong SAR after the transfer of sovereignty to China in 1997 . The Preparatory Committee for
6630-550: The same election ticket. The government bowed to pressure and announced one week later that it would suspend reading of the bill for two months, pending consultations on the revised proposals. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress amended Annex II of the Basic Law on 30 March 2021. Under the reform, the Legislative Council is now composed of 90 members returned from 3 constituencies, with seats returned by Geographical Constituencies reduced from 35 to 20;
6715-424: The support. With various positions on specific issues, the camp generally embraces conservative values politically and Chinese nationalistic and patriotic sentiments. However, the unpopular SAR administrations and opposition to Beijing's policies toward Hong Kong have also caused the camp major losses in the 2003 and 2019 elections. The term "pro-Beijing camp" refers to the political alignment which supports
6800-575: The workability of the plan. The Bar Association severely criticised the plan, expressing concern over the constitutionality of the proposals, particularly the reasonableness on restrictions on the right to participation. The government tabled a bill to amend current legislation for by-elections for 13 July. Following call by the Central Government Liaison Office to re-think, the government revised its proposal on 28 June stipulating replacement by an unsuccessful candidate on
6885-497: Was again defeated by the pro-democracy camp in the 1995 Legislative Council election . The Beijing government argued that the electoral reform introduced by Patten had violated the Joint Declaration, and thus they would scrap the reforms upon resumption of sovereignty. In preparation, a parallel legislature, the Provisional Legislative Council , was set up in 1996 under the control of pro-Beijing camp, and it introduced as
6970-436: Was approved by the central government within days, Tsang's resignation was delayed for a month, which sparked the speculation that Tsang was not Beijing's favoured candidate. With the active lobbying by the Liaison Office, Lam received 580 nominations from the 1,194-member Election Committee , while Tsang struggled to get enough nominations from the pro-Beijing electors and had to rely on the pro-democracy camp. Lam went on to win
7055-537: Was founded in Shanghai in January 1938. The Hong Kong edition was first published on 6 September 1948. In the 1980s, Xinhua News Agency , which served as the de facto Chinese embassy to Hong Kong, reduced its control over Wen Wei Po to reflect China's guarantee of " one country, two systems " after sovereignty over Hong Kong is transferred to China in 1997. In 1989, Wen Wei Po published an editorial criticizing
7140-649: Was held in September 1985. Consultations on furthering electoral reform followed the 1985 electoral reform . In the White Paper: the Further Development of Representative Government in Hong Kong of 1984, the idea of direct election was suggested to be reviewed in the development of representative government in 1987. In May 1987, the government published the 1987 Green Paper: Review of Developments in Representative Government to consider
7225-605: Was instituted by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress in its amendment to Annex 2 of the Basic Law on 30 March 2021. Geographical constituencies were first introduced in Hong Kong's first legislative election with direct elections in 1991 . The electoral system and boundaries of GCs has evolved over time. The first popular election in 1991 used a dual-seat constituency dual vote system with two seats to be filled in each constituency, and responding to criticism, new election methods were explored, and
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