66-525: Mission Mercal , officially launched on 24 April 2003 is a Bolivarian Mission established in Venezuela under the government of Hugo Chávez . The Mission involves a state-run company called Mercados de Alimentos, C.A. (MERCAL), which provides subsidised food and basic goods through a nationwide chain of stores. Mission Mercal stores and cooperatives are mostly located in impoverished areas and sell generic-branded foods at discounts as great as 50%. While
132-470: A bribery scheme between PDVSA and its contractors. The scheme involved members within the company who would insure favorable treatment of vendors in exchange for kickbacks. For example, in 2015, Roberto Enrique Rincon was arrested and in 2016 pleaded guilty to bribery and tax evasion in a scheme to secure energy contracts. In 2016, he was described as having built "36 maletín-based companies with intractable nested ownership structures". These actions violated
198-541: A crisis in Venezuela , with the nation's economy deteriorating greatly. Because of the hyperinflation and food shortage , paychecks have become all but valueless, leading to mass resignation from workers. By 2017, PDVSA could not even afford to export oil through international waters, which requires safety inspections and cleaning under maritime law, with a fleet of tankers stranded in the Caribbean Sea due to
264-490: A conviction to a ten-month prison sentence and fines totaling €1.4 million, to be paid jointly with his son. Alejo Morodo received a separate sentence of twenty-four months of imprisonment and is responsible for the majority of the fines due to his role in managing the instrumental companies. The case, initially involving allegations of money laundering and political corruption linked to Morodo’s diplomatic relations with high-ranking Venezuelan officials such as Delcy Rodríguez ,
330-712: A day and had 40,000 employees. By law, it deposited its revenues in the sovereign fund accounts in the Central Bank of Venezuela . In December 2002, the Venezuelan general strike of 2002-2003 saw many of PDVSA's managers and employees, including the CTV trade union federation, join to pressure Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez to call early elections, and virtually stop oil production for two months. Nearly 19,000 employees, most of them seasoned professionals, were summarily dismissed, and production resumed with employees loyal to
396-735: A gas leak at the Paraguaná Refinery Complex in August 2012 which caused an explosion, killing 48 people and damaging 1600 homes. A lightning strike caused a fire at the El Palito [ es ] refinery in September 2012. The Board of Directors of PDVSA "is the administrative body of the Corporation, with the broadest powers of management and disposal, without other limitations than those established by law and
462-687: A joint venture agreement with Eni SpA and Repsol in order to initiate a gas production project at the Cardon VI gas block in Venezuela. Production from this joint venture is estimated to reach between 80 and 100 million cubic meters of gas. In February 2014, PDVSA and the Anglo-French oil firm Perenco entered into talks for a $ 600 million financing deal to boost production at their Petrowarao joint venture. In October 2014, Venezuela imported its first ever ship of oil from Algeria so that they could dilute their oil. Policies enacted by Chávez caused
528-597: A lack of products in Mercal stores and that items available at the stores change constantly. Customers also complained about rationing being enforced at Mercal stores due to the lack of products. In some cases, protests have occurred due to the shortages in stores. Bolivarian Missions The Bolivarian missions are a series of over thirty social programs implemented under the administration of former Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and continued by Chávez's successor, Nicolás Maduro . The programs focus on helping
594-690: A multi-university study by the Andrés Bello Catholic University (UCAB), the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) and the Simon Bolivar University (USB), a comparison to the Venezuelan government's National Statistics Institute (INE) showed that overall poverty trends eventually reversed and increased between 1999 and 2015, rising from approximately 45% in 1999 to 48.4% in 2015 according to
660-671: A network of companies—Aequitas Abogadosy Consultores Asociados, S.L., Furnival Barristers Corp, S.A., and Morodo Abogados y Asociados, S.L.—to facilitate these transactions, which were designed to defraud the Spanish tax authorities by creating the appearance of legitimate business operations. The companies in question lacked substantial physical presence, infrastructure, and genuine business activities, serving primarily to issue invoices and transfer funds directly to Raúl Morodo’s personal account at Banco de Sabadell. In 2014, Raúl Morodo acknowledged committing at least one fiscal offense, resulting in
726-611: A payment many analysts thought was impossible for the company given its recent liquidity struggles. The payment meant that PDVSA would continue to own Citgo, but failure to pay would result in Citgo transferring ownership to one of PDVSA's creditors. Losing Citgo would be disastrous for PDVSA, as they would lose the key terminal of their export chain to the US and the chemical additives necessary for oil refinery that Citgo produces. The loss would wreak additional havoc on Venezuela's economy, drying up
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#1732772185111792-406: A poverty rate of 70% possible by the end of 2015. According to Venezuelan NGO PROVEA, by the end of 2015, there would be the same number of Venezuelans living in poverty as there was in 2000, reversing the advancements against poverty by Hugo Chávez. PDVSA Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (acronym PDVSA , Spanish pronunciation: [peðeˈβesa] ) ( English : Petroleum of Venezuela)
858-557: A renationalization program. Subsequently, the ownership share rose to 93.62% by December 2008. Assets of ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips were expropriated in 2007 after they declined to restructure their holdings in Venezuela to give PDVSA majority control; Total , Chevron , Statoil and BP agreed and retained minority shares in their Venezuelan projects. Reaching a settlement with ExxonMobil proved difficult; Venezuela offered book value for ExxonMobil's assets, while ExxonMobil asked for as much as $ 12 billion. As of January 2012, this and
924-616: A shortage of natural gas . In November 2005, PDVSA and its subsidiary in the United States, Citgo , announced an agreement with Massachusetts to provide heating oil to low income families in Boston at a discount of 40% below market price. Similar agreements were later set up with other states and cities in the US Northeast, including New York's Bronx , Maine , Rhode Island , Pennsylvania , Vermont and Delaware . Under
990-528: A similar increase in production capacity. In the 1990s, Venezuela opened the company to global cooperation. The opening up of the Venezuelan oil industry, or Apertura , was initialized with a Venezuelan Supreme Court decision which removed older laws prohibiting cooperation with multi-national corporations on Venezuelan land. From 1993 through 1998, PDVSA split extraction rights with multiple multi-national companies in special arrangements called "strategic associations", in effect trading Venezuelan crude oil for
1056-528: Is around 3.3 million barrels per day (520,000 m /d) although most secondary sources such as OPEC and the EIA put Venezuela's output at least 500,000 barrels per day (79,000 m /d) lower. During the presidency of Hugo Chávez the organization's payroll tripled, while oil production fell steeply, a drop of 700,000 barrels per day. Soaring oil prices began in 2002 and peaked in 2008 at $ 147 per barrel. In 2002, many PDVSA employees went on strike against
1122-418: Is the Venezuelan state-owned oil and natural gas company. It has activities in exploration, production, refining and exporting oil as well as exploration and production of natural gas. Since its founding on January 1, 1976, with the nationalization of the Venezuelan oil industry, PDVSA has dominated the oil industry of Venezuela, the world's fifth largest oil exporter . Oil reserves in Venezuela are
1188-594: The Orinoco Belt region, Venezuela claims to hold the largest hydrocarbon reserves in the world. Venezuela also has 150 trillion cubic feet (4.2 × 10 m ) of natural gas reserves. The crude oil PDVSA extracts from the Orinoco is refined into a fuel eponymously named 'Orimulsion'. PDVSA has a production capacity, including the strategic associations and operating agreements, of 4 million barrels (640,000 m ) per day (600,000 m ). Officials say production
1254-569: The World Health Organization and UNICEF . Barrio Adentro, however, has been criticized for poor working conditions of Cuban workers, funding irregularities, and an estimated 80% of Barrio Adentro establishments abandoned with some structures filled with trash or becoming unintentional shelters for the homeless. The infant mortality rate went down 5.9% between 1999 and 2013. The Gini coefficient fell from 47.8 in 1999 to 44.8 in 2006. The government earmarked 44.6% of
1320-404: The "revolutionary" approach which often caused inefficient improvisation would eventually jeopardize the sustainability of the missions. As a result of Chávez's policies, the durability of Bolivarian missions was put to the test shortly before and after Chávez's death, when poverty increased, inflation rose and widespread shortages in Venezuela occurred, with such effects growing especially into
1386-754: The 2007 budget for social investment, with 1999–2007 averaging 12.8% of GDP. During the Chávez's presidency, poverty fell from 49.4% in 1999 to 30.2% in 2006 and extreme poverty went down from 21.7% to 9.9% in the same period according to the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). However, the ECLAC showed a nearly 7% jump in poverty in 2013, from 25.4% in 2012 increasing to 32.1% in 2013. In
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#17327721851111452-540: The Bolivarian missions, showing that only 10% of Venezuelans studied benefited from the missions. Of that 10%, almost half were not affected from poverty. According to El Universal , experts stated that the missions actually worsened economic conditions in the country. Mission Barrio Adentro, one of the flagship Bolivarian Missions of the widest social impact, drew praise from the Latin American branch of
1518-488: The Spanish Ambassador to Venezuela . In a legal case that garnered significant media attention, Morodo and his son, Alejo Morodo, admitted to receiving payments from the Venezuelan state oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), through "simulated operations." These payments were allegedly exchanged for fictitious consultancy and advisory services, amounting to at least €4.5 million. The Morodos utilized
1584-664: The US Securities and Exchange Commission that were due in June 2005. During the 2000s, PDVSA carried out showcase projects in shanty towns and waste removal. In 2008, PDVSA had been Latin America's largest company, but in 2009 it was overtaken by Petrobras and Pemex , according to a ranking of the region's top 500 companies from Latin Business Chronicle . In 2007, PDVSA bought 82% percent of Electricidad de Caracas company from AES Corporation as part of
1650-498: The US's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and were classified as conspiracy to commit money laundering . The 2022 Suisse secrets data leak found seven people had Credit Suisse accounts, which at their maximum held a total of at least 20.1 million Swiss francs. In May 2017, Goldman Sachs purchased $ 2.8 billion of PDVSA 2022 bonds from the Central Bank of Venezuela . In August 2017, President Donald Trump 's administration imposed economic sanctions against PDVSA that restricted
1716-482: The claims of ConocoPhillips remained before the World Bank 's International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes . In February 2012, PDVSA paid $ 255 million to ExxonMobil in compensation for nationalization of ExxonMobil's Venezuelan assets in 2007 and $ 420 million to be paid beginning in 2012 to US firms Williams Cos Inc. and Exterran Holdings, Inc for natural gas assets nationalized in 2009. During
1782-468: The committee and replaced oil minister Tareck El Aissami with Pedro Rafael Tellechea. According to Attorney General Tarek Saab, 51 people were detained. In 1986, PDVSA bought 50% of the United States gasoline brand Citgo from Southland Corporation and in 1990 the remaining half. With full ownership of Citgo, PDVSA at its peak controlled 10% of the US domestic oil market, creating a lucrative export chain from Venezuelan soil to American consumers, as
1848-471: The company is heavily funded by the government, the goal was to become self-sufficient by replacing food imports with products from local farmers, small businesses, and cooperatives (many of whom have received microcredits from Mercal). Since at least 2014, customers have said that there is a lack of products in Mercal stores and that items available at these stores change constantly. Some customers complained about rationing being enforced at Mercal stores due to
1914-479: The company's struggle to optimize. Several former PDVSA employees moved to Alberta , where the oil consistency was similar to that of the Orinoco. As a result, the number of Venezuelans in Alberta has risen from 465 in 2001 to 3,860 in 2011. Other PDVSA workers migrated to Colombia , joined Ecopetrol , and were credited with helping the company attain huge profits throughout the 2010s. In 2006, Rafael Ramírez ,
1980-404: The corruption and inefficiency. Between 1999 and 2017, PDVSA earned an estimated $ 635 billion in revenue and produced an additional $ 406 billion worth of oil. Production dropped further, to half of its 1998 benchmark. Accountability for the funds was no longer required and Jorge Giordani , minister of planning until in 2014, estimates that $ 300 billion was simply stolen. Despite having some of
2046-402: The efficiency that came from outside expertise and technology. These "strategic associations" were controversial: Venezuela was able to maximize profits at the cost of lenient taxation on the multinational companies and the loss of control over domestic resources. With Chávez's election in 1998 , Venezuela's attention became increasingly focused on complying with OPEC. As oil prices collapsed in
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2112-473: The employer of engineers with comprehensive technical training from the old multinational corporations and promptly took advantage of their newfound expertise. Within 25 years of nationalization, PDVSA would become the largest company in Latin America and the tenth most profitable in the world. In that 25-year span they went from 18 billion barrels to over 80 billion barrels worth of oil reserves , with
2178-472: The energy minister, gave PDVSA workers a choice: Support President Hugo Chávez, or lose their jobs. The minister also said: "PDVSA is red [the color identified with Chávez's political party], red from top to bottom". Chávez defended Ramírez, saying that public workers should back the "revolution". He added that "PDVSA's workers are with this revolution, and those who aren't should go somewhere else. Go to Miami ". In 2012, PDVSA focused in hiring only supporters of
2244-475: The fight against poverty." On the other hand, the Chávez government overspent on social spending without saving enough for economic distress, which Venezuela experienced shortly before and after Hugo Chávez's death and during the economic policy of the Nicolás Maduro government . Poverty, inflation and shortages then began to increase. A multi-university study in 2015 questioned the effectiveness of
2310-523: The former concessionaires was simply substituted by a new 'national' oil company, which maintained the structures and functions of its multi-national corporation (MNC) predecessor. With the 1976 nationalization, each previous multinational operator was converted into an affiliate of PDVSA; these affiliates were grouped into an administrative structure underneath both PDVSA and the Venezuelan Ministry of Energy. With this absorption, PDVSA became
2376-403: The government. The International Labour Organization (ILO) called on the Venezuelan government to launch "an independent investigation into allegations of detention and torture," surrounding this strike. The company has since formed its own militia, which all employees join on a voluntary basis, to ward off a potential "coup" by the government. It considers itself virtually indistinguishable from
2442-415: The governmental management of that time, but that "as the years went by, many social missions lost their social perspective and focused their axis of action on political activities" characterized by discretionality and information opacity. Many of these programs involve importing expertise from abroad; Venezuela is providing Cuba with 53,000 barrels (8,000 m ) of below-market-rate oil a day in exchange for
2508-648: The industry's access to credit markets. With the prospects of Maduro leaving power in early 2019 confidence saw an assessable increase in the nation, with tangible financial benefits like an increase in value of bonds for PDVSA, the country's major oil and gas company, which went up 5% in January 2019. In 2020, Maduro created a committee to restructure PDVSA. In September 2021, a U.S. trial began about PDVSA owing $ 150 million to Siemens Energy, which PDVSA said it could not pay because of U.S. sanctions. By 2023, PDVSA had not paid bills for $ 21.2 billion; Maduro suspended
2574-710: The issue. In addition, Nicolás Maduro fired the head of PDVSA and replaced him with Major General Manuel Quevedo , placating the military by giving them control of PDVSA. The developments resulted in a fragmented corporate structure and not enough workers to keep certain rigs operating continuously. By the end of 2013, Venezuela produced 1.2 million barrels of oil per day from the Orinoco, falling short of its target of 1.5 million barrels. The repeated poor performances of PDVSA were heavily linked to Venezuela's current hyperinflation crisis. In order to correct for these shortcomings, Maduro installed more Venezuelan military members in several key PDVSA positions, in an effort to reduce
2640-477: The lack of products. On 25 April 2003 broadcast of the television show Aló Presidente , Chávez expressed his outrage at Venezuela's lack of food sovereignty , and Mission Mercal was officially launched on 24 April. In 2006 some 11.36 million Venezuelans benefited from Mercal food programs on a regular basis. At least 14,208 Mission Mercal food distribution sites were spread throughout Venezuela, and 4,543 metric tons of food distributed each day. In 2010 Mercal
2706-573: The largest in the world and the state-owned PDVSA provides the government of Venezuela with substantial funding resources. Following the Bolivarian Revolution , PDVSA was mainly used as a vital source of income for the Venezuelan government. Profits were also used to assist the presidency, with funds directed towards allies of the Venezuelan government. With PDVSA focusing on political projects instead of oil production, mechanical and technical statuses deteriorated while employee expertise
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2772-419: The largest proven oil reserves in the world, in June 2018 PDVSA's actions grew more desperate as they began to import and refine foreign crude oil for the first time in the country's history so they could meet export demands. Oil production had also slowed to levels not seen since the 1950s due to economic and management difficulties. During the government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero , Raúl Morodo served as
2838-412: The largest socioeconomic problems facing Venezuela at the time. After enjoying political success, Chávez made the missions his central priority for his administration, directly overseeing their operations and increasing funding during electoral campaigns. The development and promotion of economic resources, originating from the state-owned Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), generated a political floor for
2904-549: The late 1990s, however, keeping the special arrangements while conforming to OPEC regulations became impossible, leading to an end of the Apertura arrangements for Venezuela. Before the election of Hugo Chávez , PDVSA ran autonomously, making oil decisions based on internal guidance to increase profits. Chávez, once he came to power, started directing PDVSA and effectively turned it into a direct government arm whose profits would be injected into social spending. The result of this
2970-482: The most disadvantaged social sectors and guaranteeing essential rights such as health, education and food. The created missions created include Mission Robinson (literacy), Mission Barrio Adentro (free medical coverage), and Mission Mercal (affordable food). Using increasing oil prices of the early 2000s and funds not seen in Venezuela since the 1980s, Chávez created the "Bolivarian missions" in 2003, which were initially short-term projects dedicated to alleviating
3036-555: The policies of Chávez, who in response fired over 19,000 workers from the company. As of 2014, Intevep, the research and development arm of PDVSA, reportedly lost 80% of its workers, severely damaging PDVSA's ability to innovate and compete in the global petroleum market. PDVSA saw stagnant growth in the following era which was defined by a boom in oil prices. Between 2002 and 2012, incapacitating injuries to employees rose from 1.8 per million man hours to 6.2, extremely high compared to 0.6 per million man hours for Pemex in 2012, highlighting
3102-493: The presidency of Nicolas Maduro . In 2014, Venezuela entered an economic recession . Estimates of poverty by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and Luis Pedro España, a sociologist at the Universidad Católica Andrés Bello , show an increase in poverty. ECLAC showed a 2013 poverty rate of 32% while Pedro España calculated a 2015 rate of 48% with
3168-595: The president and PDVSA revenue was used to fund Venezuela's socialist "revolution". Under the presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez , whose economic plan, "La Gran Venezuela", called for the nationalization of the oil industry, Venezuela officially nationalized its oil industry on 1 January 1976 at the site of Zumaque oilwell 1 (Mene Grande). This was the birth of Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA). All foreign oil companies that once did business in Venezuela were replaced by Venezuelan companies, such as Lagoven ( Standard Oil ), Maraven ( Shell ), and Llavonen ( Mobil ). Each of
3234-504: The proceedings, advocating for harsher penalties, including eight and a half years for Alejo Morodo and three and a half years for Raúl Morodo. The settlement was publicly disclosed by the newspaper EL MUNDO , highlighting the extensive measures taken to address the fiscal and ethical violations committed by the Morodo family. Since 2015, a US Justice Department investigation into PDVSA corruption resulted in 12 guilty pleas pertaining to
3300-471: The program, Citgo offered a total of around 50 million US gallons (190,000 m ) of heating oil at below market prices, equivalent to a discount of between 60 and 80 cents a gallon. On July 28, 2006, credit ratings agency Moody's Investor Service said it was removing its standalone ratings on PDVSA because the oil company did not provide adequate operational and financial information. As of 2019, PDVSA had still not filed its 2004 financial results with
3366-573: The revenue stream that provides 90% of the government's hard-currency earnings. In April 2019 the next payment was due and at the time, PDVSA was completely insolvent, with the rest of their $ 60 billion debt. Canadian mining firm Crystallex was another creditor of PDVSA's Citgo holdings and could potentially end up in control should PDVSA default in 2020. Crystallex, through a US court case, had already received an undisclosed amount of Citgo shares in compensation for Venezuela's 2008 nationalization of their mines. A separate Canadian mining firm, Rusoro,
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#17327721851113432-467: The same time, oil executives and politicians siphoned off at least $ 11 billion. More than 24 Venezuelans linked to four corruption schemes amassed at least $ 273 million in 25 Credit Suisse accounts opened between 2004 and 2015. In 2010, PDVSA loaned the government of Antigua $ 68 million to repurchase all remaining shares of West Indies Oil Company (WIOC) from Bruce Rappaport 's National Petroleum Ltd. In 2012, PDVSA announced that it would enter into
3498-477: The service of thousands of physicians , teachers , sports trainers , and other skilled professionals. In February 2010 seven Cuban doctors who defected to the US introduced an indictment against the governments of Cuba and Venezuela and the oil company PDVSA for what they considered was a conspiracy to force them to work under conditions of "modern slaves" as payment for the Cuban government' debt. In 2014, it
3564-481: The state, its social programs more or less running the country's "socialist revolution". In 2005, PDVSA opened its first office in China , and announced plans to nearly triple its fleet of oil tankers , to 58. In April and May 2005, PDVSA, per an agreement signed between the governments of Venezuela and Argentina, sent 50 million tonnes of fuel oil to the latter to alleviate the effects of an energy crisis due to
3630-516: The state-owned Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), generated a political floor for the governmental management of that time, but that "as the years went by, many social missions lost their social perspective and focused their axis of action on political activities" characterized by discretionality and information opacity. The Bolivarian missions have been praised for their effect on poverty, education and health, and are described as "ways to combat extreme forms of exclusion" and "the mainstay of progress in
3696-594: The study performed by universities. Months later, the same universities found that 73% of Venezuelan households lived in poverty, with poverty increasing over 24% in about one year. From the beginning of the Bolivarian missions and past Chávez's death , the sustainability of the missions was questioned. The Bolivarian government's over dependence on oil funds for large populist policies led to overspending on social programs and strict government policies created difficulties for Venezuela's import reliant businesses. Foreign Policy described Chávez's Venezuela as "one of
3762-559: The two largest buyers of Venezuelan petroleum are the United States and China, respectively. In 2013, despite dwindling performance, PDVSA was able to add Russia's Rosneft as an extraction partner, anticipating to extract 2.1 million barrels of petroleum per day. With the onset of the Crisis in Venezuela, the country borrowed 1.5 billion dollars from Russia, offering 49.9% of PDVSA's share in Citgo as collateral. In October 2018, PDVSA paid $ 949 million on its Citgo backed bond to investors,
3828-597: The worst cases of the Dutch disease in the world" due to the Bolivarian government's large dependence on oil sales and its lavish spending to please voters . Focus on the missions was increased during political campaigns in Venezuela, with Chávez often overspending to fund their popularity. Following elections, government interest in the missions would then decline and their effectiveness would be negatively affected. The lack of institutional organization–many missions had existing government services that only increased costs–and
3894-643: Was also pursuing $ 1.28 billion in repayment for the prior nationalization of its assets, through the US justice system until PDVSA begins making payments. In October 2019, Juan Guaidó filed a lawsuit in the US to invalidate the PDVSA 2020 bonds. In January 2022, the US Treasury extended a rule to shield Citgo from being seized by creditors, and in April 2023 it extended it for another 3 months. There have been worsening safety problems since 2003, culminating in
3960-618: Was later downgraded by the Audiencia Nacional to focus solely on tax evasion. Negotiations between the Morodos and the Fiscalía Anticorrupción (Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office) have led to a settlement agreement, wherein the Morodos have agreed to repay the defrauded amounts and acknowledge their crimes in exchange for reduced sentencing recommendations. The Sindicato Manos Limpias has also participated in
4026-439: Was previously too autonomous and powerful, and that its managers acted subversively to Venezuela. Chávez turned the post- Apertura PDVSA into a political rallying point for his mostly lower-class supporters by associating its Apertura liberalization policies with the country's ruling groups, energizing his working class supporters against the companies former special arrangements. In 1998, PDVSA produced 3.4 million barrels of oil
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#17327721851114092-505: Was put under military control. As of 2003, Venezuela had 77.5 billion barrels (1.232 × 10 m ) of conventional oil reserves according to PDVSA figures, the largest in the Western Hemisphere and making up approximately half the total. This puts Venezuela as fifth in the world in proven reserves of conventional oil. By also including an estimated 235 billion barrels (3.74 × 10 m ) of tar-like extra heavy crude oil in
4158-406: Was removed following thousands of politically motivated firings. Incompetence within the company has led to serious inefficiencies and accidents and to endemic corruption; at least US$ 11 billion was stolen between 2004 and 2015. Jorge Giordani , minister of planning until in 2014, estimates that $ 300 billion was simply stolen. In 2018 thousands of workers left PDVSA, especially after the company
4224-697: Was reported as having 16,600 outlets, "ranging from street-corner shops to huge warehouse stores," in addition to 6000 soup kitchens . Mercal employs 85,000 workers. Victuals offered by Mission Mercal include everything from meat and dairy (including powdered milk and cheese), to fresh produce, preserved foodstuffs, grains and cereals, fruits, vegetable oils, and mineral salts. These goods are offered in Mercal-affiliated establishments at discounts averaging between 25% and 50%. Since at least 2014, shortages have affected Mercal stores. Customers have waited in long lines for discounted products and there has been
4290-543: Was reported by Miami NGO, Solidarity Without Borders , that at least 700 Cuban medical personnel had left Venezuela in the past year and that up to hundreds of Cuban personnel had asked for advice on how to escape from Venezuela weekly. Solidarity Without Borders also stated that Cuban personnel cannot refuse to work, cannot express complaints and suffer with blackmail from threats against their family in Cuba. The development and promotion of economic resources, originating from
4356-448: Was the creation of " Bolivarian Missions ", oil funded social programs targeting poverty, illiteracy, hunger, and more. With the Apertura, PDVSA many of its managers become active in Venezuelan politics and served as national representatives in economic summits. Chávez continued this trend, further incorporating PDVSA into the government's structure, but made social welfare the priority. During his campaign, Chávez repeatedly said that PDVSA
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