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National Popular Vote Interstate Compact

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A cartogram (also called a value-area map or an anamorphic map , the latter common among German-speakers) is a thematic map of a set of features (countries, provinces, etc.), in which their geographic size is altered to be directly proportional to a selected variable, such as travel time, population , or gross national income . Geographic space itself is thus warped, sometimes extremely, in order to visualize the distribution of the variable. It is one of the most abstract types of map ; in fact, some forms may more properly be called diagrams . They are primarily used to display emphasis and for analysis as nomographs .

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132-530: Each square in the cartogram represents one electoral vote. The National Popular Vote Interstate Compact ( NPVIC ) is an agreement among a group of U.S. states and the District of Columbia to award all their electoral votes to whichever presidential ticket wins the overall popular vote in the 50 states and the District of Columbia. The compact is designed to ensure that the candidate who receives

264-447: A least squares fitting ), then uses the inverse of that function to adjust the space such that the density is equalized. The Gastner-Newman algorithm, one of the most popular tools used today, is a more advanced version of this approach. Because they do not directly scale the districts, there is no guarantee that the area of each district is exactly equal to its value. Also called irregular cartograms or deformation cartograms , This

396-667: A Republican, has argued that the compact would be an "urban power grab" and benefit Democrats. However, Saul Anuzis , former chairman of the Michigan Republican Party, wrote that Republicans "need" the compact, citing what he believes to be the center-right nature of the American electorate. New Yorker essayist Hendrik Hertzberg concluded that the NPVIC would benefit neither party, noting that historically both Republicans and Democrats have been successful in winning

528-644: A ball in honor of the Battle of New Orleans ' ninth anniversary. He had supported Jackson during his invasion of Florida while Clay and Crawford opposed him, causing Jackson to oppose them. Clay supporters in the Tennessee legislature nominated Jackson for president in 1822, as an attempt to weaken Crawford in the state. William Lowndes was nominated for president by the South Carolina legislature on December 18, 1821, but died on October 27, 1822. Calhoun

660-493: A cartogram based on total population is combined with a choropleth of a socioeconomic variable, giving readers a clear visualization of the number of people living in underprivileged conditions. Another option for diagrammatic cartograms is to subdivide the shapes as charts (commonly a pie chart ), in the same fashion often done with proportional symbol maps . This can be very effective for showing complex variables such as population composition, but can be overwhelming if there are

792-548: A compact that reduces their influence (see § Campaign focus on swing states ), the compact could not succeed without adoption by some red states as well. Republican -led chambers have adopted the measure in New York (2011), Oklahoma (2014), and Arizona (2016), and the measure has been unanimously approved by Republican-led committees in Georgia and Missouri , prior to the 2016 election . On March 15, 2019, Colorado became

924-499: A compromise between less populous states fearful of having their interests dominated and voices drowned out by larger states, and larger states which viewed anything other than proportional representation as an affront to principles of democratic representation. The ratio of the populations of the most and least populous states is far greater currently (68.50 as of the 2020 census ) than when the Connecticut Compromise

1056-519: A deliberative body which would weigh the inputs of the states, but not be bound by them, in selecting the president, and would therefore serve to protect the country from the election of a person who is unfit to be president. However, the Electoral College has never served such a role in practice. From 1796 onward, presidential electors have acted as "rubber stamps" for their parties' nominees. Journalist and commentator Peter Beinart has cited

1188-515: A large number of symbols or if the individual symbols are very small. One of the first cartographers to generate cartograms with the aid of computer visualization was Waldo Tobler of UC Santa Barbara in the 1960s. Prior to Tobler's work, cartograms were created by hand (as they occasionally still are). The National Center for Geographic Information and Analysis located on the UCSB campus maintains an online Cartogram Central Archived 2016-10-05 at

1320-445: A limited form or not at all. Although they are usually referred to as Dorling cartograms after Daniel Dorling's 1996 algorithm first facilitated their construction, these are actually the original form of cartogram, dating back to Levasseur (1876) and Raisz (1934). Several options are available for the geometric shapes: Because the districts are not at all recognizable, this approach is most useful and popular for situations in which

1452-414: A majority in their state. (California and Hawaii have since enacted laws joining the compact.) Supporters of the compact counter that under a national popular vote system, state-level majorities are irrelevant; in all states, votes contribute to the nationwide tally, which determines the winner. Individual votes combine to directly determine the outcome, while the intermediary measure of state-level majorities

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1584-447: A majority or plurality of Americans support a popular vote for President. Gallup polls dating back to 1944 showed consistent majorities of the public supporting a direct vote. A 2007 Washington Post and Kaiser Family Foundation poll found that 72% favored replacing the Electoral College with a direct election , including 78% of Democrats , 60% of Republicans , and 73% of independent voters . A November 2016 Gallup poll following

1716-658: A national popular vote contend that the non-proportionality of the Electoral College is a fundamental component of the federal system established by the Constitutional Convention. Specifically, the Connecticut Compromise established a bicameral legislature – with proportional representation of the states in the House of Representatives and equal representation of the states in the Senate – as

1848-407: A national popular vote, with support peaking at 80% in 1968, after Richard Nixon almost lost the popular vote while winning the Electoral College vote. A similar situation occurred again with Jimmy Carter 's election in 1976; a poll taken weeks after the election found 73% support for eliminating the Electoral College by amendment. Carter himself proposed a Constitutional amendment that would include

1980-526: A paper by Northwestern University law professor Robert W. Bennett , suggested states could pressure Congress to pass a constitutional amendment by acting together to pledge their electoral votes to the winner of the national popular vote. Bennett noted that the 17th Amendment was passed only after states had enacted state-level reform measures unilaterally. A few months later, Yale Law School professor Akhil Amar and his brother, University of California Hastings School of Law professor Vikram Amar , wrote

2112-543: A paper suggesting states could coordinate their efforts by passing uniform legislation under the Presidential Electors Clause and Compact Clause of the Constitution. The legislation could be structured to take effect only once enough states to control a majority of the Electoral College (270 votes) joined the compact, thereby guaranteeing that the national popular vote winner would also win

2244-461: A particular candidate. There was sometimes confusion as to who a particular elector was actually pledged to. Results are reported as the highest result for an elector for any given candidate. For example, if three Jackson electors received 100, 50, and 25 votes, Jackson would be recorded as having 100 votes. Confusion surrounding the way results are reported may lead to discrepancies between the sum of all state results and national results. States where

2376-456: A precedent that states may likewise choose to bind their electors to the national popular vote, while other legal observers cautioned against reading the opinion too broadly. Due to a lack of a precedent and case law, the CRS report concludes that whether states are allowed to appoint their electors in accordance with the national popular vote is an open question. Public opinion surveys suggest that

2508-494: A reduced role in the election, though positions on tariffs and internal improvements did create significant disagreements. Both Adams and Jackson supporters backed Secretary of War John C. Calhoun of South Carolina for vice president. He easily secured the majority of electoral votes for that office. In reality, Calhoun was vehemently opposed to nearly all of Adams's policies, but he did nothing to dissuade Adams supporters from voting for him for vice president, partly because he

2640-496: A relatively low-valued integer, enabling a one-to-one match with the cells. This has made them very popular for visualizing the United States Electoral College that determines the election of the president , appearing on television coverage and numerous vote-tracking websites. Several examples of block cartograms were published during the 2016 U.S. presidential election season by The Washington Post ,

2772-409: A small territory but outweighs other nations by its wealth and especially by its navy, how much on the contrary Russia which, by its area and its population occupies the first rank, is still left behind by other nations in the commerce and navigation." Levasseur's technique does not appear to have been adopted by others, and relatively few similar maps appear for many years. The next notable development

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2904-440: A statistical diagram rather than a map, but Levasseur referred to it as a carte figurative , the common term then in use for any thematic map. He produced them as teaching aids, immediately recognizing the intuitive power of size as a visual variable: "It is impossible that the child is not struck by the importance of the trade of Western Europe in relation to that of Eastern Europe, that he does not notice how much England, which has

3036-635: A third term. Vice President Daniel D. Tompkins had long-since been dismissed as a viable successor to Monroe due to a combination of health problems and a financial dispute with the federal government, and he formally ruled himself out of making a presidential run at the start of 1824. The presidential nomination was thus left wide open within the Democratic-Republican Party, the only remaining major national political entity. The congressional caucus nominated Crawford for president and Albert Gallatin for vice president, but only 66 of

3168-450: A tune written by Samuel Woodsworth in 1815 under the title "The Unfortunate Miss Bailey". Contrafacta such as this one, which promoted Andrew Jackson as a national hero, have been a long-standing tradition in presidential elections. Another form of campaigning during this election was through newsprint. Political cartoons and partisan writings were best circulated among the voting public through newspapers. Presidential candidate John C. Calhoun

3300-472: A wide variety of algorithms have been developed (see below), although it is still common to craft cartograms manually. Since the early days of the academic study of cartograms, they have been compared to map projections in many ways, in that both methods transform (and thus distort) space itself. The goal of designing a cartogram or a map projection is therefore to represent one or more aspects of geographic phenomena as accurately as possible, while minimizing

3432-481: Is directly proportional to a given variable. Usually this variable represents the total count or amount of something, such as total Population , Gross domestic product , or the number of retail outlets of a given brand or type. Other strictly positive ratio variables can also be used, such as GDP per capita or Birth rate , but these can sometimes produce misleading results because of the natural tendency to interpret size as total amount. Of these, total population

3564-565: Is a family of very different algorithms that scale and deform the shape of each district while maintaining adjacent edges. This approach has its roots in the early 20th Century cartograms of Haack and Weichel and others, although these were rarely as mathematically precise as current computerized versions. The variety of approaches that have been proposed include cellular automata , quadtree partitions , cartographic generalization , medial axes , spring-like forces, and simulations of inflation and deflation. Some attempt to preserve some semblance of

3696-598: Is approved by Nevada voters, then Nevada will provide its six electoral votes in support of the NPVIC. States where only one chamber has passed the legislation are Arizona, Arkansas, Michigan, North Carolina, Oklahoma, and Virginia. Bills seeking to repeal the compact in Connecticut, Maryland, New Jersey, and Washington have failed. No Republican governor has signed or allowed the compact to enter into law, though it has passed several Republican-led chambers and committees. This partisan split, if it continues, will affect

3828-415: Is common on subway and metro maps, where stations and stops are shown as being the same distance apart on the map even though the true distance varies. Though the exact time and distance from one location to another is distorted, these cartograms are still useful for travel and analysis. Both area and linear cartograms adjust the base geometry of the map, but neither has any requirements for how each feature

3960-466: Is needed, the individual geometric shapes are often labeled. In this approach (also called block or regular cartograms ), each shape is not just scaled or warped, but is reconstructed from a discrete tessellation of space, usually into squares or hexagons. Each cell of the tessellation represents a constant value of the variable (e.g., 5000 residents), so the number of whole cells to be occupied can be calculated (although rounding error often means that

4092-709: Is probably the most common variable, sometimes called an isodemographic map . The various strategies and algorithms have been classified a number of ways, generally according to their strategies with respect to preserving shape and topology. Those that preserve shape are sometimes called equiform , although isomorphic (same-shape) or homomorphic (similar-shape) may be better terms. Three broad categories are widely accepted: contiguous (preserve topology, distort shape), non-contiguous (preserve shape, distort topology), and diagrammatic (distort both). Recently, more thorough taxonomies by Nusrat and Kobourov, Markowska, and others have built on this basic framework in an attempt to capture

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4224-436: Is rendered obsolete. Some opponents of the compact contend that it would lead to a proliferation of third-party candidates, such that an election could be won with a plurality of as little as 15% of the vote. However, evidence from U.S. gubernatorial and other plurality-based races do not bear out this suggestion. In the 975 general elections for Governor in the U.S. between 1948 and 2011, 90% of winners received more than 50% of

4356-510: Is some debate over whether the Electoral College favors small- or large-population states. Those who argue that the College favors low-population states point out that such states have proportionally more electoral votes relative to their populations. As of 2020, this results in voters in the least-populous state – Wyoming, with three electors – having 220% greater voting power than they would under purely proportional representation, while voters in

4488-484: Is symbolized. This means that symbology can be used to represent a second variable using a different type of thematic mapping technique . For linear cartograms, line width can be scaled as a flow map to represent a variable such as traffic volume. For area cartograms, it is very common to fill each district with a color as a choropleth map . For example, WorldMapper has used this technique to map topics relating to global social issues, such as poverty or malnutrition;

4620-478: Is to show the relative travel times and directions from vertices in a network. For example, on a distance cartogram showing travel time between cities, the less time required to get from one city to another, the shorter the distance on the cartogram will be. When it takes a longer time to travel between two cities, they will be shown as further apart in the cartogram, even if they are physically close together. Distance cartograms are also used to show connectivity. This

4752-822: The Chicago Sun-Times , the Los Angeles Times , The Boston Globe , and the Minneapolis Star Tribune , arguing that the existing system discourages voter turnout and leaves emphasis on only a few states and a few issues, while a popular election would equalize voting power. Others have argued against it, including the Honolulu Star-Bulletin . Pete du Pont , a former governor of Delaware , in an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal , called

4884-409: The 2016 U.S. presidential election showed that Americans' support for amending the U.S. Constitution to replace the Electoral College with a national popular vote fell to 49%, with 47% opposed. Republican support for replacing the Electoral College with a national popular vote dropped significantly, from 54% in 2011 to 19% in 2016, which Gallup attributed to a partisan response to the 2016 result, where

5016-502: The Congressional Research Service examined whether the NPVIC should be considered an interstate compact , and as such, whether it would require congressional approval to take effect. At issue is whether the NPVIC would affect the vertical balance of power between the federal government and state governments, and the horizontal balance of power between the states. With respect to vertical balance of power,

5148-573: The FiveThirtyEight blog, and the Wall Street Journal , among others. This is a cartogram for the 2024 and 2028 elections, based on the 2020 Census apportionment: The major disadvantage of this type of cartogram has traditionally been that they had to be constructed manually, but recently algorithms have been developed to automatically generate both square and hexagonal mosaic cartograms. While an area cartogram manipulates

5280-628: The Supreme Court in 2020 in Chiafalo v. Washington . The National Popular Vote Interstate Compact does not eliminate the Electoral College or affect faithless elector laws; it merely changes how electors are pledged by the participating states. Under the current system, campaign focus – as measured by spending, visits, and attention to regional or state issues – is largely limited to the few swing states whose electoral outcomes are competitive, with politically "solid" states mostly ignored by

5412-783: The Tri-State Lottery with an election lawyer, Barry Fadem. To promote NPVIC, Koza, Fadem, and a group of former Democratic and Republican Senators and Representatives, formed a California 501(c)(4) non-profit, National Popular Vote Inc. (NPV, Inc.). NPV, Inc. published Every Vote Equal , a detailed, "600-page tome" explaining and advocating for NPVIC, and a regular newsletter reporting on activities and encouraging readers to petition their governors and state legislators to pass NPVIC. NPV, Inc. also commissioned statewide opinion polls, organized educational seminars for legislators and "opinion makers", and hired lobbyists in almost every state seriously considering NPVIC legislation. NPVIC

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5544-432: The U.S. Constitution , which requires each state legislature to define a method to appoint its electors to vote in the Electoral College. The Constitution does not mandate any particular legislative scheme for selecting electors, and instead vests state legislatures with the exclusive power to choose how to allocate their states' electors (although systems that violate the 14th Amendment, which mandates equal protection of

5676-469: The United States from October 26 to December 2, 1824. Andrew Jackson , John Quincy Adams , Henry Clay and William Crawford were the primary contenders for the presidency . The result of the election was inconclusive, as no candidate won a majority of the electoral vote . In the election for vice president , John C. Calhoun was elected with a comfortable majority of the vote. Because none of

5808-622: The Wayback Machine with resources regarding cartograms. A number of software packages generate cartograms. Most of the available cartogram generation tools work in conjunction with other GIS software tools as add-ons or independently produce cartographic outputs from GIS data formatted to work with commonly used GIS products. Examples of cartogram software include ScapeToad, Cart, and the Cartogram Processing Tool (an ArcScript for ESRI 's ArcGIS ), which all use

5940-561: The relative turnout for each party in their favor, by, for example, making voting more difficult for groups that tend to vote against them. Under NPVIC, this incentive may be reduced, as electoral votes will no longer be rewarded on the basis of statewide vote totals, but on nationwide results, which are less likely to be significantly affected by the voting rules of any one state. Under the compact, however, there may be an incentive for states to create rules that make voting easier for all, to increase their total turnout, and thus their impact on

6072-543: The 240 Democratic Republican members of Congress attended the caucus, which was widely attacked as undemocratic. Gallatin had not sought the vice presidential nomination and soon withdrew at Crawford's request. Gallatin was also dissatisfied with repeated attacks on his credibility made by the other candidates. He was replaced by North Carolina senator Nathaniel Macon . State legislatures also convened state caucuses to nominate candidates. Adams sought to have Jackson be his vice-presidential running mate and Louisa Adams hosted

6204-631: The California legislature before being vetoed by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger . In 2007, NPVIC legislation was introduced in 42 states. It was passed by at least one legislative chamber in Arkansas , California , Colorado , Illinois , New Jersey , North Carolina , Maryland , and Hawaii . Maryland became the first state to join the compact when Governor Martin O'Malley signed it into law on April 10, 2007. By 2019, NPVIC legislation had been introduced in all 50 states. As of November 2024,

6336-537: The Electoral College advantage in one election and which has it four years later." In all four elections since 1876 in which the winner lost the popular vote , the Republican became president; however, Silver's analysis shows that such splits are about equally likely to favor either major party. A popular vote-Electoral College split favoring the Democrat John Kerry nearly occurred in 2004 . There

6468-523: The Electoral College did not win the election. It is also, to date, the election with the lowest popular vote percentage for an elected president (32.7%). The Era of Good Feelings , associated with the administration of President James Monroe , was a time of reduced emphasis on political party identity. With the Federalists discredited , Democratic-Republicans adopted some key Federalist economic programs and institutions. The economic nationalism of

6600-738: The Era of Good Feelings that would authorize the Tariff of 1816 and incorporate the Second Bank of the United States portended abandonment of the Jeffersonian political formula for strict construction of the Constitution, limited central government, and primacy of Southern slaveholding interests. An unintended consequence of wide single-party identification was reduced party discipline. Rather than political harmony, factions arose within

6732-595: The Gastner-Newman algorithm. An alternative algorithm, Carto3F, is also implemented as an independent program for non-commercial use on Windows platforms. This program also provides an optimization to the original Dougenik rubber-sheet algorithm. The CRAN package recmap provides an implementation of a rectangular cartogram algorithm. 1824 United States presidential election James Monroe Democratic-Republican John Quincy Adams Democratic-Republican Presidential elections were held in

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6864-423: The House and Senate. During this period, Senate and House Judiciary Committees held hearings on 17 different occasions. Proposals were debated five times in the Senate and twice in the House, and approved by two-thirds majorities twice in the Senate and once in the House, but never at the same time. In the late 1960s and 1970s, over 65% of voters supported amending the Constitution to replace the Electoral College with

6996-495: The House was limited to choosing from among the three candidates who received the most electoral votes: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and William Crawford; Henry Clay, who had finished fourth, was eliminated. Each state delegation, voting en bloc , had a single vote. There were 24 states at the time, thus an absolute majority of 13 votes was required for victory. Clay detested Jackson and had said of him, "I cannot believe that killing 2,500 Englishmen at New Orleans qualifies for

7128-622: The NPVIC has been adopted by seventeen states and the District of Columbia. Together, they have 209 electoral votes, which is 38.8% of the Electoral College and 77.4% of the 270 votes needed to give the compact legal force . In Nevada, the Legislature passed Assembly Joint Resolution 6 in 2023. If the Nevada Legislature passes AJR6 again in 2025, then a proposal to ratify NPVIC via an amendment to Nevada's Constitution will appear on Nevada's November 2026 ballot. If that amendment

7260-501: The NPVIC looked initially to be an implausible, long-shot approach to reform", but within months of the campaign's launch, several major newspapers including The New York Times and Los Angeles Times , published favorable editorials. Shortly after the press conference, NPVIC legislation was introduced in five additional state legislatures, "most with bipartisan support". It passed in the Colorado Senate, and in both houses of

7392-410: The NPVIC removes the possibility of contingent elections for President conducted by the U.S. House of Representatives . Whether this would be a de minimis diminishment of federal power is unresolved. The Supreme Court has also held that congressional consent is required for interstate compacts that alter the horizontal balance of power among the states. There is debate over whether the NPVIC affects

7524-494: The NPVIC would likely become the source of considerable litigation, and it is likely that the Supreme Court will be involved in any resolution of the constitutional issues surrounding it. NPV Inc. has stated that they plan to seek congressional approval if the compact is approved by a sufficient number of states. Proponents of the compact have argued that states have the plenary power to appoint electors in accordance with

7656-409: The NPVIC, each state will continue to handle disputes and statewide recounts as governed by their own laws. The NPVIC does not include any provision for a nationwide recount, though Congress has the authority to create such a provision. Pete du Pont argues that the NPVIC would enable electoral fraud , stating, "Mr. Gore 's 540,000-vote margin [in the 2000 election ] amounted to 3.1 votes in each of

7788-530: The Republican candidate Donald Trump won the Electoral College despite losing the popular vote. In March 2018, a Pew Research Center poll showed that 55% of Americans supported replacing the Electoral College with a national popular vote, with 41% opposed, but that a partisan divide remained in that support, as 75% of self-identified Democrats supported replacing the Electoral College with a national popular vote, while only 32% of self-identified Republicans did. A September 2020 Gallup poll showed support for amending

7920-484: The U.S. Constitution to replace the Electoral College with a national popular vote rose to 61% with 38% opposed, similar to levels prior to the 2016 election, although the partisan divide continued with support from 89% of Democrats and 68% of independents, but only 23% of Republicans. An August 2022 Pew Research Center poll showed 63% support for a national popular vote versus 35% opposed, with support from 80% of Democrats and 42% of Republicans. The Electoral College system

8052-586: The Western states, and Jackson and Crawford split the Southern states. Jackson finished with a plurality of the popular vote (there was no popular vote in six states including New York, the most populous state), and also of the electoral vote (due to the Three-fifths Compromise ), while the other three candidates each finished with a significant share of the votes. Clay, who had finished fourth,

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8184-502: The abolition of the electoral college shortly after taking office in 1977. After a direct popular election amendment failed to pass the Senate in 1979 and prominent congressional advocates retired or were defeated in elections, electoral college reform subsided from public attention and the number of reform proposals in Congress dwindled. The 2000 US presidential election produced the first "wrong winner" since 1888, with Al Gore winning

8316-442: The area of a polygon feature, a linear cartogram manipulates linear distance on a line feature. The spatial distortion allows the map reader to easily visualize intangible concepts such as travel time and connectivity on a network. Distance cartograms are also useful for comparing such concepts among different geographic features. A distance cartogram may also be called a central-point cartogram . A common use of distance cartograms

8448-544: The cabinet and remained critical of the administration. Two key events, the Panic of 1819 and the Missouri crisis of 1820 , influenced and reshaped politics. The economic downturn broadly harmed workers, the sectional disputes over slavery expansion raised tensions, and both events plus other factors drove demand for increased democratic control. Social disaffection would help motivate revival of rivalrous political parties in

8580-420: The campaigns. The adjacent maps illustrate the amount spent on advertising and the number of visits to each state, relative to population, by the two major-party candidates in the last stretch of the 2004 presidential campaign . Supporters of the compact contend that a national popular vote would encourage candidates to campaign with equal effort for votes in competitive and non-competitive states alike. Critics of

8712-421: The candidate with the largest national popular vote total across the 50 states and the District of Columbia. As a result, that candidate would win the presidency by securing a majority of votes in the Electoral College. Until the compact's conditions are met, all states award electoral votes in their current manner. The compact would modify the way participating states implement Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 of

8844-508: The candidates for president garnered an electoral vote majority, the U.S. House of Representatives , under the provisions of the Twelfth Amendment , held a contingent election . On February 9, 1825, the House voted (with each state delegation casting one vote) to elect John Quincy Adams as president, ultimately giving the election to him. The Democratic-Republican Party had won six consecutive presidential elections and by 1824

8976-520: The collateral damage of distortion in other aspects. In the case of cartograms, by scaling features to have a size proportional to a variable other than their actual size, the danger is that the features will be distorted to the degree that they are no longer recognizable to map readers, making them less useful. As with map projections, the tradeoffs inherent in cartograms have led to a wide variety of strategies, including manual methods and dozens of computer algorithms that produce very different results from

9108-470: The compact argue that candidates would have less incentive to focus on regions with smaller populations or fewer urban areas, and would thus be less motivated to address rural issues. Opponents of the compact have raised concerns about the handling of close or disputed outcomes. National Popular Vote contends that an election being decided based on a disputed tally is far less likely under the NPVIC, which creates one large nationwide pool of voters, than under

9240-783: The compact include: This happened in the elections of 1824 , 1876 , 1888 , 2000 , and 2016 . (The 1960 election is also a disputed example .) In the 2000 election, for instance, Al Gore won 543,895 more votes nationally than George W. Bush , but Bush secured five more electors than Gore, in part due to a narrow Bush victory in Florida; in the 2016 election, Hillary Clinton won 2,868,691 more votes nationally than Donald Trump , but Trump secured 77 more electors than Clinton, in part due to narrow Trump victories in Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin (a cumulative 77,744 votes). Whether these splits suggest an advantage for one major party or

9372-504: The contingent election. All four candidates were nominated by at least one state legislature. Andrew Jackson was recruited to run for the office of the president by the state legislature of Tennessee. Jackson did not seek the task of running for president. Instead, he wished to retire to his estate on the outskirts of Nashville, called the Hermitage. Candidates drew voter support by different states and sections . Adams dominated

9504-401: The country's 175,000 precincts. 'Finding' three votes per precinct in urban areas is not a difficult thing...". However, National Popular Vote counters that altering the outcome via fraud would be more difficult under a national popular vote than under the current system, due to the greater number of total votes that would likely need to be changed: currently, a close election may be determined by

9636-411: The current system, in which the national winner may be determined by an extremely small margin in any one of the fifty-one smaller statewide tallies. However, the national popular vote can theoretically be closer than the vote tally within any one state. In the event of an exact tie in the nationwide tally, NPVIC member states will award their electors to the winner of the popular vote in their state. Under

9768-407: The election of Donald Trump, whom some, he notes, view as unfit, as evidence that the Electoral College does not perform a protective function. As of 2020, no election outcome has been determined by an elector deviating from the will of their state. Furthermore, thirty-two states and the District of Columbia have laws to prevent such " faithless electors ", and such laws were upheld as constitutional by

9900-472: The election, had their delegations support Adams. Van Buren attempted to have New York's delegation be divided between Adams and Crawford in order to increase its power and make a deal with one of them. However, Stephen Van Rensselaer , a Federalist allied with Van Buren, voted for Adams. Van Buren stated that Van Rensselaer found a ballot for Adams on the floor while Van Rensselaer, in his letter to Governor DeWitt Clinton , stated that he voted for Adams as he

10032-467: The electoral college system does not provide for direct democratic election, affords less-populous states an advantage, and allows a candidate to win the presidency without winning the most votes. Reform amendments were approved by two-thirds majorities in one branch of Congress six times in history. However, other than the 12th Amendment in 1804, none of these proposals have received the approval of two-thirds of both branches of Congress and three-fourths of

10164-611: The electoral college. Bennett and the Amar brothers "are generally credited as the intellectual godparents" of NPVIC. Building on the work of Bennett and the Amar brothers, in 2006, John Koza , a computer scientist, former elector, and "longtime critic of the Electoral College", created the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC), a formal interstate compact that linked and unified individual states' pledges to commit their electoral votes to

10296-518: The exception of the "rectangular statistical cartograms" by the American master cartographer Erwin Raisz , who claimed to have invented the technique. When Haack and Weichel referred to their map as a kartogramm , this term was commonly being used to refer to all thematic maps, especially in Europe. It was not until Raisz and other academic cartographers stated their preference for a restricted use of

10428-402: The expense of the other, some attempt a compromise solution of balancing the distortion of both, and other methods do not attempt to preserve either one, sacrificing all recognizability to achieve another goal. The area cartogram is by far the most common form; it scales a set of region features, usually administrative districts such as counties or countries, such that the area of each district

10560-445: The final area is not exactly proportional to the variable). Then a shape is assembled from those cells, usually with some attempt to retain the original shape, including salient features such as panhandles that aid recognition (for example, Long Island and Cape Cod are often exaggerated). Thus, these cartograms are usually homomorphic and at least partially contiguous. This method works best with variables that are already measured as

10692-643: The final collapse of the Republican-Federalist political framework. The electoral map confirmed the candidates' sectional support, with Adams winning in New England, Jackson having wide voter appeal, Clay attracting votes from the West, and Crawford attracting votes from the eastern South. Jackson earned only a plurality of electoral votes . Thus, the presidential election was decided by the House of Representatives, which elected John Quincy Adams on

10824-554: The first ballot. John C. Calhoun , supported by Adams and Jackson, easily won the vice presidency, not requiring a contingent election in the Senate. Jackson's electoral college plurality was the result of the Three-fifths Compromise . The electoral college results would have been 83 for Adams and 77 for Jackson without the inflated electoral count of slaveholding states. Crawford likewise benefited in this regard, as all but eight of his electoral votes were from slave states, while Clay's electoral votes were split relatively evenly (20 from

10956-574: The free states of New York and Ohio, 17 from the slave states of Kentucky and Missouri); without the Three-fifths Compromise, Crawford would have finished last in the electoral college, and Clay would have entered the contingent election at his expense. [REDACTED] Elections in this period were vastly different from modern-day presidential elections. The actual presidential candidates were rarely mentioned on tickets and voters were voting for particular electors who were pledged to

11088-415: The individual features. Because of this distinction, some have preferred to call the result a pseudo-cartogram . Tobler's first computer cartogram algorithm was based on this strategy, for which he developed the general mathematical construct on which his and subsequent algorithms are based. This approach first models the distribution of the chosen variable as a continuous density function (usually using

11220-414: The law and prohibits racial discrimination, are prohibited). States have chosen various methods of allocation over the years, with regular changes in the nation's early decades. Today, all but two states (Maine and Nebraska) award all their electoral votes to the single candidate with the most votes statewide (the so-called " winner-take-all " system). Maine and Nebraska currently award one electoral vote to

11352-480: The likelihood of the compact reaching the enactment threshold; see § Enactment prospects . The possibility of a partisan advantage to the compact is discussed in § Suggested partisan advantage . Cartogram Cartograms leverage the fact that size is the most intuitive visual variable for representing a total amount. In this, it is a strategy that is similar to proportional symbol maps , which scale point features, and many flow maps , which scale

11484-411: The margin of victory was under 1%: States where the margin of victory was under 5%: States where the margin of victory was under 10%: As no presidential candidate had won an absolute electoral vote majority, the responsibility for electing a new president devolved upon the U.S. House of Representatives , which held a contingent election on February 9, 1825. As prescribed by the Twelfth Amendment ,

11616-504: The most "purple" state to join the compact, though no Republican legislators supported the bill and Colorado had a state government trifecta under Democrats. It was later submitted to a referendum , where it was approved by 52% of voters. In addition to the adoption threshold, the NPVIC raises potential legal issues, discussed in § Constitutionality , that may draw challenges to the compact. The project has been supported by editorials in newspapers, including The New York Times ,

11748-466: The most populous state, California, have 16% less power. In contrast, the NPVIC would give equal weight to each voter's ballot, regardless of what state they live in. Others, however, believe that since most states award electoral votes on a winner-takes-all system (the "unit rule"), the potential of populous states to shift greater numbers of electoral votes gives them more clout than would be expected from their electoral vote count alone. Some opponents of

11880-509: The most votes nationwide is elected president , and it would come into effect only when it would guarantee that outcome. Introduced in 2006, as of November 2024, it was joined by seventeen states and the District of Columbia. They have 209 electoral votes, which is 39% of the Electoral College and 77% of the 270 votes needed to give the compact legal force . The idea gained traction amongst scholars after George W. Bush won

12012-517: The national popular vote under the Elections Clause of Article II, Section I . However, the Supreme Court has found limits on the manner in which states may appoint their electors, under several Constitutional amendments. The Supreme Court has held in Chiafalo v. Washington that states may bind their electors to the state's popular vote, enforceable by penalty or removal and replacement. This has been interpreted by some legal observers as

12144-469: The nationwide vote totals. In either system, the voting rules of each state have the potential to affect the election outcome for the entire country. There is ongoing legal debate about the constitutionality of the NPVIC. At issue are interpretations of the Compact Clause of Article I, Section X , and states' plenary power under the Elections Clause of Article II, Section I . A 2019 report by

12276-758: The near future, though these had not yet formed by the time of the 1824 election. The previous competition between the Federalist Party and the Democratic-Republican Party collapsed after the War of 1812 due to the disintegration of the Federalists' popular appeal. President James Monroe of the Democratic-Republicans was able to run without opposition in the 1820 election. Like previous presidents who had been elected to two terms, Monroe declined to seek re-nomination for

12408-445: The original shape (and may thus be termed homomorphic ), but these are often more complex and slower algorithms than those that severely distort shape. This is perhaps the simplest method for constructing a cartogram, in which each district is simply reduced or enlarged in size according to the variable without altering its shape at all. In most cases, a second step adjusts the location of each shape to reduce gaps and overlaps between

12540-404: The other in the Electoral College is discussed in § Suggested partisan advantage below. Political analyst Nate Silver noted in 2014 that all jurisdictions that had adopted the compact at that time were blue states , and that there were not enough electoral votes from the remaining blue states to achieve the required majority. He concluded that, as swing states were unlikely to support

12672-471: The outcome in one (see tipping-point state ) or more close states, and the margin in the closest of those states is likely to be far smaller than the nationwide margin, due to the smaller pool of voters at the state level, and the fact that several states may be capable of tipping the election. Some supporters and opponents of the NPVIC believe it gives one party an advantage relative to the current Electoral College system. Former Delaware Governor Pete du Pont,

12804-539: The party. Monroe attempted to improve discipline by appointing leading statesmen to his Cabinet, including Secretary of State John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford of Georgia, and Secretary of War John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. General Andrew Jackson of Tennessee led high-profile military missions. Only House Speaker Henry Clay of Kentucky held political power independent of Monroe. He refused to join

12936-464: The popular vote but losing the Electoral College vote to George W. Bush . This "electoral misfire" sparked new studies and proposals from scholars and activists on electoral college reform, ultimately leading to the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC). In 2001, "two provocative articles" were published by law professors suggesting paths to a national popular vote through state legislative action rather than constitutional amendment. The first,

13068-691: The popular vote in New England and won some support elsewhere, Clay dominated his home state of Kentucky and won pluralities in two neighboring states, and Crawford won the Virginia vote overwhelmingly and polled well in North Carolina . Jackson had geographically the broadest support, though there were heavy vote concentrations in his home state of Tennessee and in Pennsylvania and populous areas where even he ran poorly. Policy played

13200-417: The popular vote in presidential elections. A statistical analysis by FiveThirtyEight ' s Nate Silver of all presidential elections from 1864 to 2016 (see adjacent chart) found that the Electoral College has not consistently favored one major party or the other, and that any advantage in the Electoral College does not tend to last long, noting that "there's almost no correlation between which party has

13332-544: The power of non-compacting states with regard to Presidential elections. Ian Drake, a law professor at Montclair State University , has argued that Congress cannot consent to the NPVIC, because Congress has no power to alter the functioning of the Electoral College under Article I, Section VIII . However, a report by the Government Accountability Office suggests congressional authority is not limited in this way. The CRS report concluded that

13464-504: The presidency, as Adams and his three predecessors had all served as Secretary of State. Jackson and his followers accused Adams and Clay of striking a " corrupt bargain ", and the Jacksonians would campaign on this claim for the next four years, ultimately helping Jackson defeat Adams in 1828 . Ironically, Adams offered Jackson a position in his Cabinet as Secretary of War, which Jackson declined to accept. Adams' supporters controlled

13596-496: The presidential election but lost the popular vote in 2000, the first time the winner of the presidency had lost the popular vote since 1888. Certain legal questions may affect implementation of the compact. Some legal observers believe states have plenary power to appoint electors as prescribed by the compact; others believe that the compact will require congressional consent under the Constitution 's Compact Clause or that

13728-436: The presidential election process cannot be altered except by a constitutional amendment . Taking the form of an interstate compact , the agreement would go into effect among participating states only after they collectively represent an absolute majority of votes (currently at least 270) in the Electoral College. Once in effect, in each presidential election the participating states would award all of their electoral votes to

13860-465: The project an "urban power grab" that would shift politics entirely to urban issues in high population states and allow lower caliber candidates to run. A collection of readings pro and con has been assembled by the League of Women Voters . Some of the most common points of debate are detailed below: Certain founders , notably Alexander Hamilton and James Madison , conceived of the Electoral College as

13992-445: The same source data. The quality of each type of cartogram is typically judged on how accurately it scales each feature, as well as on how (and how well) it attempts to preserve some form of recognizability in the features, usually in two aspects: shape and topological relationship (i.e., retained adjacency of neighboring features). It is likely impossible to preserve both of these, so some cartogram methods attempt to preserve one at

14124-430: The shapes would not be familiar to map readers anyway (e.g., U.K. parliamentary constituencies ) or where the districts are so familiar to map readers that their general distribution is sufficient information to recognize them (e.g., countries of the world). Typically, this method is used when it is more important for readers to ascertain the overall geographic pattern than to identify particular districts; if identification

14256-418: The shapes, but their boundaries are not actually adjacent. While the preservation of shape is a prime advantage of this approach, the results often have a haphazard appearance because the individual districts do not fit together well. In this approach, each district is replaced with a simple geometric shape of proportional size. Thus, the original shape is completely eliminated, and contiguity may be retained in

14388-424: The size of Congress , for example by admittance of a 51st state . The compact mandates a July 20 deadline in presidential election years, six months before Inauguration Day , to determine whether the agreement is in effect for that particular election. Any withdrawal by a state after that deadline will not be considered effective by other participating states until the next president is confirmed. Reasons given for

14520-446: The states required to amend the Constitution. The difficulty of amending the Constitution has always been the "most prominent structural obstacle" to reform efforts. Since the 1940s, when modern scientific polling on the subject began, a majority of Americans have preferred changing the electoral college system. Between 1948 and 1979, Congress debated electoral college reform extensively, and hundreds of reform proposals were introduced in

14652-430: The term in their textbooks (Raisz initially espousing value-area cartogram ) that the current meaning was gradually adopted. The primary challenge of cartograms has always been the drafting of the distorted shapes, making them a prime target for computer automation. Waldo R. Tobler developed one of the first algorithms in 1963, based on a strategy of warping space itself rather than the distinct districts. Since then,

14784-419: The variety in approaches that have been proposed and in the appearances of the results. The various taxonomies tend to agree on the following general types of area cartograms. This is a type of contiguous cartogram that uses a single parametric mathematical formula (such as a polynomial curved surface ) to distort space itself to equalize the spatial distribution of the chosen variable, rather than distorting

14916-519: The various, difficult, and complicated duties of the Chief Magistracy." Moreover, Clay's American System was closer to Adams's position on tariffs and internal improvements than Jackson's. Even if Clay had wished to align with Crawford over Jackson, which was highly unlikely in any event since Clay's policy differences with Crawford were even deeper, especially on matters of the tariff, Crawford had been in poor health, and no path to victory

15048-501: The vote, 99% received more than 40%, and all received more than 35%. Duverger's law holds that plurality elections do not generally create a proliferation of minor candidacies with significant vote shares. Each state sets its own rules for voting, including registration deadlines, voter ID laws , poll opening and closing times, conditions for early and absentee voting , and disenfranchisement of felons . Currently, parties in power have an incentive to create state rules meant to skew

15180-420: The weight of linear features. However, these two techniques only scale the map symbol , not space itself; a map that stretches the length of linear features is considered a linear cartogram (although additional flow map techniques may be added). Once constructed, cartograms are often used as a base for other thematic mapping techniques to visualize additional variables, such as choropleth mapping . The cartogram

15312-400: The winner in each congressional district and their remaining two electoral votes to the statewide winner. The compact would no longer be in effect should the total number of electoral votes held by the participating states fall below the threshold required, which could occur due to withdrawal of one or more states, changes due to the decennial congressional re-apportionment , or an increase in

15444-474: The winner of a plurality of both the popular and electoral votes, expected the House to choose him. Not long before the contingent House election, an anonymous statement appeared in a Philadelphia paper, called the Columbian Observer . The statement, said to be from a member of Congress, essentially accused Clay of selling Adams his support for the office of Secretary of State. No formal investigation

15576-452: The winner of the national popular vote. NPVIC offered "a framework for building support one state at a time as well as a legal mechanism for enforcing states' commitments after the threshold of 270 had been reached." Compacts of this type had long existed to regulate interstate issues such as water rights, ports, and nuclear waste. Koza, who had earned "substantial wealth" by co-inventing the scratchcard , had worked on lottery compacts such as

15708-577: Was a pair of maps by Hermann Haack and Hugo Weichel of the 1898 election results for the German Reichstag in preparation for the 1903 election , the earliest known contiguous cartogram . Both maps showed a similar outline of the German Empire, with one subdivided into constituencies to scale, and the other distorting the constituencies by area. The subsequent expansion of densely populated areas around Berlin , Hamburg , and Saxony

15840-400: Was adopted (7.35 as of the 1790 census ), exaggerating the non-proportional component of the compromise allocation. Three governors who have vetoed NPVIC legislation— Arnold Schwarzenegger of California, Linda Lingle of Hawaii, and Steve Sisolak of Nevada—objected to the compact on the grounds that it could require their states' electoral votes to be awarded to a candidate who did not win

15972-542: Was announced at a press conference in Washington, D.C., on February 23, 2006, with the endorsement of former US Senator Birch Bayh ; Chellie Pingree , president of Common Cause ; Rob Richie , executive director of FairVote ; and former US Representatives John Anderson and John Buchanan . NPV, Inc. announced it planned to introduce legislation in all 50 states and had already done so in Illinois. "To many observers,

16104-2371: Was bound to win and that he wanted to shorten "the long agony". Van Buren supported Jackson during the 1828 election and aided in Calhoun's selection as vice president. Ignoring the nonbinding directive of the Kentucky legislature that its House delegation choose Jackson, the delegation voted 8–4 for Adams instead. Thus, Adams was elected president on the first ballot, with 13 states, followed by Jackson with seven, and Crawford with four. Connecticut       0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Illinois       0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Kentucky       0 8 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 Louisiana       0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 Maine       0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Maryland       0 5 0 0 3 0 0 1 0 Massachusetts       0 12 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 Missouri       0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 New Hampshire       0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 New York       0 18 0 0 2 0 0 14 0 Ohio       0 10 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 Rhode Island       0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Vermont       0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Alabama       0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 Indiana       0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 Mississippi       0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 New Jersey       0 1 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 Pennsylvania       0 1 0 0 25 0 0 0 0 South Carolina       0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 Tennessee       0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 Delaware       0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 Georgia       0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 North Carolina       0 1 0 0 2 0 0 10 0 Virginia       0 1 0 0 1 0 0 19 0 0 83 0 0 13 0 0 17 0 0 2 0 0 55 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 0 37 0 Adams' victory shocked Jackson, who, as

16236-457: Was conducted, so the matter was neither confirmed nor denied. When Clay was indeed offered the position after Adams was victorious, he opted to accept and continue to support the administration he voted for, knowing that declining the position would not have helped to dispel the rumors brought against him. Jackson referred to Clay as the "Judas of the West". By appointing Clay his Secretary of State, President Adams essentially declared him heir to

16368-579: Was developed later than other types of thematic maps , but followed the same tradition of innovation in France . The earliest known cartogram was published in 1876 by French statistician and geographer Pierre Émile Levasseur , who created a series of maps that represented the countries of Europe as squares, sized according to a variable and arranged in their general geographical position (with separate maps scaled by area, population, religious adherents, and national budget). Later reviewers have called his figures

16500-405: Was eliminated. Adams was the first son of a former president to become president. This is one of two presidential elections (along with the 1800 election ) that have been decided in the House. It is also one of five elections in which the winner did not achieve at least a plurality of the national popular vote and the only election in which the candidate who received the most electoral votes from

16632-564: Was established by Article II, Section 1 of the US Constitution, drafted in 1787. It "has been a source of discontent for more than 200 years." Over 700 proposals to reform or eliminate the system have been introduced in Congress, making it one of the most popular topics of constitutional reform. Electoral College reform and abolition has been advocated "by a long roster of mainstream political leaders with disparate political interests and ideologies." Proponents of these proposals argued that

16764-424: Was even more vehemently opposed to the prospect of a Clay presidency, and partly because he had a long-standing personal enmity with Crawford. The campaigning for presidential election of 1824 took many forms. Contrafacta , or well known songs and tunes whose lyrics have been altered, were used to promote political agendas and presidential candidates. Below can be found a sound clip featuring " Hunters of Kentucky ",

16896-429: Was evident. Daniel Pope Cook , Illinois' sole representative, was anti-slavery and gave his support to Adams. James Buchanan attempted to make a compromise with Clay in which Jackson would make him Secretary of State in exchange for his support. Clay instead gave his support to Adams and was able to have the Kentucky, Missouri, and Ohio delegations support him. Illinois, Louisiana, and Maryland, which Jackson won during

17028-550: Was intended to visualize the controversial tendency of the mainly urban Social Democrats to win the popular vote, while the mainly rural Zentrum won more seats (thus presaging the modern popularity of cartograms for showing the same tendencies in recent elections in the United States). The continuous cartogram emerged soon after in the United States, where a variety appeared in the popular media after 1911. Most were rather crudely drawn compared to Haack and Weichel, with

17160-724: Was nominated by a group of men in Philadelphia, including George M. Dallas , in December 1821. However, Dallas later gave his support to Jackson's presidential campaign, with Calhoun as his running mate, in February 1824. Martin Van Buren and his political machine supported Crawford in New York . During the selection of New York's electors Van Buren was able to deny Clay enough support to prevent him from being eligible for

17292-469: Was one of the candidates most directly involved through his participation in the publishing of the newspaper The Patriot as a member of the editorial staff. This was a sure way to promote his own political agendas and campaign. In contrast, most candidates involved in early 19th century elections did not run their own political campaigns. Instead it was left to volunteer citizens and partisans to speak on their behalf. The 1824 presidential election marked

17424-526: Was the only national political party. However, as the election approached, the presence of multiple viable candidates resulted in there being multiple nominations by the contending factions, signaling the splintering of the party and an end to the Era of Good Feelings , as well as the First Party System . Adams won New England , Jackson and Adams split the mid-Atlantic states , Jackson and Clay split

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