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70-636: Although the term is a synonym of "patriot", its common use in Basque mainly refers to Basque nationalism , whereas in the Spanish language abertzale (also spelled aberzale ) means "Basque nationalist". The use of the term by members and sympathizers of Herri Batasuna , and the fact that the followers of the Basque Nationalist Party ( Partido Nacionalista Vasco , PNV) call themselves jeltzales more than abertzales , has brought about

140-479: A controversial manifesto renouncing his former tenets while in prison for supporting Cuban independence, and just months after the Basque leader congratulated US president Theodore Roosevelt for its support to Cuba. The nature of that document is still subject to discussion. Luis Arana took the reins of the Basque Nationalist Party. In the early 20th century, Basque nationalism, developed from

210-539: A group led by Arana overtly blamed Spain for the current state of matters, going on to set a Spanish flag ablaze. This rebellion, called the Sanrocada , is held as the beginning of political Basque nationalism. In 1895, the Basque Nationalist Party was founded around Arana (PNV in its Spanish acronym, EAJ in Basque). His nationalism shifted from a focus on Biscay to the rest of Basque territories . The program of Arana

280-545: A law regarded as an imposition on both Navarrese coffers and idiosyncrasy. In the Basque Provinces, the first call ever to the Spanish military draft was met with frontal opposition of the general councils by November 1877. Tension mounted again between the Basque general (chartered) councils and the Spanish government. Canovas demanded the immediate execution of the order. Provincial councils were then appointed by

350-639: A list of six points subject to discussion. However, the government in Madrid fell back on the military by May 1840, when General Espartero was made regent and associated to the presidency of the government. He teamed up with the Spanish Progressives , and talks with the Navarrese envoys fell way short of the initial expectations in Navarre, the outcome establishing the assimilation of Navarre to

420-405: A negotiation was established for the global contribution to the central government. By means of this pact, the Spanish government theoretically managed to diffuse any lingering regionalist sentiment, besides creating a solid basis for both industrial development, and political and administrative consolidation of the centralized government. The Basque economic interests now came under the shelter of

490-641: A nucleus of enthusiasts (non-native Basque speakers themselves) in Bilbao to incorporate the agrarian Carlists in Biscay, and Gipuzkoa. The seeds of Seminal Basque nationalism bloomed also in Navarre and Álava early on (Aranzadi, Irujo, Agirre, etc.) on the heat of the Gamazada (1893-1894). The movement survived without major problems the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera under the guise of cultural and athletic associations. The Basque Nationalist Party split in

560-503: A regular Spanish province (August 1841), except for a specificity in the fiscal quota, tax management, and minor administrative prerogatives. Navarre was not a kingdom any more; the new arrangement for Navarre was later called the Ley Paccionada or 'Compromise Act' , invoking a 'spirit of compromise'. The Basque Provinces , who regarded with astonishment the political developments affecting Navarre, quit talks with Madrid. In

630-467: A situation where in the Spanish language the word is at times associated with that particular leftist current of Basque nationalism. Several organizations past and present have used this word in their official Basque-language names: The term ezker abertzalea (abertzale left) is used to refer to parties or organisations which are Basque nationalist, but at the same time, left-wing. This may be Marxist, communist, socialist or social-democratic. The term

700-658: Is " irredentist in nature" as it favours political unification of all the Basque-speaking provinces . Basque nationalism is rooted in Carlism and the loss, by the laws of 1839 and 1876, of the Ancien Régime relationship between the Spanish Basque provinces and the crown of Spain . During this period, the reactionary and the liberal brand of the pro- fueros movement pleaded for the maintenance of

770-664: Is extensive, prerogatives contained in them set out for one that Basques were not subject to direct levee to the Castilian army, although many volunteered. The native Basque institutions and laws were abolished in 1876 after the Third Carlist War (called the Second in the Basque context), and replaced by the Basque Economic Agreements . The levelling process with other Spanish regions disquieted

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840-459: Is to restore independence, by breaking the political ties with France and Spain , and the construction of a Basque state with its own sovereignty. By the end of the 19th century, Arana differed clearly from the Carlists , his initial background. He accompanied his views with an ideology centred on the purity of the Basque race and its alleged moral supremacy over other Spaniards (a derivation of

910-421: Is used to distinguish these organisations from the usual traditionalist or conservative character of the Basque Nationalist Party . Basque nationalism Basque nationalism ( Basque : eusko abertzaletasuna [eus̺ko abeɾts̻aletas̺una] ; Spanish : nacionalismo vasco ; French : nationalisme basque ) is a form of nationalism that asserts that Basques , an ethnic group indigenous to

980-737: The Americas , France and Benelux , of which only a minority returned after the restoration of democracy in Spain in the late seventies, or before. During World War II, the exiled PNV government attempted to join the Allies and settled itself in New York to gain American recognition and support, but soon after the war finished, Franco became an American ally in the context of the Cold War , depriving

1050-536: The First Carlist War . In 1837, the new liberal Constitution of Spain was passed, with the new Spanish legal text conspicuously overriding the Basque legal and institutional reality. The Embrace of Bergara showed an intricate wording, whereby General Baldomero Espartero would strongly recommend the Spanish government to respect Basque laws and institutions, allowing ample leeway for further interpretation on its elaboration. The central government in Madrid

1120-659: The National Assembly , as a part of the New Popular Front . End of Basque home rule in Spain The end of Basque home rule or fueros in Spain was a process coming to a head in the period extending from the First Carlist War (1833-1840) to the aftermath of the Third Carlist War (1876-1878). It brought to an end the status of sovereignty coupled with allegiance to the Crown of Castile held by

1190-583: The western Basque territories during the High Middle Ages . In the wake of Castile's conquest of Gipuzkoa , Álava and Durango (1200), the fueros were partially ratified by the kings of Castile and acted as part of the Basque legal system dealing with matters regarding the political ties of the Basque districts with the crown. The Fueros guaranteed the Basques a separate position in Spain with their own tax and political status. While its corpus

1260-576: The 19th century. The cheap labour demanded for mining and the industrial scheme attracted thousands of immigrants, first from the Basque areas in the vicinity and later from other parts of Spain, the first such massive influx of people to the Basque Country. It in turn spawned the establishment of trade unions since 1879, especially Socialists , aiming at the defence of labour interests. The newcomers had little reason to associate themselves to their adopted homeland and their Basque employers, with

1330-668: The Basque heavy industry and economy was left untouched. For many leftists in Spain, the surrender of Basque troops in Santoña ( Santander ) is known as the Treason of Santoña . Many of the nationalist Basque soldiers were pardoned if they joined the Francoist army in the rest of the Northern front. Basque nationalists submitted, went underground, or were sent to prison, and the movement's political leaders fled. Small groups escaped to

1400-497: The Basques around the defence of the fueros from 1876 to 1878 failed to gain momentum once the worst of the political crisis was over, with electoral Carlism incorporating much of their demands. Spurred by the new favourable economic and administrative design, Biscay steadily thrived to spectacular results; Greater Bilbao became a referential focus of economic development in the European context. The split of interests among

1470-499: The Basques soon became apparent, which in turn diffused the plural pro- fueros movement, contributing to the integration of the industrialist upper classes into Spain. In Navarre, the success of the political movement advocating for the full restoration of the fueros lasted somewhat longer, spearheaded by the lawyer Arturo Campion, but their political demands were then subsumed within the rising electoral Carlism since 1886. A group of political and cultural personalities concerned with

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1540-455: The Basques. According to Sabino Arana 's views, the Biscayan (and Basque) personality was being diluted in the idea of an exclusive Spanish nation fostered by centralist authorities in Madrid. Arana was inspired by his brother Luis, a co-designer of the Basque flag ikurriña (1895), and a major nationalist figure after Sabino's death (1903). Arana felt that not only the Basque personality

1610-523: The July 21, 1876 law proclaimed: The duties the political Constitution has always imposed upon all the Spanish to do the military service when they are called by law, and contribute in proportion of their assets to the state expenditures, hereby expand to the inhabitants of the provinces of Biscay , Gipuzkoa and Álava , just as others of the Nation. Hoping the 1841 Ley Paccionada that officially turned

1680-448: The PNV of any chance of power in the Basque Country. In 1959, young nationalists ( abertzaleak ) founded the separatist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna ( ETA ; "Basque Homeland and Liberty" ). Its activism—paintings, pitching Basque flags, pamphlets—escalated into violence after shocking revelations emerged of torture practised by Spanish police on Basque activists during repression in

1750-440: The Spanish government, all of them answerable to the Spanish governmental deputy in each district (the gobernador civil ). In Biscay, the most upfront district to reject the abolition of the fueros , Canovas ordered an immediate dissolution of the general councils ( diputaciones generales ). Álava and Gipuzkoa followed suit. However, the climate of tension generated persuaded the Spanish premier that some kind of compromise with

1820-518: The central government decided to submit Count Tejada de Valdosera, a jurist, to Navarre with a view to reaching a new agreement that eventually led to the "Tejada-Valdosera Convention". The compromise established guarantees for Navarre's separate administrative arrangement within Spain. No Navarrese MP in Madrid opposed the legal arrangement, which gave way to speculations and the Navarrese MPs' own bizarre, regretful accounts as to their stance on

1890-414: The chartered councils had remained in the capital cities during war, these officials were Liberals, still favouring the preservation of the "7-centuries long" home rule. By contrast, the Spanish premier, unlike Baldomero Espartero decades earlier, stated that the fueros were nothing but "privileges granted by the Spanish monarchs." After a number of heated debates and close-doors meetings, no agreement

1960-452: The coast permanently, and San Sebastián and Pasaia were declared ports for foreign trade. In January 1842 further curtailments were made totally levelling administration, justice, and government with the Spanish provinces. The 1839 Act and the war ending agreement thus lost all its worth. The (Chartered) General Councils in each district engaged in passive resistance, hanging onto their own institutions, treasury, and regional specificity for

2030-413: The compromise in the official gazette Gaceta de Madrid dwelt on its alleged political and economic benefits: 1. Expansion of the constitutional order to all Spain. 2. Incorporation of the Basque Provinces to the military draft 3. Contribution to the Spanish treasury as all the rest in Spain. The newly established provincial councils were thus responsible for the tax collection in the province, and then

2100-678: The different Basque territories for centuries. In the French Basque Country , home rule was abruptly suppressed during the French Revolution (starting 1790). The loss of home rule ( fueros ) was followed by the Basque Economic Agreement (1878), a period of shaky peace with occasional popular uprisings, like the Gamazada centred in Navarre , and the emergence of Basque nationalism . After

2170-632: The early 20s, and Comunión Nacionalista Vasca was created. Basque nationalists allied with Carlism in support of the Catholic Church as a barrier against leftist anti-clericalism in most of the Basque provinces, although alliances started to change with the coming of the Second Spanish Republic (1931). By the start of the Second Spanish Republic , a small cluster of secularist Basque nationalists had sown

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2240-549: The establishment of a Spanish governmental deputy in each district, as well as leaving lesser matters to the different Basque institutions. The wording was regarded by the pro- fueros personalities as being at odds with the authority of the Basque Country 's own constitutional foundations, an oxymoron . In February 1840, Biscay, Gipuzkoa, and Álava refused to accept any modifications of their self-government. By contrast, high-ranking officials of Navarre's Provincial (not

2310-496: The exception La Rioja , as well as Lapurdi and Zuberoa . As a consequence of the lack of independence of the country, the country has a political despondency, which has its last expression in the suppression of the Basque Traditional Laws and its own institutional system, the economic submission towards France and Spain , and the disappearance of the signs of identity. The solution to all these problems

2380-458: The fact that many Basques could hardly articulate a few phrases in Spanish, exposing them at best to stressful experiences. When the Basque self-government was abolished, a number of sticking points remained to be addressed, such as tax collection or military service. The Basque Liberal elite based in the capital cities, hung onto home rule and the pre-war political status. In the midst of military occupation lasting up to 1878, freedom of expression

2450-412: The following nearly 30 years, the authorities of the Basque Provinces avoided a demand for full reintegration of sovereignty, instead clinging to a shaky peace based on ad hoc bargaining with the Spanish government with respect to fiscal contribution and military draft, e.g. African war campaign , 1859-60. In 1872, war erupted in the Basque districts amidst instability in Spain. The initial outbreak

2520-564: The fueros system and territorial autonomy against the centralizing pressures from liberal or conservative governments in Madrid . The Spanish government suppressed the fueros after the Third Carlist War . The fueros were the native decision making and justice system issued from consuetudinary law prevailing in the Basque territories and Pyrenees. They are first recorded in the Kingdom of Navarre , confirming its charter system also across

2590-460: The land with a population made-up of peasants, small farmers, rural notables, and wealthy landowners. Navarre ceased to be the most populous district, Álava also dwindled, with the demographic growth shifting to Biscay and Gipuzkoa. The emigration trend to the Americas started decades earlier did not cease, with an estimation of about 200,000 deciding to depart out of a population of 800,000 during

2660-592: The latter being usually controlled by the Navarrese regionalists of the UPN, often with the support of the PSN, but Basque nationalist parties ran many small and medium-sized town councils, where most ethnic basques and basque speakers are located. In 2015, Uxue Barkos became the first Basque nationalist president of Navarre with her coalition Geroa Bai , which includes the PNV, and since 2019 has been part of subsequent PSN governments. EH Bildu has also notably grown its influence in

2730-616: The loss of sovereignty and the rapid recession of the Basque signs of identity in Navarre founded the Asociación Euskara of Navarre, still avoiding a fully-fledged political agenda and centering on cultural events and initiatives, e.g. a participation in the Lore Jokoak (first edition in 1852). In stark contrast to their coastal counterparts, Álava and Navarre went through a gradual economic stagnation, remaining tied to

2800-542: The loyalty of the Basques. The Carlist forces remained strong across rural areas, but were unable to take over the capital cities of the provinces, home to the main Spanish military strongholds, as well as the liberal bourgeoisie. The latter showed an assorted range of interests, but were overall supportive of the fueros . In spring 1875, the Alfonsinos attempted a compromise with the Carlists, whereby they acknowledged

2870-697: The main part of the Christian-Democrat PNV sided with the Second Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War . The promise of autonomy was valued over the ideological differences, especially on the religious matter, and PNV decided to support the legal republican government . After stopping the far-right military rebels in Intxorta (Biscay-Gipuzkoa border), autonomy was achieved in October 1936. A republican autonomous Basque government

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2940-561: The mid 1960s. By that time, ETA was adopting a Marxist revolutionary theory. Inspired by movements like those of Fidel Castro in Cuba and Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam , the group aimed to establish an independent socialist Basque Country through violence. ETA's first confirmed assassinations occurred in 1968, thereafter including violence, even killing, as a practice—theory of action-repression-action. At an ideological level, instead of race,

3010-468: The military draft, no service in the Spanish military. The 1841 stand-off came to an end on arrival to the Spanish government of Ramón María Narváez and his moderate Conservatives , who decreed a legal arrangement acknowledging a limited but relevant statute reminiscent of full Basque self-government (July 1844). Álava, Gipuzkoa and Biscay inaugurated a temporary status of difficult balance, "a peculiar neoforal period", as it has been labelled. During

3080-515: The most of Navarre's separate position to suppress also their 'Compromise Act', arguing that it was but a regular (parliamentary) act. The fiscal quota remained unaltered since 1841, so he decided to change that and totally level Navarre with a regular Spanish province in the national budget. During the preliminary parliamentary debates, the dividing gulf between the government and the Basque-Navarrese became apparent; Canovas del Castillo

3150-624: The national issue. In 1893, the Gamazada popular uprising erupted in Navarre against the breach by the Spanish government of several foundations of the treaties ending the Carlist Wars (1841, 1876). Arana eagerly supported the Navarrese outbreak by travelling to the territory and participating. The widespread protest in Navarre sparked solidarity in Biscay. In 1893, after a support meeting held in Gernika attended by pro- fueros personalities,

3220-452: The nationalist and Christian Democratic PNV since it was reinstated in the early 1980s, except in the period 2009–2012, when the PSE-EE led the regional government. The left-wing Basque independentist EH Bildu has been the main opposition party since its formation in 2012. In Navarre , traditionally, Basque nationalism did not manage to reach the government of the autonomous community ,

3290-424: The new Socialist movement embracing Spanish nationalism as a means of uniting the masses. They advocated for the elimination of Basque-specific features inasmuch as they considered them 'contrary to mass struggle'. The law known as Tejada-Valdosera Convention did not leave everything settled for Navarre (see above). The disquieting approval of the law paved the way to the design of new fiscal demands to Navarre by

3360-421: The organization stressed the importance of language and customs. When Spain re-emerged as a democracy in 1978, autonomy was restored to the Basques, who achieved a degree of self-government without precedent in modern Basque history. Thus, based on the fueros and their Statute of Autonomy , Basques have their own police corps and manage their own public finances. The Basque Autonomous Community has been led by

3430-539: The region, taking over the mayoralty of Pamplona in 2023, and being key in the Navarrese parliament . Although France is a centralized state , Abertzaleen Batasuna , a Basque nationalist party, maintained a presence in some municipalities through local elections until late 2000s. In 2007, the Basque nationalist electoral coalition and later political party Euskal Herria Bai was formed. They obtained regional representation in 2015, and in 2024 they obtained one seat in

3500-414: The restoration of Basque institutions and laws with the comeback of King Ferdinand VII (1814), Spanish centralization did not cease. In 1829, the jurisdictional parliament of the kingdom ( Cortes ) reunited in Navarre, for the last time. In 1833, the accession of the liberals to the government saw the one-sided administrative homogenization of Spain by the new government in Madrid, as well as the outbreak of

3570-467: The seeds of the EAE-ANV , while PNV clung to its traditionalist Catholicism. However, failure by a Carlist faction to back up the Basque statute in 1932 and the radicalization of their anti-Republican discourse, opened the Basque nationalists to new alliances with Republican and leftist parties, gradually shifting to a Christian-Democrat position willing to some sort of compromise with the left. In 1936,

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3640-464: The semi-autonomous Kingdom of Navarre into another province of Spain would shelter them from the central government's tampering, the Navarrese initially steered clear of the clash between Madrid and the Basque general councils. However, they would soon discover the Spanish government held also a plan for Navarre. As of 1876, the Basques would be required to enrol in the Spanish military on an individual basis, and not in separate groups or corps, despite

3710-457: The separate Basque legal and institutional system, but Carlist officials rejected it. After Carlist defeat in Catalonia in the summer of 1875, Alfonso XII 's Spanish governmental forces advanced to the north over the Basque Country, taking control of all Carlist areas by February 1876. Out of the huge army occupying Pamplona, 40,000 went on to station in the Basque Provinces, where martial law

3780-627: The state's tariff protection, benefiting from a Spanish captive market. The Spanish governmental plan was to establish the Basque Economic Agreement just on a temporary basis. However, it proved to be a success in terms of industrial development, investment, and revenue. The main beneficiaries, the government and the local urban bourgeoisie, showed an immediate interest in renewing the Economic Agreement formula still for another 8 years, and on. The initial convergence of

3850-593: The status held by Navarre (established in 1841). As stated by the prime minister, the Abolition Act was "a punishment law," and guaranteed "the expansion of the Spanish constitutional union to all Spain," according to the centralist Constitution proclaimed in 1876 . A unitarian and central administration was established in Spain cut out according to a Spanish-Castilian pattern. Still the law designed by Canovas del Castillo left margin enough to allow for further manoeuvring in its implementation. The first article of

3920-480: The system of limpieza de sangre of Modern-Age Spain ), and deep opposition to the mass-immigration of other Spaniards to the Basque Country. The immigration had started after the Industrial Revolutions boom of manufacturing related to the ore exportation to England and privatization of communal lands and exploitations (mines) as the fueros were lost. Arana died in 1903 months after releasing

3990-650: The three Basque councils was the only solution to prevent further unrest, and guarantee long-run stability. Negotiations of the Canovas government with Liberal chief officials of the three Basque Provinces eventually led to the 1st Basque Economic Agreement on 28 February 1878, initially a temporary solution extending for 8 years. The compromise brokered by Fermin Lasala found its roots in the Tejada-Valdosera Convention for Navarre. The announcement of

4060-551: The traditional Chartered) Council appointed a task-force submitted to Madrid with a negotiation mandate based on the October 1839 Act. Many in Navarre opposed negotiating their self-government, but others, like Yanguas y Miranda, pointed to the archaism of the Fuero General , Navarre's main constitutional document. Yanguas y Miranda 's position was supported by San Sebastián 's city council, spearheaded by Tomas de Zumalacarregui 's brother Miguel Antonio. The panel put together

4130-588: The wake of the August 1841 Act for Navarre, tension mounted, and the upfront defense of home rule by the Basque regional councils was responded by Espartero's central government sending troops over to the Basque Country . It was followed by the Abolition Decree promulgated in a Vitoria-Gasteiz occupied by the Spanish governmental army (October 1841). The decree brought customs over to the Pyrenees and

4200-549: The western Pyrenees , are a nation and promotes the political unity of the Basques, today scattered between Spain and France . Since its inception in the late 19th century, Basque nationalism has included Basque independence movements. Basque nationalism, spanning three different regions in two states (the Basque Autonomous Community and Navarre in Spain, and the French Basque Country in France),

4270-470: Was a pragmatic; other than military strongholds, customs officials, and courts in the capital cities, the Spanish governmental infrastructure was virtually non-existent in the Basque Provinces. In addition, their knowledge of Basque territory was negligible. Navarre appeared to remain unscathed by the political tensions in Álava, Biscay, and Gipuzkoa, but in early 1877, Canovas del Castillo, who initially meant to hold talks with all four Basque districts, made

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4340-460: Was adamant that the war ending 1839 and 1841 laws were nothing near of a treaty. "A matter of force comes to constitute Law, since force is Law when force generates a status", he went, attempting to justify his position. The governmental law was eventually passed by the Spanish parliament, supported by 123 votes, while 11 opposed it: four of the seven Navarrese MPs, and the rest of the Basques (seven). A situation of instability followed, in view of which

4410-598: Was controlled by a liberal majority, who opposed Basque home rule, in turn pushing an additional phrase to its ratification , "with due regard to the constitutional unity of the Monarchy" (October 1839). It involved a modification of the agreement reached in Bergara months earlier. According to the Minister of Grace and Justice Lorenzo de Arrazola the phrase meant "unity in all the big bonds", but would involve for instance

4480-510: Was diffused after an agreement was reached in the 1872 Convention of Amorebieta between Biscayan general council representatives and the Spanish General Francisco Serrano , but they were disenfranchised in their respective parties, with military confrontation resuming thereafter. Claimant to the throne Carlos refused initially to pledge an oath to the fueros in Gernika, but did so in 1874 out of concern for

4550-607: Was endangered but also its former religious institutions, like Church or the Society of Jesus , which still often spoke in Basque to its parishioners, unlike school or administration. Sabino characterized Catholicism as a sort of shelter for Basque personality. This became a point of contention with other personalities holding like views and clustering around Arana's manifesto Bizkaya por su independencia (1892). Later industrialist and prominent Basque nationalist Ramon de la Sota dismissed Sabino's positions of Catholicism as inherent to

4620-439: Was established, with José Antonio Agirre (PNV) as Lehendakari (president) and ministers from the PNV and other republican parties (mainly leftist Spanish parties). However, in 1937, roughly halfway through the war, Basque troops , then under control of the Autonomous Basque Government surrendered in an action brokered by the Basque church and the Vatican in Santoña to the Italian allies of General Franco on condition that

4690-458: Was imposed. The Carlist defeat would prompt the end of the secular confederate Basque self-government . However, pragmatic considerations left the Spanish premier and new strongman Canovas del Castillo with no option but talks with the Basque Provinces (May 1876). This took the form of close-doors negotiations with high-ranking officials of the regional chartered councils, so by-passing the representative assemblies, or Juntas Generales . Since

4760-417: Was reached, and the 21 July 1876 Law abolished Basque home rule amidst a strong, bitter climate against the Basque separate status in Spain. Frustrated, the Basque MPs in Madrid, all of them Liberals, abandoned their seats in clamorous silence. The law pushed by prime minister Antonio Canovas del Castillo abolished the Basque institutional system of Biscay, Álava, and Gipuzkoa, virtually assimilating it to

4830-443: Was specified as follows: The Basques represent a nation, with their own history and culture. This nation consists of race, language and an own political system (the foruak ) . The liberty of Euzkadi [term created by Sabino Arana to refer to the Basque Country] has been destroyed by France and, mainly, by Spain , who subjugated by force the different Basque territories, including the former Kingdom of Navarre ’s territories, with

4900-446: Was suppressed, especially targeting any demands in favour of the fueros . In view of the emergency state in the Basque districts, Basque political figures opted to bring their case over to Madrid by launching a newspaper, La Paz . It featured the collaboration of new and veteran home rule advocates from all four Basque districts . On the other hand, the Spanish premier focused in phasing out all traces of home rule. However, Canovas

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