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67-620: The Democratic Union Party may refer to: Democratic Union Party (Bukovina) , Romanian political party Democratic Union Party (Cuba) , Cuban political party Democratic Union Party (Egypt) , Egyptian political party Democratic Union Party (Greece) , Greek political party Democratic Union Party (Peru) , Peruvian political party Democratic Union Party (Syria) , Syrian Kurdish political party Democratic Union (Russia) , Russian political party See also [ edit ] Democratic Unionist Party (disambiguation) Topics referred to by

134-460: A December 1918, Nistor had tied the cause of autonomism with the marginalization of Romanian Bukovinians; its aim, he argued, was: "to erase all traces of the past and to smother the national consciousness of the native population." In his view: "Provincial politics have vanished on the very day of union." The Glas-ists were thus supportive of the new electoral law. Passed in August 1919, it dissolved

201-850: A condominium between the Austrian and the Hungarian parts of the dual monarchy. As such the local troops of Bosnian Riflemen were subordinated through the Governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Imperial Minister of War. The general peacetime order of battle of the Common Army included: The Austrian part of the monarchy (officially called Kingdoms and Lands Represented in the Imperial Council , unofficially and for short Cisleithania ) had its own government. It included

268-403: A feeling of resentment by many non-Austrian soldiers. The delivery of orders was particularly ineffective, and the bureaucratic and dysfunctional system led to individual ethnic units becoming isolated from the overall high command . This in turn led to ethnic tensions and political violence in the empire, as such language battalions began instigating mutinies and revolts against

335-515: A formal reply, arguing that the number of Poles was too small to validate the preservation of Austro-Hungarian electoral customs. Around 1920, the party was taking an interest into various other problems specific to Bukovina's rural society. The PDU took a stance on the issue of logging rights, giving support to peasants who complained that the PP had been arbitrarily handing out major grants of forest terrain to its clientele. Glasul Bucovinei discussed

402-539: A lack of military interpreters , and this proved to be a major force in the partial dysfunctioning and blunders of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. Nearly all officers of the upper ranks spoke German (specifically Austrian German ), and because only a fraction of soldiers spoke German , this produced a logistical obstacle for organizing the military . Likewise the lack of mutual intelligibility between speakers of Hungarian and German led to

469-740: A much larger population. Further contributing to the monarchy's military weakness was the low rate of conscription: Austria-Hungary conscripted only 0.29% of its population annually, compared to 0.47% in Germany and 0.75% in France. Attempts to increase the yearly intake of recruits were proposed but repeatedly blocked by officials in Budapest until an agreement was reached in 1912. In the emerging field of military aviation , Austria-Hungary lagged behind other European states. While balloon detachments had been established in 1893, they were mostly assigned to

536-532: A religious standpoint, the Austro-Hungarian army officer corps was dominated by Catholics . In 1896, out of 1000 officers, 791 were Catholics, 86 Protestants , 84 Jews , 39 Greek-Orthodox , and one Uniate . Of the pre–World War military forces of the major European powers, the Austro-Hungarian army was almost alone in its regular promotion of Jews to positions of command. While the Jewish population of

603-592: A year before. He argued: "I have avoided fast and radical changes in the belief that [...] their consequences would be compromised, perhaps beyond repair, and that the same would go for the good cause of the people, as has happened in Bessarabia , haunted to this day by deep resentments versus the national ideal." By contrast, Nistor saw his government mission as being the Romanianization of the provincial administrative, judicial and schooling systems. Over

670-505: Is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Democratic Union Party (Bukovina) The PDU favored a centralist administration, pushed for Romanianization in public life, and was generally hostile to the centrifugal tendencies of other communities, primarily Ukrainians , Germans , Poles and Jews . These together formed a relative majority of Bukovina's population, and Nistor's agenda met with sustained opposition from all sides of

737-512: The 1920 election , the PDU, which ran together with its former electoral bloc colleagues, faced significant opposition from Averescu's People's Party (PP). The PP successfully signed up some prominent supporters of conditional union. Elected to Parliament as an ethnic German PP candidate, Kohlruss rekindled the campaign for cultural autonomy, and received virulent replies from the PDU, through Glasul Bucovinei . The PDU's own ethnic minority candidate

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804-625: The Diet of Bukovina while giving the region 40 representatives in the Romanian Parliament , introduced universal male suffrage , and ended the proportional representation of ethnic groups. In September 1919, Nistor and his supporters founded the PDU as the political instrument of Romanian centralists. Its leading militants were folklorist Dimitrie Marmeliuc , historian Vasile Grecu , schoolteacher George Tofan (d. 1920), and, before December 1919, linguist Sextil Pușcariu . The PDU

871-804: The November 1919 legislative election . As a countering measure to this abstentionist bloc, the PDU suggested co-opting individual politicians from minority groups into alliances with the Romanian parties. The PDU was especially critical of the National Jewish Council, a triumvirate of Jewish politicians in Bukovina: Ebner, Pistiner, Benno Straucher . When the council, reacting against Romania's failure to emancipate its Jewish communities , called for international sanctions, Glasul Bucovinei resorted to antisemitic campaigning. In

938-717: The West Ukrainian People's Republic . A partition agreement was mediated between Aurel Onciul of the Democratic Peasants' Party , who claimed to represent all Romanians, and Omelian Popovych of the Ukrainian movement. This allowed the Ukrainian Galician Army to organize incursions into Bukovina. After the Austro-Hungarian administration had dissolved and the last governor ( Josef Graf von Etzdorf ) renounced power in favour of

1005-552: The k.u.k. Infanterie-Regiment (Hoch und Deutschmeister) Nr. 4 became Infanterie-Regiment No. 4 (4th Infantry Regiment). The Landsturm consisted of men aged 34 to 55 who belonged to the Austria k.k. Landsturm and the Hungarian k.u. Landsturm. The Landsturm formed 40 regiments totaling 136 battalions in Austria and 32 regiments totaling 97 battalions in Hungary. The Landsturm was a reserve force intended to provide replacements for

1072-585: The 1867 constitutional arrangements, the Reichsrat was dominated by German Liberals, who generally regarded the army as a relic of feudalism. In Budapest, legislators were reluctant to authorize funds for the joint army but were generous with the Hungarian branch of the army, the Honvédség . In 1867 the military budget accounted for about 25% of all government spending, but the economic crash of 1873 hit Austria-Hungary hard and foreign observers questioned whether

1139-439: The 1919 suffrage, Nistor enlisted (or, according to Flondor's supporters, coerced) Jewish inspector Heini Teller into registering in as a traveling companion of the PDU, but Teller eventually withdrew from the race when faced with his coreligionists' indignant reaction. The PDU list of Senate candidates then included Jewish entrepreneur Jakob Hecht . Hecht spoke in favor of complete and unconditional union, in statements which, at

1206-627: The 1920 Parliament, created tensions between Nistor's supporters and the Polish community. In May 1920, the National Polish Council presented King Ferdinand with a memorandum. Although stating that the administration had been beyond reproach as far as the Poles were concerned, the document noted that the unwillingness to create a Polish constituency was an "injustice" on Nistor's part, "which may lead to Polish irredentism ". Nistor issued

1273-563: The Austrian commanders, whom they saw as out of touch. Desertions and revolts were most common amongst Slavic battalions, particularly the Czech - Slovakian battalions; however, all battalions during the war suffered from these logistical challenges. The battalions' use of languages that were not understood by the Austrian commanders also led to it being extremely difficult to impossible to discover attempts at desertion or revolt. Following

1340-634: The Citizens' Bloc of Democratic Nationalists and Conservative-Democrats ; the Peasants' Party-Romanian National Party group; and the PP's common list with the Progressive Conservatives . The PDU's own Bukovina list of candidates featured three PNL members, all of them based outside the region—Brătianu for Rădăuți , Alexandru Constantinescu-Porcu for Vijnița , Artur Văitoianu for Zastavna . More controversially, Nistor adhered to

1407-525: The Dual Monarchy could manage a major war without subsidies. Despite increases throughout the 1850s and 1860s, in the latter half of the century Austria-Hungary was still spending less on its army than were other major European powers. While the budget continued to rise—from 262 million crowns in 1895 to 306 million in 1906—this was still far less per capita than for other major European states, including Italy, and about on par with Russia, which had

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1474-542: The Honvéd). The infantry regiments of the k.u.k. army had four battalions each; the infantry regiments of the k.k. and k.u. Landwehr had three battalions each, except the 3rd Regiment of the "Tiroler Landesschützen" (Tyrolian fusiliers), that had also four battalions. In 1915 units that had nicknames or names of honour lost them by order of the War Ministry. Thereafter units were designated only by number. For instance,

1541-658: The Imperial and Royal Ministry of National Defence (completely independent from the Imperial War Ministry). In peacetime it had complete authority and responsibility for the Imperial-Royal Landwehr and its: The Hungarian part of the monarchy (officially called Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen , unofficially and for short Transleithania ) also had its own government. One of its ministries

1608-648: The PDU was able to enlist a dissident German, Norbert Kipper (Chiper), among its own candidates for the Assembly. The party was even able to affiliate two Ukrainians, Vasily Snyatynchuk of Orășeni (Coțmani) and the Mayor of Ocna . Stanisław (Stanislaus) Kwiatkowski , the first Bukovina Pole to serve in Parliament, was also close to Nistor and, after taking his seat, became a PDU member. The PDU sent twenty Bukovinians, its leader included, to Parliament—Nistor himself

1675-552: The PDU was in conflict with the more sizable minorities. The Ukrainians tended to view Romanian rule as accidental, and expected assistance from the Ukrainian People's Republic . They were therefore apathetic when it came to the electoral battle, and some of the leading Ukrainian nationalist militants ( Hierotheus Pihuliak , Stepan Smal-Stotskyi , Volodymyr Zalozetsky-Sas ) even left the region in protest. The Ukrainian, Jewish, German and socialist political groups boycotted

1742-707: The PDU's former rival Benno Straucher , who had since lost Jewish community backing. Eventually, in January 1923, the PDU was absorbed into the PNL. In so doing, Brătianu's Bukovinian allies helped the PNL overcome a crisis of confidence: the National Liberal group was strengthened by arrivals from the PDU and the Bessarabian Peasantists. When the PNL-endorsed 1923 Constitution of Romania

1809-502: The PNL's philosophy on elections, and in particular the notion that election results needed to be corrected in areas where the electorate was hostile or inexperienced. By then, Nistor had come to a disagreement with the Democratic Nationalist leader Nicolae Iorga , who urged him not to align himself with Romania's traditional partisan politics, and especially not with Brătianu's men. The anti-Liberal nationalist Iorga

1876-573: The Romanian and Ukrainian committees, the Ukrainian militias gained control of the province, and established a provisional government. The National Romanian Council reacted by demanding help from the Romanian Land Forces (General Iacob Zadig ). The Romanian troops swiftly occupied the region, with little armed resistance from the Ukrainians, and installed martial law . Through a Congress of Nationalities held at Cernăuți , some of

1943-612: The West Ukrainian People's Republic. He was by then conceiving of a Bukovinian autonomous region extending out of the former Austro-Hungarian province and into Botoșani , Dorohoi , Hotin and Suceava territories. Meanwhile, the Glasul Bucovinei group alone stood by the governing authority. Nistor supported centralism on principle, as a legalist, and (in agreement with the Romanian central authorities) viewed Flondor's compromise option as unsound. As early

2010-575: The actual administration under a Brătianu premiership. Flondor resigned soon after, and, although Nistor took over his office in Cernăuți, the region experienced an acute political crisis. Flondor sent his complaints to the king in April 1919, implying that centralization was alienating everyone, including Romanians. The outgoing Minister-Delegate found a cautionary example in the neighboring Moldavian Democratic Republic , which had also been united with Romania

2077-516: The age of 107. The major decisions 1867–1895 were made by Archduke Albrecht, Duke of Teschen , who was the cousin of the Emperor Franz Joseph and his leading advisor in military affairs. According to historians John Keegan and Andrew Wheatcroft: In the wake of defeat in the 1866 Austro-Prussian War Austria-Hungary avoided major wars in the era between 1867 and 1914 but engaged in a number of minor military actions. Nevertheless,

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2144-668: The command of Conrad von Hotzendorf were also used against Italian rioters in Trieste in 1902. The most significant action by soldiers of the Dual Monarchy in this period was the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1878. When troops under the command of Josip Filipović and Stjepan Jovanović entered the provinces expecting little or no resistance, they were met with ferocious opposition from elements of both Muslim and Orthodox populations there. Despite setbacks at Maglaj and Tuzla , Sarajevo

2211-488: The control of the Commander-in-Chief, Emperor Franz Josef . By 1914, however, Franz Josef was 84 years old and the chief of staff, Count Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf , effectively had more power over the armed forces. Conrad favored an aggressive foreign policy and advocated the use of military action to solve Austria-Hungary's territorial disputes with Italy and Serbia . Archduke Friedrich, Duke of Teschen

2278-525: The empire's border with the Kingdom of Romania . A Romanian traditional region , it had a Romanian plurality of 42 to 48% before 1918. Early in the war, a nationalist faction headed by Nistor refused to join the Austro-Hungarian Army and fled to Romania, where they organized a Committee of Bukovinian Refugees, nucleus of the future PDU groups and first publisher of Glasul Bucovinei . Over

2345-433: The enlisted ranks reflected the diversity of the empire the army served; in 1906, out of every 1000 enlisted men, there were 267 Germans , 223 Hungarians , 135 Czechs , 85 Poles , 81 Ruthenians , 67 Croats , 64 Romanians , 38 Slovaks , 26 Slovenes , and 14 Italians . To aid communication between the multitude of ethnicities, the army developed a simple language called Army Slavic , based primarily on Czech. From

2412-531: The first line units. However, the Landsturm provided 20 brigades who took to the field with the rest of the army. The Standschützen (singular: Standschütze ) were originally rifle guilds and rifle companies that had been formed in the 15th and 16th centuries, and were involved time and again in military operations within the borders of the Austrian County of Tyrol . A Standschütze was a member of

2479-681: The following years, Nistor and his men became conjectural allies of the PNL Prime Minister Ion I. C. Brătianu , who declared war on Austria in 1916. Bukovinians of all nationalities emancipated themselves as the Austro-Hungarian regime collapsed and, after war ended on all fronts , the region faced an uncertain future. Early on, the Romanians and the Ukrainians created rival representative bodies, which, in late October-early November 1918, voted each for its union project: Romanians for union with Romania, Ukrainians for merger into

2546-402: The fortress artillery, except for a brief period from 1909 to 1911 when they were under command of the multifaceted Verkehrs Brigade. Realization that heavier-than-air machines were necessary or useful came late, and Austria-Hungary acquired only five airplanes by 1911. In 1914 the budget for military aviation was approximately 1 ⁄ 25 th the amount spent by France. Austria-Hungary entered

2613-704: The general staff maintained plans for major wars against neighboring powers, especially Italy, Serbia and Russia. By contrast, the main enemies Russia and Serbia had engaged in large scale warfare in the decade before the First World War. In the late 19th century the army was used to suppress unrest in urban areas of the empire: in 1882 and 1887 in Vienna and notably against German nationalists at Graz and Czech nationalists in Prague in November 1897. Soldiers under

2680-405: The government coalition backing Premier Alexandru Vaida-Voevod . The PDU was later allied to the dominant National Liberal Party (PNL), helping it return to power with a nationwide centralist agenda, consolidated by the adoption of a new Romanian Constitution , in 1923. The same year, Nistor merged his party into the PNL. Bukovina met World War I as an eastern province of Austria-Hungary , on

2747-464: The governments of the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the empire often preferred to generously fund their own units instead of outfitting all three army branches equally. All Landwehr and Honvéd regiments were composed of three battalions , while Common Army regiments had four. The long-standing white infantry uniforms were replaced in the later half of the 19th century with dark blue tunics, which in turn were replaced by cadet grey uniforms during

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2814-631: The initial stages of World War I. In September 1915, field gray was adopted as the new official uniform colour. As the Common Army was plagued with supply shortages, when field gray uniforms were first introduced, remaining stocks of the preexisting cadet grey uniforms remained in use alongside the newer colour. The last known surviving member of the Austro-Hungarian Army was Franz Künstler , who died in Bad Mergentheim in May 2008 at

2881-621: The issue of worthless Austrian war bonds , which the peasants had bought in good faith during the 1910s, and issued warnings about the unexploded ordnance which posed threats on the lives of agricultural workers. Before the 1922 election , Nistor and his party were committed partners of the PNL, Romania's main centralist movement. Shortly before the election date was set, the PDU was co-opted in Brătianu's new cabinet, created through an understanding with King Ferdinand. Nicolae Petala 's government gazette Cultura Poporului gave positive coverage to

2948-519: The lands of the Dual Monarchy 4.4% including Bosnia and Herzegovina ), Jews made up nearly 18% of the reserve officer corps. There were no official barriers to military service for Jews, but in later years this tolerance eroded to some extent, as important figures such as Conrad von Hötzendorf and Archduke Franz Ferdinand sometimes expressed anti-Jewish sentiments. Franz Ferdinand was also accused (by Conrad) of discriminating against Protestant officers. The Austro-Hungarian Empire often suffered from

3015-551: The new governing alliance. Brătianu's platform, it argued, was one of "order, good governance , legality and justice." Reportedly, the National Liberals had tried to co-opt all unionist parties into this new cartel, but only Nistor and the Bessarabian Peasantists could be persuaded to join. The PDU was part of a cartel with the PNL and the Bessarabian Peasants' Party, which faced three other alliances:

3082-672: The next months, as the Romanian provisional military administration withdrew, Bukovina's civil society began expressing discontent. In June, General Nicolae Petala heard numerous groups expressing support for the autonomist option: Flondor's Romanian moderates and George Grigorovici of the Romanian Socialists ; Ukrainian Kassian Bogatyrets ; Germans Albert Kohlruss and Rudolf Gaidosch ; Jews Mayer Ebner and Iacob Pistiner . Flondor, who regretted his earlier vote for unconditional union, threatened to call in international arbiters, and demanded that Romania cease its occupation of

3149-637: The others' boycott was still effectively sending the message of Bukovinian disobedience. The 1919 legislature ratified the act of union and saw the signing of the Saint-Germain Treaty , which awarded it formal recognition. The PDU briefly parted with the PNL and supported the opposition. After negotiations, the PDU, the Democratic Nationalist Party and the Bessarabian Peasants' Party were included in

3216-653: The parliamentary bloc formed by the Peasants' Party and the Romanian National Party . The bloc held power, with Alexandru Vaida-Voevod as Prime Minister , but King Ferdinand's refusal to accept its land reform project brought down the cabinet. Newly appointed Premier Alexandru Averescu dissolved Parliament on March 25, 1920. After April 5, 1920, a Unification Commission deposed all that remained of Bukovina's autonomous administration, and Nistor resigned from his Bukovina Minister post. However, in

3283-587: The population of the empire had risen to nearly 50 million by 1900, the size of the army was tied to ceilings established in 1889. Thus, at the start of the 20th century, Austria-Hungary conscripted only 0.29% of its population, compared to 0.47% in Germany , 0.35% in Russia, and 0.75% in France . The 1889 army law was not revised until 1912, which allowed for an increase in annual conscriptions. The ethnic make-up of

3350-428: The region's political spectrum, although the PDU was successful in rallying to its cause some individuals from all these communities. In addition, the PDU clashed with the moderate or autonomist Bukovinian Romanians, whose leaders were Aurel Onciul and Iancu Flondor . Democratic Union politicians helped organize the administration of Bukovina, speeding its absorption into Greater Romania , and, in 1919, formed part of

3417-484: The same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Democratic Union Party . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Democratic_Union_Party&oldid=615357897 " Categories : Disambiguation pages Political party disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description

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3484-537: The subsequent two decades of uneasy co-existence, Hungarian troops served either in ethnically mixed units or were stationed away from Hungarian regions. With the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 , the Austro-Hungarian Army was brought into being. It existed until the disestablishment of Austria-Hungary in 1918 following the end of World War I . Common Army units were generally poorly trained and had very limited access to new equipment, because

3551-617: The time, infuriated the Jewish Council. The Senate list was completed by another Jew, Iosif Vihovici of Coțmani . There was a similar disagreement between the PDU and Bukovina's Germans. The Romanian party claimed that it had supported the creation of a German constituency, but that the Germans, being spread out between villages, were ungroupable. The National German Council, resentful of early Romanianization attempts, refused to sign for an alliance with Nistor. In this case as well,

3618-426: The two leaders of Bukovina's Romanian nationalist revival: Iancu Flondor , who supported regional autonomy and minority rights; and Nistor, who stood for ethnonationalism and welcomed centralized rule. On January 2, a hybrid and transitional regime was instituted in the region: Romanian King Ferdinand I was recognized as sovereign; a Ministry of Bukovina, with Ion Nistor and Iancu Flondor at its helm, took over

3685-525: The various competing factions, who supported the preservation of integral Bukovina, came to an understanding. Bukovina's preservation and its union with Romania was sealed on November 28, 1918, although only the region's Romanians, Germans and Poles agreed that this should be unconditional. The Congress, which opened with a greeting to the Romanian Army, was boycotted by the Ukrainian and Jewish representatives. The Congress also renewed tensions between

3752-583: The war with only 48 first-line aircraft. Austria-Hungary had a complex military structure. The country had three main distinct ground forces. As a union the Monarchy had a common government of three ministers (Minister of the Imperial Household and Foreign Affairs; Minister of War and Minister of Finance). The Imperial Minister of War had authority over the Common Army and the Navy. The Common Army

3819-463: Was Vihovici, elected to the Assembly in Coțmani. Overall, the PDU had three elected representatives in the Assembly. By then, the PDU and it paper were primarily supporters of the centralist policy on education , and applauded the disestablishment of German, Jewish or other schools, noting that they overrepresented their respective minority groups. This, and the complete lack of Polish representation in

3886-480: Was appointed Supreme Commander of the Austro-Hungarian army by Franz Joseph on July 11, 1914. It was thought he would not interfere with the operational and tactical plans of Conrad von Hötzendorf. Friedrich remained Supreme Commander until February 1917, when Emperor Charles I decided to assume the office himself. The Common Army ( k.u.k.— kaiserlich und königlich ) consisted of: The Imperial-Royal Landwehr ( k.k. or kaiserlich österreichisch/königlich böhmisch )

3953-468: Was bitter about the PDU's political choices, and privately called Nistor "a nullity". From his new home in Transylvania, Sextil Pușcariu also watched with concern as Nistor became Brătianu's man of confidence; he was himself a supporter of Iorga. While its nationalist basis was threatened, the PDU was again able to list minority representatives as its candidates. This category includes Kipper and even

4020-425: Was confrontational on the national issue, as noted in Nistor's letter to Pușcariu: "As soon as the external threats cease, internal political struggles will break out with unprecedented vehemence. [...] The new will triumph." Their position was initially supported by the Polish community, who, at 4.2% of Bukovina's population, did not take issue with Romanian nationalism ( see Polish–Romanian alliance ). By contrast,

4087-412: Was finally adopted, Bukovina became an integral part of the Kingdom (or " Greater Romania "). As Minister of State for Bukovina (between 1924 and 1926), Nistor signed up to the PNL's Romanianization agenda. His term saw the closure of more minority schools, especially Jewish, German and Ukrainian ones. Austro-Hungarian Army The Austro-Hungarian Army , also known as the Imperial and Royal Army ,

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4154-498: Was occupied in October. Austro-Hungarian casualties amounted to over 5,000 and the unexpected violence of the campaign led to recriminations between commanders and political leaders. In 1868, the number of active-duty troops in the army was 355,000, and the total could be expanded to 800,000 upon mobilization. However, this was significantly less than the European powers of France , the North German Confederation and Russia , each of which could field more than one million men. Though

4221-401: Was the Royal Hungarian Honvéd Ministry (also completely independent from the Imperial War Ministry). In peacetime it had complete authority and responsibility for the: Official designations were as follows: After war was declared, 3.35 million men (including the first call-up of the reserves and the 1914 recruits) gathered for action. The Austro-Hungarian Imperial Army was officially under

4288-429: Was the premier land force. It was the best equipped and had the main role to secure the borders of the Monarchy. In case of war it was to absorb the Austrian Landwehr and the Hungarian Honvéd within its command structure. For that reason the Common Army was organised in army corps even in peacetime, while the Landwehr and Honvéd were organised in territorial districts. The provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina were governed as

4355-425: Was the principal ground force of Austria-Hungary from 1867 to 1918. It consisted of three organisations: the Common Army ( German : Gemeinsame Armee , recruited from all parts of Austria-Hungary), the Imperial-Royal Landwehr (recruited from Cisleithania ) and the Royal Hungarian Honvéd (recruited from Transleithania ). In the wake of fighting between the Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary and

4422-459: Was the standing army of Austria responsible for the defence of Austria itself. The mountain infantry had the following units: The Royal Hungarian Landwehr ( königlich ungarische Landwehr ) or Royal Hungarian Honvéd ( k.u. Honvéd ) was the standing army of Hungary. A part of the Honvéd was the Royal Croatian Landwehr (Kraljevsko hrvatsko domobranstvo), which consisted of 1 infantry division (out of 7 in Honvéd) and 1 cavalry regiment (out of 10 in

4489-473: Was to be reelected for successive terms, until 1938. A Bukovinian telegram, published by the central and regional press on November 7, informed: "The candidates of the Democratic Union Party under Mr. Nistor's leadership have won seats everywhere, in Cernăuți as well as in the other parts of Bukovina. [...] The elections were carried out in the most profound peacefulness." All of the PDU's ethnic minority candidates had been elected to either Senate of Assembly, but

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