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60-408: Kwanza was introduced following Angolan independence . It replaced the escudo at par and was subdivided into 100 lwei . Its ISO 4217 code was AOK . Following a change in currency, a confiscation took place. Individuals could convert up to 200,000 escudos for kwanzas and corporations up to 1,500,000 escudos. This kwanza had a remarkably stable exchange rate of 29.918 kwanzas to the U.S. dollar for

120-497: A coup. But by 1968, GRAE's unity had begun to disintegrate. On President Richard Nixon , assuming office in 1969, he ordered a review of the United States policy towards Angola as well as South Africa and Rhodesia . In January 1970, National Security Council Study Memorandum 39 was adopted, which acknowledged that the white regimes in those countries should not be politically and economically isolated and that engaging them

180-676: A frontal assault but whatever the real story was, the FNLA's final assault on what became known as the Battle of Quifangondo failed disastrously. The MPLA retained Luanda, and Angola gained independence from the Portuguese High Commissioner with Neto declaring the People's Republic of Angola. The FNLA continued its fight inside Angola for another four months. On 6 November 1975, CIA Director William Colby appeared before

240-658: A million refugees fled the north of Angola for Zaire. In an attempt to become a national political movement, it merged with the "Partido Democratico de Angola" (PDA) to form the "Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola" (FNLA). By February 1962, the FNLA had merged into an organisation called the Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile (GRAE) with Roberto as its President and Jonas Savimbi as its foreign minister, based in Kinshasa , Zaire . It

300-622: A new series of kwanza banknotes on March 22, 2013, in denominations of 50, 100, 200 and 500 kwanzas. The other denominations (1000, 2000 and 5000 kwanzas) were issued on May 31, 2013. In 2017, the Banco Nacional de Angola issued 5 and 10 kwanzas banknotes as part of the family of banknotes first introduced in 2012. In 2020, the Banco National de Angola introduced a new family of kwanza banknotes in denominations of 200, 500, 1,000, 2,000, 5,000 and 10,000 kwanzas. The new banknotes have

360-741: A portrait of the first president of Angola, António Agostinho Neto . Banknotes of 200 to 2,000 kwanzas are printed on polymer substrate, while the 5,000 and 10,000 kwanzas banknotes are printed on cotton paper, with a 10,000-kwanza note to only be issued if necessary. On several occasions during the 1990s, Angola's currency was the least valued currency unit in the world. The Angolan kwanza banknotes have been produced by De La Rue in England. Alvor Agreement The Alvor Agreement , signed on 15 January 1975 in Alvor , Portugal, granted Angola independence from Portugal on 11 November and formally ended

420-571: A transitional government consisting of the Portuguese High Commissioner Admiral Rosa Coutinho and a Prime Ministerial Council (PMC) would rule. The PMC consisted of three representatives, one from each Angolan party to the agreement, with a rotating premiership among the representatives. Every PMC decision required two-thirds support. The twelve ministries were divided among the Angolan parties and

480-510: The Bakongo tribe who wished to re-establish its 16th-century feudal kingdom but was also a protest movement against forced labour. Holden Roberto was to be the king of that land. By 1958, the organisation's name had been changed to the "União das Populações de Angola" (UPA) under Holden Roberto who came from São Salvador , Bakongo, Northern Angola with the newly named organisation described as an ethnic political movement. In March 1961,

540-700: The Senate Foreign Relations Committee and briefed them that his organisation had not informed the committee fully on its activities in Angola and the following day, the New York Times released the testimony to the world. By 26 November, Nigeria , against U.S. wishes, had recognised the MPLA government and soon convinced twenty-two other African nations to recognise them too. By December, President Ford and Kissinger decided that

600-689: The United States State Department , told Tom Killoran , the US Consul General in Angola, to congratulate the PMC, rather than the FNLA and the UNITA on their own and Coutinho, for Portugal's "untiring and protracted efforts" at a peace agreement. US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger considered any government involving the pro-Soviet, communist MPLA, to be unacceptable, but US President Gerald Ford oversaw heightened aid to

660-800: The southern Portuguese region of Algarve , where it was signed. Leftist military officers overthrew the Caetano government in Portugal in the Carnation Revolution on 25 April 1974. The MPLA, FNLA and UNITA all negotiated peace agreements with the transitional Portuguese government and began to fight one another for control of the Angolan capital, Luanda , and for the rest the country. Holden Roberto , Agostinho Neto , and Jonas Savimbi met in Bukavu , Zaire , in July and agreed to negotiate with

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720-778: The 13-year-long Angolan War of Independence . The agreement was signed by the Portuguese government, the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA), National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), and it established a transitional government composed of representatives of those four parties. It was not signed by the Front for

780-580: The 1960s, and FNLA members were sent to Israel for training. During the 1970s, the Israeli government shipped arms to the FNLA through Zaire . The People's Republic of China supplied the FNLA with military equipment and at least 112 military advisers in 1974. By July 1964, GRAE's right as the only liberation movement was challenged with the resignation of the Congolese Prime Minister Cyrille Adoula , their backer, and

840-765: The Angolan President Agostinho Neto and Zairian President Mobuto Sese Seko met in Brazzaville to sign a non-aggression pact which was meant to see the end of Angola's support for Katangese rebels in their country while the Zairians promised to expel both the FNLA and UNITA from bases in Zaire but the deal did not hold and the Shaba I invasion occurred in March 1977. The Shaba II invasion of

900-692: The Angolan Task Force but found that many members of the CIA doubted the FNLAs ability to beat the MPLA and this was confirmed when he visited Angola and discovered the lack of political support for the organisation and also feared any entry of South African forces in Angola would undermine the United States diplomatically in Africa. On the pretext of attacks around the Calueque hydroelectric facility,

960-558: The Chinese government. After all groups met the Chinese, the FNLA received military aid and training from early 1973 until the fall of 1974, and then only diplomatic aid thereafter. In April 1974, a military coup occurred in Portugal with a later announcement of future independence for its colonies which began the process by the FNLA, MPLA and UNITA in attempting to strengthen their reach throughout Angola and resulted in conflict amongst each other. The Romanian government delivered arms to

1020-918: The Cuban government warned the Eastern Bloc that the Alvor Agreement would not succeed. By spring, the African National Congress and SWAPO echoed Cuba's warning. Leaders of the Organization of African Unity organised a peace conference, moderated by Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta , with the three leaders in Nakuru , Kenya , in June. The Angolan leaders issued the Nakuru Declaration on 21 June, agreeing to abide by

1080-740: The Cubans and South Africans into the country's conflict. The State Department and CIA, unable to stay on message, were unable to convince the House or Senate and on 19 December 1975, the Clark Amendment passed the Senate and covert US aid in Angola ended with the House following suit on 27 January 1976. The MPLA and Cubans maintained the initiative in Northern Angola after the defeat of

1140-530: The FNLA and MPLA with further violence on 23 March when the MPLAs Lopo do Nascimento was subject to an assassination attempt by the FNLA. The transitional government's failure to work was also said to be the result of a lack of interest by the Portuguese government in Angola as it tackled a failed counter-coup in Lisbon by General Spinola and the lack of will of the Portuguese troops to serve in Angola and end

1200-670: The FNLA and UNITA in July and that increased to $ 25 million in August and reached $ 32 million by September. The assistance became known as Operation IA Feature . The CIAs covert plan begun sending supplies to the FNLA through Zaire and Zambia and was able to supply by November 1975, 12 APC , 50 SAMs , 1000 mortars, 50,000 rifles and machine guns, 100,000 grenades, 25 million rounds of ammunition, 60 trucks, trailers, boats, radios, spare parts, medicine and food with training by retired US military advisors and five spotter planes as well as mercenaries. The CIA appointed John Stockwell to manage

1260-444: The FNLA at Quifangondo with the advances on Caxito and the latter's airbases at Camabatela and Negage . Caxito fell on 27 December 1975 and the FNLAs main airbase at Camabatela was captured on 1 January and Negage on 3 January while their capital at Carmona fell on 4 January and so the FNLA rout began in earnest. By early 1976, defeated by the MPLA, the FNLA began retreating, looting villages in northern Angola, as they headed for

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1320-472: The FNLA guerrilla movement. Ahead of the first multiparty elections in 1992, the FNLA was reorganized as a political party. The FNLA received 2.4% of the votes and had five Members of Parliament elected. In the 2008 parliamentary election , the FNLA received 1.11% of the vote, winning three out of 220 seats. In 1954, the United People of Northern Angola (UPNA) was formed as a separatist movement for

1380-598: The FNLA in August 1974. In August 1974, the Portuguese Angolan government had proposed a two-year plan for independence with the three groups and white settlers forming a coalition government but this was rejected outright. In order to end the conflict amongst the groups, individual ceasefires were arranged between the groups and the Portuguese Angolan Military Council, with the FNLA signing on 15 October 1974 that allowed it and

1440-530: The FNLA on 5 and 8 November 1975 but were repulsed each time by the MPLA. With independence day looming on 11 November 1975, Roberto gave the final order to attack Quifangondo on 10 November unaware that the Cubans had reinforced the positions with troops and new Soviet equipment. Roberto claimed the South African were sending men to help him while the South Africans claimed they warned against

1500-540: The FNLA. In July, the MPLA violently forced the FNLA out of Luanda, and the UNITA voluntarily withdrew to its stronghold in the south. There, MPLA forces engaged the UNITA, which declared war. By August, the MPLA had control of 11 of the 15 provincial capitals, including Cabinda and Luanda. South Africa intervened on 23 October, sending 1,500 to 2,000 troops from Namibia into southern Angola. FNLA-UNITA-South African forces took five provincial capitals, including Novo Redondo and Benguela , in three weeks. On 10 November

1560-525: The Liberation of Angola ( Portuguese : Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola ; abbreviated FNLA ) is a political party and former militant organisation that fought for Angolan independence from Portugal in the war of independence , under the leadership of Holden Roberto . Founded in 1954 as the União dos Povos do Norte de Angola guerrilla movement, it was known after 1959 as the União dos Povos de Angola ( UPA ) guerrilla movement, and from 1961 as

1620-609: The Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) or the Eastern Revolt as the other parties excluded them from negotiations. The transitional government soon fell apart, with each of the nationalist factions, distrustful of the others and unwilling to share power, attempting to take control of the country by force. This initiated the Angolan Civil War . The name of the agreement comes from the village of Alvor , in

1680-459: The MPLA except with massive amounts of money; escalate Soviet and Cuban involvement and feared South Africa would intervene and this would have negative diplomatic connotations for the United States in Africa, so the only option was a diplomatic solution. Henry Kissinger ensured that the NSC viewpoint prevailed and that aid, not diplomacy could prevent an MPLA win so aid of $ 14 million was approved for

1740-418: The MPLA. By June 1975, the CIA requested a meeting with the 40 Committee in which it proposed increased aid for the FNLA. A decision was not made for a month as the U.S. National Security Council (NSC) and U.S. State Department wished to consider the proposal. Assistant Secretary of State Nathaniel Davies objected to further aid, as he believed it would not help the FNLA to become as militarily strong as

1800-626: The Portuguese as one political entity. They met again in Mombasa , Kenya , on 5 January 1975, agreed to stop fighting one another, and outlined a joint negotiating position on a new constitution. They met for a third time in Alvor , Portugal from January 10–15 and signed what became known as the Alvor Agreement. The parties agreed to hold elections for the National Assembly of Angola in October 1975. From 31 January 1975 to independence,

1860-624: The Portuguese government, three for each. The author Witney Wright Schneidman criticised that provision in Engaging Africa: Washington and the Fall of Portugal's Colonial Empire for ensuring a "virtual paralysis in executive authority". The Bureau of Intelligence and Research cautioned that an excessive desire to preserve the balance of power in the agreement restricted the transitional Angolan government's ability to function. The Portuguese government's main goal in negotiations

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1920-601: The Portuguese left Angola in accordance with the Alvor Agreement. Cuban-MPLA forces defeated South African-FNLA forces, maintaining control over Luanda. On 11 November, Neto declared the independence of the People's Republic of Angola. The FNLA and the UNITA responded by proclaiming their own government, based in Huambo . By mid-November, the Huambo government had control over southern Angola and began pushing north. National Liberation Front of Angola The National Front for

1980-458: The South Africans army entered Angola to defend its interests in the facility and this action developed into Operation Savannah to assist the FNLA and UNITA to gain as much control of southern and central Angola prior to independence day in November. The US appeared to give the green light for the South Africans covert invasion but this soon changed as their involvement became public knowledge,

2040-568: The UPA began an uprising in the north massacring thousands of white settlers and their servants, most of the Bailundo southern ethnicity, "assimilados", African Catholics and tribal members other than the Bakongo tribe, men, women and children. The Portuguese government responded by sending soldiers to Angola and more than 50,000 people died in the violence by the end of 1961. It was said more than

2100-464: The US distanced themselves. The South Africans advanced close to Luanda from the south while a small force of South African artillery and advisors supported the FNLA in the north. Without the control of Luanda on independence day, Roberto saw that the FNLA's international legitimacy would be in doubt. The only 'suitable' attack on Luanda was from the north through Quifangondo. Attacks were carried out by

2160-621: The Zairian Shaba Province in May 1978, by separatists based in eastern Angola, was the beginning of the end for the FNLA based in Zaire. The Angolan President Neto and Zairian President Mobuto Sese Seko met again in Brazzaville during June 1978 where a reconciliation pact was signed between the two countries. The result of this pact saw Holden Roberto exiled to Gabon by the Zairian President in November 1979 while he

2220-486: The Zairian border. On 11 January 1976, FAPLA and the Cubans captured Ambriz and Ambrizete from the FNLA and then advanced on their headquarters at São Salvador its route defended by foreign mercenaries under Colonel Callan and elements of the FNLA. With Colonel Callan committing atrocities in the fighting including against his own men he was stripped of his command in the FNLA and so mercenary support which had begun

2280-464: The agreement as a violation of Cabindan right to self-determination . By August 1975 MPLA had taken control of Cabinda. The agreement did not establish a mechanism to verify the number of fighters from each force. All three parties soon had forces greater in number than the Portuguese did, which endangered the colonial power's ability to keep the peace. Factional fighting resumed and reached new heights as foreign supplies of arms increased. In February,

2340-633: The aid to the opposition parties should not be abandoned and the CIA was ordered to draw up further aid plans which would need Senate approval but meanwhile, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee drew up the Clark Amendment , named after Senator Dick Clark , after his visit to Angola. He concluded that the White House and CIA had lied about their involvement and that the US effort was responsible for dragging

2400-404: The control of Angola prior to that date. The US government did not believe the Portuguese plan would work and that the MPLA would seize power and install a Soviet-backed regime in power. In late January 1975, the 40 Committee , part of the executive branch of the US government, met and reviewed a proposal from the CIA to fund the FNLA with $ 300,000 and UNITA, $ 100,000. The committee approved

2460-626: The country's decolonisation and defence. The FNLA and the other parties met in Portimao , Portugal on 10 January 1975 and resulted in the formation of the Alvor Agreement , signed on 15 January 1975, which would grant Angola independence from Portugal on 11 November, ending the war of independence. The plan also called for a coalition government and a united army. Within 24 hours of the Alvor Agreement, fighting broke out in Luanda amongst

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2520-453: The departure of Jonas Savimbi, who went on to form his own liberation movement UNITA because of Roberto's dictatorial leadership, unwillingness to accept non-western support and a lack of a political program. Roberto saw off a "coup d'état" in June 1965 by his defence minister and in November of the same year, his brother-in-law, Mobutu Sese Seko , took control of the Congo (later Zaire) in

2580-528: The entire period. The first coins issued for the kwanza currency did not bear any date of issue, although all bore the date of independence, "11 de Novembro de 1975". They were in denominations of 50 lwei, 1, 2, 5 and 10 kwanzas. 20 kwanza coins were added in 1978. The last date to appear on these coins was 1979. On 8 January 1977, banknotes dated 11 DE NOVEMBRO DE 1975 were introduced by the Banco Nacional de Angola ( National Bank of Angola ) in denominations of 20, 50, 100, 500, and 1000 kwanzas. The 20 kwanza note

2640-478: The funding for the FNLA but not for UNITA. The money was to be used by the FNLA to purchase newspapers and radio stations. In addition to the money, the US supplied weapons to Zaire which, in turn, passed them on to the FNLA, and also supplied several thousand troops. With this funding, Roberto believed any future coalition could be abandoned and in doing so the Soviet Union would begin to increase its aid to

2700-494: The governments of Algeria , Tunisia , West Germany , Ghana , Israel , France , Romania , the People's Republic of China , South Africa , the United States , Zaire , and Liberia actively supported and aided the FNLA. The French government supplied men and loaned one million pounds sterling without interest. The Israeli government gave aid to the FNLA between 1963 and 1969. Holden Roberto visited Israel during

2760-431: The meeting was to unite the parties and find common ground prior to the independence talks in Portugal later that month. Roberto speaking on behalf of all, declared an accord had been reached and that all parties had overcome their differences and had agreed firstly to a just and democratic society without ethnic discrimination; agreeing to a transitional government, armed forces and civil service and lastly to co-operate in

2820-428: The nationalist movements, and the movements would have to moderate their platforms to expand their political bases. The agreement called for the integration of the militant wings of the Angolan parties into a new military, the Angolan Defense Forces . The ADF would have 48,000 active personnel, made up of 24,000 local Black soldiers of the Portuguese Army and 8,000 MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA fighters respectively. Each party

2880-411: The other three liberation parties to set up political offices in Luanda. By 25 November 1974, a ceasefire was concluded between the FNLA and UNITA and with the MPLA on 18 December. When Gerald Ford assumed the presidency in August 1974, the new US foreign policy moved away from the National Security Council Study Memorandum 39 to one of support for black rule in Angola as well as passive support for

2940-446: The previous December ended and São Salvador was captured on 15 February 1976. The South Africans withdrew from Angola on 27 March 1976 after receiving guarantees from Angola and United Nations on the safety of the installations at the Calueque hydroelectric facility so ending Operation Savannah . Elements of the FNLA that had taken part as South African army's Task Force Zulu, was reformed into 32 Battalion . On 29 February 1976,

3000-570: The provisions of the Alvor Agreement while they acknowledged that a mutual lack of trust had led to violence. Many analysts have criticised the transitional government in Portugal for the violence that followed the Alvor Agreement in terms of a lack of concern for internal Angolan security and favoritism towards the MPLA. High Commissioner Coutinho, one of the seven leaders of the National Salvation Junta , openly distributed ex-Portuguese arms and military equipment to MPLA forces. Edward Mulcahy, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in

3060-698: The reintroduction of coins. Although it suffered early on from high inflation, its value became stable until 2016, when the currency started devaluing again. The currency suffered a devaluation of nearly 40% against the US dollar between May and June 2023 to a record low of 825 kwanzas to the US dollar. Coins in 10 and 50 cêntimo denominations are no longer used, as the values are minuscule. Coins of this series lost their legal tender status on 1 January 2015. During 2012–14, new coins were introduced in denominations of 50 cêntimos, 1, 5, 10 and 20 kwanzas. The banknotes are quite similar in design, with only different colours separating them. The Banco Nacional de Angola issued

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3120-410: The smallest denomination of banknote issued was 1000 kwanzas reajustados. Other notes were 5,000, 10,000, 50,000, 100,000, 500,000, 1,000,000 and 5,000,000 kwanzas. In 1999, a second currency was introduced simply called the kwanza. It replaced the kwanza reajustado at a rate of 1,000,000 to 1. Unlike the first kwanza, this currency is subdivided into 100 cêntimos . The introduction of this currency saw

3180-481: The violence between the MPLA and FNLA. The final straw was the dismissal in August of the Portuguese High Commissioner Antonio da Silva Cardoso whose attempt to reign in the MPLA had the support of the FNLA. The FNLA saw its only alternative as a military one after having been expelled from Luanda. On 29 August 1975, the Alvor Agreement was suspended by Portugal except for independence in November, and withdrawal of its troops that signal an escalation of violence for

3240-448: The white rule and so minimal aid was returned to the FNLA. But by November 1974, the US decided they did not want a future government dominated by the pro-Soviet MPLA so the CIA funded the FNLA with $ 300,000 to help it achieve that objective. The increasing violence resulted in the gathering of the FNLA and the other two parties in Mombasa , Kenya , from 3–5 January 1975 by the invitation of President Jomo Kenyatta . The object of

3300-409: The word novo was dropped from the issue of regular banknotes for 100, 500, 1000, 5000, 10,000, 50,000, 100,000 and 500,000 kwanzas. In 1995, the kwanza reajustado (plural kwanzas reajustados ) replaced the previous kwanza at a rate of 1,000 to 1. It had the ISO 4217 code AOR . The inflation continued and no coins were issued. Despite the exchange rate, such was the low value of the old kwanza that

3360-400: Was recognised by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as Angola's only freedom movement until 1971. Its core membership were Angolan refugees and expatriates in Zaire. The United States government began aiding the FNLA in 1961 during the Kennedy administration and rerouted one-third of its official aid to Zaire to the FNLA and UNITA organisations. Over the course of many years,

3420-560: Was replaced by a coin in 1978. In 1990, the novo kwanza was introduced, with the ISO 4217 code AON . Although it replaced the kwanza at par, Angolans could only exchange 5% of all old notes for new ones; they had to exchange the rest for government securities. This kwanza suffered from high inflation. This currency was only issued in note form. The first banknotes issued in 1990 were overprints on earlier notes in denominations of 50 (report not confirmed), 500, 1000 and 5000 novos kwanzas (5000 novos kwanzas overprinted on 100 kwanzas). In 1991,

3480-431: Was the best means of achieving changes in their systems. This meant a reduction in aid to the FNLA. In late 1972, the FNLA concluded a ceasefire with the MPLA , which was being attacked by the former in northwest Angola and by the Portuguese in the northeast. A condition of the ceasefire was it needed more arms as it had no US aid apart from Roberto's CIA retainer, and Neto spoke to the Tanzanians who interceded with

3540-440: Was to maintain separate barracks and outposts. Every military decision required the unanimous consent of each party's headquarters and the joint military command. The Portuguese forces lacked equipment and commitment to the cause, while Angolan nationalists were antagonistic of each other and lacked training. The treaty, to which FLEC never agreed, described Cabinda as an "integral and inalienable part of Angola". Separatists see

3600-461: Was to prevent the mass emigration of white Angolans. Paradoxically, the agreement allowed only the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA to nominate candidates to the first assembly elections, deliberately disenfranchising Bakongo in the east of the country, the Cabindese (the inhabitants of Cabinda , an exclave north of the rest of Angola, many of whom wished independence separate from Angola), and whites. The Portuguese reasoned that white Angolans would have to join

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