126-587: Namantar Andolan (English: Name Change Movement ) was a Dalit and Navayana Buddhist movement to change the name of Marathwada University, in Aurangabad , Maharashtra , India, to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar University . It achieved a measure of success in 1994, when the compromise name of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University was accepted. The movement was notable for the violence against Dalits and Navayana Buddhists. Namantar means name change and andolan means social movement . The Namantar Andolan
252-631: A Dalit Panther leader, who launched a tirade of abuse at the non-Dalit contingent as he asserted the right of the Dalits to take all the credit for the change in name. This alienated the non-Dalit students and, according to Dipankar Gupta, "the division was caused not so much by Hindu caste prejudices and reticence to support the renaming of the University, but rather by the splittist and sectarian position taken by Gadhe", who might also be concerned that any alliance between Dalits and non-Dalits could affect
378-624: A Hindu nationalist political party, was the most influential organisation among the Maharashtrian youth. Especially in the Worli neighbourhood of Mumbai, Sena influenced both Dalit and non-Dalit youngsters who formed gangs united by their lower-class status that were mobilised by Sena for support in elections. However, the formation of the Panthers led to a declining support for Sena among Dalits and eventually culminated into conflict between
504-542: A temple car procession at a village in Tamil Nadu. In August 2015, it was claimed that a Jat Khap Panchayat ordered the rape of two Dalit sisters because their brother eloped with a married Jat girl of the same village. In 2003, the higher caste Muslims in Bihar opposed the burials of lower caste Muslims in the same graveyard. A Dalit activist was killed in 2020 for social media posts criticising Brahmins. A Dalit
630-645: A 2014 report to the Ministry of Minority Affairs , 33.8 percent of Scheduled Caste (SC) populations in rural India were living below the poverty line in 2011–12. In urban areas, 21.8 percent of SC populations were below the poverty line. A 2012 survey by Mangalore University in Karnataka found that 93 percent of Dalit families in the state of Karnataka live below the poverty line. Some Dalits have achieved affluence, although most remain poor. Some Dalit intellectuals, such as Chandra Bhan Prasad , have argued that
756-512: A 45-year-old Dalit woman was allegedly stripped naked and forced to drink urine by perpetrators in Madhya Pradesh. In some villages of India, there have been allegations that Dalit grooms riding horses for wedding ceremonies have been beaten up and ostracised by upper caste people. In August 2015, upper caste people burned houses and vehicles belonging to Dalit families and slaughtered their livestock in reaction to Dalits daring to hold
882-592: A curfew at Tuljapur and shots fired by the police were reported in Beed. After renaming the university, at least four Dalits were stabbed, Dalit property was set on fire and statues of Ambedkar dishonoured at Parbhani and Osmanabad. However, in Osmanabad district, at Kathi Savargaon, the renaming decision was welcomed with celebration by Maratha sarpanch in village. A similar case was reported in Lohara. Marathwda region has
1008-518: A debate on what should be the ideological focus of the struggle of the down-trodden of Indian society: Buddhism or Marxism and caste or class. Although their political impact is source of controversy, the Dalit Panthers' impact in the literary and cultural area is more clear. They led a renaissance in Marathi literature and art, and created a new Dalit literature of protest that expanded
1134-451: A desire not to be associated with what they perceive to be the demeaning Dalit masses. James Lochtefeld, a professor of religion and Asian studies, said in 2002 that the "adoption and popularization of [the term Dalit ] reflects their growing awareness of the situation, and their greater assertiveness in demanding their legal and constitutional rights". India's National Commission for Scheduled Castes considers official use of dalit as
1260-553: A dispute of allocation of land, is an example of atrocities against Dalit girls and women. In August 2015, due to continued alleged discrimination from upper castes of the village, about 100 Dalit inhabitants converted to Islam in a ceremony at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi . Inter-caste marriage has been proposed as a remedy, but according to a 2014 survey of 42,000 households by the New Delhi-based National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) and
1386-636: A distance of 470 kilometres in 18 days in the bitter cold. This was one of the most remarkable andolan in Indian history, after the 1927 Indian Independence movement due to Dalit women's active key role–they took part in the Jail Bharo Andolan with pride. At every village, masses of people joined the Long March. "This march was the world's third largest Long March." According to Yukrant leader, around 3 lakhs of people were expected to join
SECTION 10
#17327980440791512-501: A diverse cultural and historical background, so many names were suggested. Finally the "university was renamed as Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University to pay homage to the work done by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar for the educational development of the Marathwada region." The university name was eventually altered on 14 January 1994. The chosen form — Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University — represents an expansion of
1638-489: A few villages, Hindu police patils and sarpanchs of all riot-affected villages teamed up with rich Hindu caste landowners to attack Dalit's poor peasants and agricultural labourers. The police joined the mob in a violent way. The District Collector of Nanded was from Dalit community, and was powerless when his assistant officers refused his commands. In Akola Village, the police intentionally refused to lodge complains during violence against upper caste Hindus. In Nanded City,
1764-533: A fifth varna, describing themselves as Panchama . In the 1970s its use was invigorated when it was adopted by the Dalit Panthers activist group. Socio-legal scholar Oliver Mendelsohn and political economist Marika Vicziany wrote in 1998 that the term had become "intensely political ... While the use of the term might seem to express appropriate solidarity with the contemporary face of Untouchable politics, there remain major problems in adopting it as
1890-646: A generic term. Although the word is now quite widespread, it still has deep roots in a tradition of political radicalism inspired by the figure of B. R. Ambedkar." They went on to suggest that its use risked erroneously labelling the entire population of untouchables in India as being united by a radical politics. Anand Teltumbde also detects a trend towards denial of the politicised identity, for example among educated middle-class people who have converted to Buddhism and argue that, as Buddhists, they cannot be Dalits. This may be due to their improved circumstances giving rise to
2016-711: A greater Hindu nation rather than as in an independent community like Muslims. In addition, many Dalits found, and still find, the term patronizing and derogatory, with some even claiming that the term really refers to children of devadasis . When untouchability was outlawed after Indian independence, the use of the word Harijan to describe ex-untouchables became more common among other castes than within Dalits themselves. In Southern India, Dalits are sometimes known as Adi Dravida , Adi Karnataka , and Adi Andhra , which literally mean First Dravidians, Kannadigas, and Andhras, respectively. These terms were first used in 1917 by Southern Dalit leaders, who believed that they were
2142-593: A high number of sexual assaults against Dalit women, which were often committed by landlords, upper-caste villagers, and policemen, according to a study published in 2001. According to the research, only about 5% of assaults are recorded, and police dismiss at least 30% of rape reports as false. The study also discovered that police often seek bribes, threaten witnesses, and conceal evidence. Victims of rape have also been killed. There have been some reports of Dalits being forced to eat human faeces and drink urine by upper caste members in some villages In September 2015,
2268-624: A label to be "unconstitutional" because modern legislation prefers Scheduled Castes ; however, some sources say that Dalit has encompassed more communities than the official term of Scheduled Castes and is sometimes used to refer to all of India's oppressed peoples. A similar all-encompassing situation prevails in Nepal. Scheduled Castes is the official term for Dalits in the opinion of India's National Commissions for Scheduled Castes (NCSC), who took legal advice that indicated modern legislation does not refer to Dalit and that therefore, it says, it
2394-518: A living by manual casual labour, the figure is 30 per cent for Adivasis. In the past, they were believed to be so impure that upper-caste Hindus considered their presence to be polluting. The "impure status" was related to their historic hereditary occupations that caste Hindus considered to be "polluting" or debased, such as working with leather , disposing of dead animals, manual scavenging , or sanitation work , which in much of India means collection & disposal of faeces from latrines. Forced by
2520-608: A long way towards ending untouchability there. However, educational opportunities for Dalits in Kerala remain limited. Other Hindu groups attempted to reconcile with the Dalit community. Hindu temples are increasingly receptive to Dalit priests, a function formerly reserved for Brahmins. Brahmins such as Subramania Bharati passed Brahminhood onto a Dalit , while in Shivaji's Maratha Empire Dalit warriors joined his forces. However, in
2646-537: A parallel between the apartheid system and untouchability. Eleanor Zelliot also notes Singh's 2006 comment but says that, despite the obvious similarities, race prejudice and the situation of Dalits "have a different basis and perhaps a different solution". Though the Indian Constitution abolished untouchability, the oppressed status of Dalits remains a reality. In rural India, stated Klaus Klostermaier in 2010, "they still live in secluded quarters, do
SECTION 20
#17327980440792772-556: A place of pilgrimage. In 2013, the Nagpur Municipal Corporation erected the Namantar Shahid Smarak (Martyrdom Memorial) dedicated to Dalits who died in the movement at Nagpur. Dalit Dalit ( English: / ˈ d æ l ɪ t / from Sanskrit : दलित meaning "broken/scattered") is a term used for untouchables and outcasts , who represented the lowest stratum of the castes in
2898-451: A significant land rights movement led by Dadasaheb Gaikwad and an extension of reservation benefits to converted Buddhists in the late 1960s. Litterateur J. V. Pawar first became interested in the activism against Dalits discrimination by the time of B. R. Ambedkar 's death on 6 December 1956. "Stunned" by Ambedkar's work, he was inspired to wrote critical pieces in collaboration with poet Namdeo Dhasal . Pawar and Dhasal's attention to
3024-443: A significant part of which they called on the symbolic ideas of Ambedkar, that had preceded his rise to prominence. The University Executive Body passed a resolution to rename the university and this series of decisions was the catalyst for rioting, which began on 27 July 1978 and lasted several weeks. Commentators such as Gail Omvedt believe that the violence was a caste war based on hatred; whilst others, such as Gupta, believe that
3150-518: A socialist political party that sought to combat racial and economic discrimination against African-Americans , during the civil rights movement in the United States, which occurred in the mid-20th century. Because of this, they adopted Black Panther's organisational structure and strategies, as well as were influenced by African-American literature . During the first public meeting of Dalit Panthers', Pawar invited writer Raja Dhale to give
3276-417: A speech after being impressed by an opinion piece of Dhale ("Black Independence Day") about unfair laws towards Dalits. Dhale's speech was lauded, and Pawar invited him to join the Panthers, which he immediately agreed. After that, Dhale, Dhasal, and Pawar took the role of organisation's president, defence minister and general secretary respectively. Prior to the foundation of the Dalit Panthers, Shiv Sena ,
3402-545: A temple in Karnataka. There have been allegations that Dalits in Nepal are denied entry to Hindu temples. In at least one case, Dalits were reportedly beaten by upper-caste people while attempting to enter a local temple. In 1956, the Dalit jurist Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891–1956) launched the Dalit Buddhist movement , leading several mass conversions of Dalits from Hinduism to Buddhism. Ambedkar's Buddhism
3528-461: Is "unconstitutional" for official documents to do so. In 2004, the NCSC noted that some state governments used Dalits rather than Scheduled Castes in documentation and asked them to desist. Some sources say that Dalit encompasses a broader range of communities than the official Scheduled Caste definition. It can include nomadic tribes and another official classification that also originated with
3654-545: Is a new kind of Buddhism that focuses on social and political engagement . About half a million Dalits joined Ambedkar in rejecting Hinduism and challenging its caste system. The movement is centered in Maharashtra , and according to the 2011 census, there were 6.5 million Marathi Buddhists (mainly Dalit Buddhists) in Maharashtra. Another Dalit Buddhist leader and reformer was Pandit Iyothee Thass , founder of
3780-426: Is added to the existing name of the university. He liked the idea and phoned Sharad Pawar (the then chief minister) who also gave his approval. My stance was that while renaming the varsity, the pride of Marathwada region should remain intact. Many Dalits were harassed by the police as they continued to campaign for the change. The police allegedly reacted by adopting tactics such as delay and suppression of evidence. In
3906-530: Is decorated with lights. Many people visit the Buddhist caves on this occasion. Women greet each other by applying nil ( indigo colour powder). This day is celebrated in other educational institutes other than Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University as well. People come to the university gate to have Darśana , which resembles the Sanchi Stupa gate, and leave an offering as if the university were
Namantar Andolan - Misplaced Pages Continue
4032-535: Is diminishing. India is home to over 200 million Dalits. According to Paul Diwakar , a Dalit activist from the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights , "India has 600,000 villages and almost every village a small pocket on the outskirts is meant for Dalits." Discrimination against Dalits has been observed across South Asia and among the South Asian diaspora. In 2001, the quality of life of
4158-549: Is generally considered to be the pioneer of the Dalit movement, seeking a society in which they were not discriminated against. Another pioneer was Harichand Thakur (c. 1812–1878) with his Matua organisation that involved the Namasudra ( Chandala ) community in the Bengal Presidency . Ambedkar himself believed Walangkar to be the progenitor. Another early social reformer who worked to improve conditions for Dalits
4284-458: Is highest in Maharashtra (50 percent), Karnataka (36.4 percent) and Madhya Pradesh (36 percent). Dalits have been arrested on false pretexts. According to Human Rights Watch, politically motivated arrests of Dalit rights activists occur and those arrested can be detained for six months without charge. Caste-related violence between Dalit and non-Dalits stems from ongoing prejudice by upper caste members. The Bhagana rape case, which arose out of
4410-466: Is most commonly practised in Madhya Pradesh (53 per cent), followed by Himachal Pradesh (50 per cent), Chhattisgarh (48 per cent), Rajasthan and Bihar (47 per cent), Uttar Pradesh (43 per cent), and Uttarakhand (40 per cent). Examples of segregation have included the Madhya Pradesh village of Ghatwani , where the Scheduled Tribe population of Bhilala do not allow Dalit villagers to use
4536-724: The British Raj positive discrimination efforts in 1935, being the Scheduled Tribes . It is also sometimes used to refer to the entirety of India's oppressed peoples, which is the context that applies to its use in Nepalese society. An example of the limitations of the Scheduled Caste category is that, under Indian law, such people can only be followers of Buddhism, Hinduism or Sikhism, yet there are communities who claim to be Dalit Christians and Muslims, and
4662-626: The Lok Sabha from the South-Central Bombay constituency and for the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly . This happened in the context of a "Maharashtra Bandh Day" ("Shut Down Maharashtra"), called 2 January, led by Communist Party of India (CPI) and supported by some opposition parties, including the Panthers. They previously backed a CPI-led mill workers' strike, and, according to Pawar, they wished
4788-607: The Parliament of India passed the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act to address issues regarding the implementation of the POA, including instances where the police put procedural obstacles in the way of alleged victims or indeed outright colluded with the accused. It also extended the number of acts that were deemed to be atrocities. One of those remedies, in an attempt to address
4914-671: The Ramakrishna Mission actively participated in the rights of Dalits. While Dalits had places to worship, the first upper-caste temple to openly welcome Dalits was the Laxminarayan Temple in Wardha in 1928. It was followed by the Temple Entry Proclamation issued by the last King of Travancore in the Indian state of Kerala in 1936. In the 1930s, Gandhi and Ambedkar disagreed regarding
5040-511: The Scheduled Castes ; this gives Dalits the right to protection, positive discrimination (known as reservation in India ), and official development resources. The term Dalit is a self-applied concept for those called the "untouchables" and others that were outside of the traditional Hindu caste hierarchy. Economist and reformer B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) said that untouchability came into Indian society around 400 CE, due to
5166-509: The University of Maryland , it was estimated that only 5 per cent of Indian marriages cross caste boundaries. The latest data available from India's National Crime Records Bureau is from the year 2000. In that year a total of 25,455 crimes against Dalits were committed; 2 Dalits were assaulted every hour, and in each day 3 Dalit women were raped, 2 Dalits were murdered, and 2 Dalit homes were set on fire. Amnesty International documented
Namantar Andolan - Misplaced Pages Continue
5292-425: The curfew was enforced during agitation. The sons of the resident Deputy Collector, Home Inspector and Circle Inspector took part in the riot. During restriction timings, the Dalit homeguards interrupted them. A complaint was registered contrary to the homeguards. The complaints lodged by the Dalits were taken cold-bloodedly by the police. A Parliamentary Committee concluded that the police were "mere spectators to
5418-520: The staygraha struggle at their towns and cities. During 6 December, Ambedkar's death anniversary, protesters were lathi charged and police fired shots on them. On the same day, Vidarbha bandh was observed. On 27 November, police stopped the protesters at Khadakpurna River Bridge in the afternoon. Thousands of protesters started a sit-in at the Khadakpurna River Bridge. They were lathi charged after 12 AM in their sleep. During
5544-481: The 1970s through the 1980s, and it was later joined by many Dalit- Buddhist activists. The backdrop for the formation of the Dalit Panthers was set by various socio-political developments in Maharashtra . The first non- Congress state governments were established in 1967, and global youth political movements gained momentum. The Yuvak Kranti Dal had been formed in Maharashtra , and a mass conversion of Dalits to Buddhism occurred in 1956. The period also witnessed
5670-650: The 19th century, Dalits in the Mahar Regiment of British Bombay , defeated the oppressive rule of the Peshvas . The fight for temple entry rights for Dalits continues to cause controversy. In a 2015 incident in Meerut , a Dalit belonging to the Valmiki caste was denied entry to a Hindu temple; he went on to convert to Islam . In September 2015, four Dalit women were fined by the upper-caste Hindus for entering
5796-421: The 6–59 months age group were anaemic in 2015. Dalits comprise a slightly disproportionate number of India's prison inmates. While Dalits (including both SCs and STs) constitute 25 percent of the Indian population, they account for 33.2 percent of prisoners. About 24.5 percent of death row inmates in India are from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which is proportionate to their population. The percentage
5922-530: The Communist parties." The protest march was led by Jogendra Kawade and caused the arrest of thousands of protesters as well as prominent leaders. According to Kawade "this was the fight for the protection of democracy and humanism". The Long March began on a Dhamma Chakra Pravartan Din from Deekshabhoomi , Nagpur , an area populated by many Buddhists, towards Aurangabad, blessed by Bhadant Anand Kausalyan . Each day, protesters marched 30 kilometres to cover
6048-546: The Constitution which outlawed Untouchability. After India's independence in 1947, secular nationalism based on a "composite culture" made all people equal citizens. Most Dalits in India are Hindu. There have been incidents which showed that Dalits were restricted from entering temples by high-caste Hindus, and participation in religious processions . In the 19th century, the Brahmo Samaj , Arya Samaj and
6174-433: The Dalit Panthers during a march against police brutality and partisan attitude against Scheduled Caste persons on a BDD Chawl violence case. During what become known as the Worli riots , Bhagwat Jadhav, a member of the Dalit Panthers, was killed by a grinding stone thrown from an apartment at the rally. The organisation's heyday lasted until 1977. The Dalit Panthers advocated for and practised radical politics, fusing
6300-501: The Dalit harmony in these districts to maintain political impression. But later in 2011, Bal Thackeray cleared that he never opposed the Namantar. He said in an interview that: Let me make it clear once again. I never opposed the renaming of the university. I had suggested that the name Marathwada University be retained, and Ambedkar's name is added to it. RPI leader R. S. Gavai came to my residence and I suggested that Ambedkar's name
6426-480: The Dalit population in India was worse than that of the overall Indian population on metrics such as access to health care, life expectancy, education attainability, access to drinking water and housing. According to a 2007 report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), the treatment of Dalits has been like a "hidden apartheid" and that they "endure segregation in housing, schools, and access to public services". HRW noted that Manmohan Singh , then Prime Minister of India , saw
SECTION 50
#17327980440796552-409: The Dalit possessed. They even burned the fodder stocks owned by Dalits. The bridges and culverts were intentionally broken or damaged to paralyse the military and police aid in villages during the time of the attacks. Upper caste mobs attacked government property including government hospitals, railway stations, gram panchayat offices, state transport buses, District Council-operated school buildings,
6678-489: The Dalit question was further increased by 1971, when a special committee by the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi reported on atrocities against Dalit and two Dalit women were forced to walk naked in a Maharashtra village. By mid-1972, there was a vacuum created in Dalit politics resulting from Ambedkarite Republican Party of India (RPI) splitting into factions. Motivated by the Little Magazine movement and
6804-522: The Government of India issued an advisory to all media channels in September 2018, asking them to use "Scheduled Castes" instead of the word "Dalit". Scheduled Caste communities exist across India and comprised 16.6% of the country's population, according to the 2011 Census of India. Uttar Pradesh (21%), West Bengal (11%), Bihar (8%) and Tamil Nadu (7%) between them accounted for almost half
6930-508: The Hindu society. Dalit is a vernacular form of the Sanskrit दलित ( dalita ). In Classical Sanskrit, this means "divided, split, broken, scattered". This word was repurposed in 19th-century Sanskrit to mean "(a person) not belonging to one of the four Varnas ". It was perhaps first used in this sense by Pune -based social reformer Jyotirao Phule , in the context of the oppression faced by
7056-689: The Indian subcontinent . They are also called Harijans . Dalits were excluded from the fourfold varna of the caste hierarchy and were seen as forming a fifth varna, also known by the name of Panchama . Several scholars have drawn parallels between Dalits and the Burakumin of Japan, the Baekjeong of Korea and the peasant class of the medieval European feudal system . Dalits predominantly follow Hinduism with significant populations following Buddhism , Sikhism , Christianity , and Islam . The constitution of India includes Dalits as one of
7182-439: The Long March to rename the university after Ambedkar's name. A small percentage reached to Aurangabd, but minimum 3 lakhs organized the mass protest – satyagraha , Jail Bharo Andolan , March. The protesters clashed with the police between 25 November to 6 December. Thousands of Long March activists walking from Nagpur, Udgir , and Satara were taken into custody at the boundaries of Marathwada. Thousands were arrested during
7308-407: The Long March was declared. Dalit protestors from Delhi , Haryana , Bihar , Madhya Pradesh , Andhra Pradesh , Karnataka and Tamil Nadu reached to Nagpur. The violence caused the Dalits to suspend their campaign for a while, but when a new incumbent as Chief Minister, Sharad Pawar , found various reasons to postpone the renaming, the reaction was the organisation of a Long March and instigating
7434-662: The Namantar Andolan. The march was inspired by the Chinese Long March and intended to end symbolically with convergence in Aurangabad on 6 December 1979, on Ambedkar's death anniversary. According to Omvedt, "Long March was organised by very factionalised committees that included the Dalit Panthers, smaller Dalit organisations, the Republican Party factions, socialist individuals and groups, and
7560-609: The Sakya Buddhist Society of Tamil Nadu . The Scheduled Castes Order (Amendment) Act, 1990 granted reservation to Dalit Buddhists and recognized their SC status. Guru Nanak in Guru Granth Sahib calls for everyone to treat each other equally. Subsequent Sikh Gurus , all of whom came from the Khatri caste, also denounced the hierarchy of the caste system. Despite this, social stratification exists in
7686-472: The Sarpanch himself. A few college teachers and academicians formed a samiti to rehabilitate Dalit victims to restore harmony to the community. Muslims of Marathwada opposed the bandhs declared by Shiv Sena. They did not close their commercial establishments to show their support for Namantar. The Parliamentary Committee revealed that humanitarian aid provided to help Dalits was not sufficient to recover
SECTION 60
#17327980440797812-685: The Sikh community. The bulk of the Sikhs of Punjab belong to the Jat caste; there are also two Dalit Sikh castes in the state, called the Mazhabis and the Ramdasias . Dalit Panthers The Dalit Panthers is a social organisation that seeks to combat caste discrimination. It was led by a group of Mahar writers and poets, including Raja Dhale , Namdeo Dhasal , and J. V. Pawar in some time between
7938-630: The agitation for renaming the Marathwada University after Dr. Ambedkar was spearheaded by Dalit Panthers and such leaders mainly in urban centres. In giving a call for agitation, hardly any effort was made to protect the villages or villagers." Riots affected 1,200 villages in Marathwada , impacting on 25,000 Marathi Buddhist and Hindu Dalits and causing thousands of them to seek safety in jungles. The terrorised Dalits did not return to their villages, despite starvation. This violence
8064-469: The agitation. Similarly, people were urged through letters, flyers, and hand-outs to join the agitation. The Parliamentary Committee advised to reinforce the police intelligence with radio communication, telephones, and motor vehicles in talukas . But the media intensified on allegations that the PCR Act was being misused. Bhalchandra Nemade commented "All Marathi newspapers are communal and they thrive on
8190-563: The attackers were from the Maratha community, who also burned Dalit properties in Nanded district. Supporters of the Peasants and Workers Party of India (PWP) and Indian National Congress were involved in these burnings. In the same area, there were allegations of two women raped and three children killed, but no legal action instigated. According to Gopal Guru: PWP and Shiv Sena aggravated
8316-571: The blossoming Dalit literature, Pawar and Dhasal started the Dalit Panthers - also as a response to what was perceived as a factionist, corrupt and ageing politics of the RPI. Hoping to break with all established parties, the Dalit Panthers originated with the Scheduled Caste community of the Mahars as its social base. The Dalit Panthers were largely inspired by the Black Panther Party,
8442-538: The cases filed under this Act are as neglected as the victims". While Dalit rights organisations were cautiously optimistic that the amended Act would improve the situation, legal experts were pessimistic. Discrimination is illegal under Indian law by the Removal of Civil Disabilities Act (Act 21 of 1938), the Temple Entry Authorization and Indemnity Act 1939 (Act XXII of 1939) and Article 17 of
8568-481: The causes were more varied. Both Omvedt and Gupta noted that the violence was aimed at the Mahars (now Buddhists) and did not extend to other Dalit groups, while Gupta also notes that it was concentrated in the three districts of Marathwada — Aurangabad , Nanded and Parbhani — where Dalit registrations in schools and colleges were particularly high, and economic competition was the most fierce. In particular,
8694-439: The centres of the unrest were urban areas, where the impact of Mahar aspirations would most deeply affect the employment, social, and economic roles which Hindu castes considered to be their preserve. Troubles were largely absent from the other two districts, Beed and Osmanabad , and the spill of problems into rural areas generally was patchy. These issues of geographic and demographic targeting , according to Gupta, indicate that
8820-918: The circumstances of their birth and poverty, Dalits in India continue to work as sanitation workers: manual scavengers, cleaners of drains and sewers, garbage collectors, and sweepers of roads. As of 2019, an estimated 40 to 60 percent of the 6 million Dalit households are engaged in sanitation work. The most common Dalit caste performing sanitation work is Valmiki (also Balmiki) caste. Discrimination against Dalits exists in access to healthcare and nutrition. A sample survey of Dalits, conducted over several months in Madhya Pradesh and funded by ActionAid in 2014, found that health field workers did not visit 65 per cent of Dalit settlements. 47 per cent of Dalits were not allowed entry into ration shops, and 64 per cent were given fewer grains than non-Dalits. In Haryana state, 49 per cent of Dalit children under five years were underweight and malnourished while 80 percent of those in
8946-404: The cities and suppressing news in the rural areas." According to Aurangabad daily , Marathwada the Namantar was a cultural violation for Marathwada existence. The press did not publish about rural violence news. They did not report the declarations by the Republican Party of India and Dalit Panther. The front page of a famous Marathi newspaper published a notice for upper caste Hindus to support
9072-492: The country's total Scheduled Caste population. They were most prevalent as a proportion of the states' population in Punjab, at about 32 per cent, while Mizoram had the lowest at approximately zero. Similar groups are found throughout the rest of the Indian subcontinent; less than 2 per cent of Pakistan's population are Hindu and 70–75 per cent of those Hindus are Dalits, in Nepal, Bangladesh had 5 million Dalits in 2010 with
9198-513: The course, many ran away, and hundreds were arrested. On 3 December, there was a protest by Dalit youths who burned buses. 4 of them died in clashes with the police at Nagpur. Police arrested around 12,000 demonstrators, who planned to march towards the university from Kranti Chowk, at Auragabad. Demonstrators of Dalit Panthers were arrested at Bhadkal Gate and at the university entrance. Leaders and activists arrested, physically harmed, lathi charged , shot with tear gas , and air firing to disperse
9324-561: The crowd. The intention of the state was to control and disperse demonstrators and keep them from anti Dalits, who formed the Namantar Virodhi Group (a group opposing renaming). Most of them were freed from jails on the same evening but few refused to leave the jails to continue satyagraha . The main agenda of this Long March was to battle against caste oppression. The movement became a part of Dalit literature . According to Omvedt, "the upsurge, turmoil's and frustration of
9450-484: The dirtiest work, and are not allowed to use the village well and other common facilities". In the same year, Zelliot noted that "In spite of much progress over the last sixty years, Dalits are still at the social and economic bottom of society." According to the 2014 NCAER/University of Maryland survey, 27 per cent of the Indian population still practices untouchability; the figure may be higher because many people refuse to acknowledge doing so when questioned, although
9576-512: The dissolution of the organisation. Despite its name and of being generally accepted as a party of the Scheduled Castes of Maharashtra, the organisation did not seek to be an only-Dalit movement; instead, they used of the term "Dalit" to refer to all lower-caste communities and poor among the caste Hindus. In their manifesto, the Dalit Panthers proclaimed themselves defenders of all exploited people in spite of caste or community, namely citing agricultural workers, small peasants, industrial workers,
9702-437: The erstwhile "untouchable" castes from other Hindus . The term Dalits was in use as a translation for the Indian census classification of Depressed Classes prior to 1935. It was popularised by Ambedkar, himself a Dalit, who included all depressed people irrespective of their caste into the definition of Dalits. It covered people who were excluded from the fourfold varna system of Hinduism and thought of themselves as forming
9828-411: The existing name (a Namvistar ) rather than complete change ( Namanatar ). Sharad Pawar also announced that it would be a policy to encourage higher education for everyone, irrespective of caste, class, religion, and ethnicity. Moreover, the newly named university was developed with improved facilities in some departments to conceptualize the dream of Ambedkar, which was one of the important parameters for
9954-538: The first Dalit Panther martyrs, Bhagwat Jadhav and Ramesh Deorukhkar's death. The movement faced internal challenges during the Emergency when Dhasal expressed support for Indira Gandhi, leading to a crisis within the Panthers. After the 1976 Nagpur conference, Raja Dhale and J V Pawar departed to form the 'Mass Movement,' marking the second stage of the Panthers. Post-1976, a new generation of leaders, including Arun Kamble and Ramdas Athawale , took charge, renaming
10080-513: The foundations of buildings, thus wiping out generations of Dalits. Under the rule of Baji Rao, if a Dalit crossed in front of a gym, they would cut off his head and play "bat and ball" on the ground, with their swords as bats and his head as a ball. Under these 17th century kings, human sacrifice of untouchable persons was not unusual. They also created intricate rules and operations to ensure that they stayed untouchables. George Kunnath claims that there "is and has been an internal hierarchy between
10206-471: The frontiers of traditional Marathi works. Their works introduced a multi-caste perspective that seek to depict the fears and hopes of all Indian exploited segments, conceiving the idea of an Indian "proletariat". Opposing what was perceived as "bourgeois" literature, the Panthers used the patois of the Dalit suburban people to represent those who lived in the ghetto. Ultimately, literary critics recognised their innovative and independent style of expressing
10332-425: The general fold. Dalit students traditionally showed no interest in supporting such causes as lower fees and cheaper textbooks, but they constituted around 26 percent of the student population and anticipated quid pro quo . A march involving Dalit and non-Dalit students was organised, with the intent of petitioning the council of the university for the change. The procession met with another, headed by Gangadhar Gade ,
10458-488: The giant mass will become tidal wave of revolution". According to Satyanarayana and Tharu , their manifesto fit the Ambedkarite spirit into a broader Marxist framework and heralded the rise of an autonomous Dalit perspective in post-Independence India. Divergent ideological perspectives emerged within the Dalit Panthers' founding members, particularly between Namdeo Dhasal, Baburao Bagul, and Raja Dhale. The release of
10584-530: The hitherto mute masses. The Black Panther Party acknowledged and supported the Dalit Panthers through the Black Panther newspaper, which circulated worldwide on a weekly basis from 1967 to 1980. Pawar commented that no organisation fully continued their legacy or replaced the Dalit Panthers' spot as a radical group. He said, "I cannot think of anyone who could replace us, as many end up compromising on their idealism in quest for power in politics. But,
10710-402: The ideology of Karl Marx to Indian authors like Ambedkar and Jyotirao Phule —the latter two being the only authors they recognised being influenced by. Thus, they adopted the idea of class conflict , directing their criticism towards upper-caste capitalists and those who oppressed the Dalits. They openly defended the use of violent strategies, if necessary, and affirmed a complete revolution
10836-512: The incidents" during the atrocities. After the riots, many landlords refused to employ Dalits, even at public places such as hotels. They discriminated against them. Rioters created a silent boycott. Because of fearful environment the Dalits migrated to the cities, and did not return to their villages. Dalit-grown crops got set on fire. In 1985, in the Wakod village of Sillod taluka , the standing crops owned by Dalits on their land were ploughed up by
10962-682: The indigenous inhabitants of India. The terms are used in the states of Tamil Nadu , Karnataka , and Andhra Pradesh / Telangana , respectively, as a generic term for anyone from a Dalit caste. In Maharashtra , according to historian and women's studies academic Shailaja Paik, Dalit is a term mostly used by members of the Mahar caste, into which Ambedkar was born. Most other communities prefer to use their own caste name. In Nepal, aside from Harijan and, most commonly, Dalit , terms such as Haris (among Muslims), Achhoot , outcastes and neech jati are used. Gopal Baba Walangkar (c. 1840–1900)
11088-704: The judicial inquiry was opposed by the Maharashtra government. On 4 August 1978, Jogendra Kawade led a march from Deekshabhoomi to the District magistrate's office in Nagpur to rename the university. On the same day, there was a meeting in Aakashwani Chowk that was attended by a large student crowd. Following, the people were going back home zestfully. The provoked violence started when some anti-social elements pelted stones at transportation links. The police opened fire to overcome turbulence. After this incident,
11214-480: The living standards of many Dalits have improved since the economic system became more liberalised starting in 1991 and have supported their claims through large surveys. According to the Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011 , nearly 79 percent of Adivasi households and 73 percent of Dalit households were the most deprived among rural households in India. While 45 percent of SC households are landless and earn
11340-577: The long march campaign brought the movement to a new turning point. The readiness for action shown by Dalit masses provided a demonstration of their powerful urge for revolutionary change". During the Long March, men sung songs of martyrs . Women even joined children to boost this revolution. The andolan gradually turned out in Agra , Delhi, Bangalore , Hyderabad , where people protested marching. For 16 years, many meetings were held, people protested marching, and they were arrested many times. Govindbhai Shroff
11466-441: The losses. Moreover, Samiti observed the corruption in it. Sooner after the atrocities, authorities brought around 3000 individuals into the police custody, but victims reported that very few went into the court, and the remaining cases weren't much faster. Even natives pressured to dismiss all cases. The parliamentary committee advised "an automatic judicial inquiry in all cases of large-scale arson and looting involved Dalits". But,
11592-795: The majority being landless and in chronic poverty, and Sri Lanka. They are also found as part of the Indian diaspora in many countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, Singapore, and the Caribbean. While discrimination against Dalits has declined in urban areas and in the public sphere, it still exists in rural areas and in the private sphere, in everyday matters such as access to eating places, schools, temples and water sources. Some Dalits successfully integrated into urban Indian society, where caste origins are less obvious. In rural India, however, caste origins are more readily apparent and Dalits often remain excluded from local religious life, though some qualitative evidence suggests that exclusion
11718-581: The manifesto ' Zahirnama ' in 1972 by Dhasal sparked disagreements, with Dhale accusing it of having a purely Communist agenda. However, the Panthers continued to expand their influence in Mumbai, challenging the Shiv Sena and Bal Thackeray. Although they indirectly supported Deshpande of the CPI in 1974, Pawar noted Dhasal was the only Marxist, while he and Dhale were Buddhists , which caused divergences that led to
11844-440: The methodology of the survey was also criticised for potentially inflating the figure. Across India, Untouchability was practised among 52 per cent of Brahmins , 33 per cent of Other Backward Classes and 24 per cent of non-Brahmin forward castes . Untouchability was also practised by people of minority religions – 23 per cent of Sikhs, 18 per cent of Muslims and 5 per cent of Christians. According to statewide data, Untouchability
11970-478: The most senior jobs in government agencies and government-controlled enterprises, only 1 per cent were held by Dalits, not much change in 40 years. In the 21st century, Dalits have been elected to India's highest judicial and political offices. In 1997, India elected its first Dalit President, K. R. Narayanan . Many social organisations have promoted better conditions for Dalits through education, healthcare and employment. Nonetheless, while caste-based discrimination
12096-405: The movement the ' Bharatiya Dalit Panthers .' They played a crucial role in expanding the Panthers' influence to every village, supporting movements like Naamantar for renaming Marathwada University after Ambedkar. In 1988, Athawale became a minister, and the Panthers were officially dissolved. Subsequent attempts to form a united Republican Party were short-lived. The Dalit Panthers prompted
12222-577: The outcome of the Pact – the Government of India Act 1935 – introduced the new term of Scheduled Castes , as a replacement for the term Depressed Classes , and also reserved seats for them in the legislatures. Soon after its independence in 1947, India introduced a reservation system to enhance the ability of Dalits to have political representation and to obtain government jobs and education. The 1950 Constitution of India included measures to improve
12348-636: The potency of the Panthers. Among left-wing organisations, only the Students' Federation of India and Yukrant continued to support the campaign. In 1977, the chief minister of Maharashtra, Vasantdada Patil , promised that the renaming would occur, and in July 1978, the Maharashtra Legislature approved it. Uttara Shastree notes that the campaign at this time reflected the desire of neo-Buddhists for an improved image and position in society, as
12474-634: The public borewell for fetching water and thus they are forced to drink dirty water. In metropolitan areas around New Delhi and Bangalore , Dalits and Muslims face discrimination from upper caste landlords when seeking places to rent. In 1855, Mutka Salve, a 14-year-old student of Dalit leader Savitribai Phule , wrote that during the rule of Baji Rao of the Maratha Empire , the Dalit castes were chased away from their lands to build large buildings. They were also forced to drink oil mixed with red lead causing them to die, and then they were buried in
12600-480: The real causes of the violence were more subtle than war between caste Hindu and Dalit. There were also instances of violent acts taking place under the pretext of the riots elsewhere but in fact to settle very local and personal scores unrelated to the broader causes. In contradiction to these views, Y. C. Damle maintains that the violence "specially affected the Scheduled Caste people in the villages although
12726-741: The retention of the Varna system. Whilst Ambedkar wanted to see it destroyed, Gandhi thought that it could be modified by reinterpreting Hindu texts so that the untouchables were absorbed into the Shudra varna. It was this disagreement that led to the Poona Pact. Gandhi began the Harijan Yatra to help the Dalits, but ran into some opposition from Dalits that wanted a complete break from Hinduism. The declaration by princely states of Kerala between 1936 and 1947 that temples were open to all Hindus went
12852-768: The schools studied Dalit children are forbidden from touching mid-day meals . They are required to sit separately at lunch in 35 percent of schools and are required to eat with specially marked plates in 28 percent. There have been incidents and allegations of SC and ST teachers and professors being discriminated against and harassed by authorities, upper castes colleagues and upper caste students in different education institutes of India. In some cases, such as in Gujarat, state governments have argued that, far from being discriminatory, their rejection when applying for jobs in education has been because there are no suitably qualified candidates from those classifications. According to
12978-551: The second and the third semester of 1972. It was founded as a response to the growing discontent among the Dalit youth during the 25th Independence Day celebrations. Inspired by the Black Panther movement in the United States, poet-writers J V Pawar and Namdeo Dhasal founded the Dalit Panthers, urging a boycott of the Independence Day revelry, terming it a 'Black Independence Day'. The movement's heyday lasted from
13104-525: The slow process of cases, was to make it mandatory for states to set up the exclusive Special Courts that the POA had delineated. Progress in doing so, however, was reported in April 2017 to be unimpressive. P. L. Punia , a former chairman of the NCSC, said that the number of pending cases was high because most of the extant Special Courts were not exclusive but rather being used to process some non-POA cases, and because "The special prosecutors are not bothered and
13230-465: The so-called ' freedom of press ' to serve their own aims." The chief minister of Maharashtra admitted the one-sided role of the press. Shiv Sena , the Hindutva political party, initially declared itself opposed to the Namantar. During the agitation, the supporters of Bal Thackeray burnt homes of the Dalits. People were physically harmed, including by attacks with swords. Interviewers explained that
13356-607: The socioeconomic conditions of Dalits. Aside from banning untouchability, these included the reservation system, a means of positive discrimination that created the classification of Scheduled Castes as Dalits. Communities that were categorised as being one of those groups were guaranteed a percentage of the seats in the national and state legislatures, as well as in government jobs and places of education. By 1995, of all federal government jobs in India – 10.1 per cent of Class I, 12.7 per cent of Class II, 16.2 per cent of Class III, and 27.2 per cent of Class IV jobs were held by Dalits. Of
13482-452: The struggle for supremacy between Buddhism and Brahmanism . Some Hindu priests befriended untouchables and were demoted to low-caste ranks. Eknath , who was an excommunicated Brahmin, fought for the rights of untouchables during the Bhakti period . In the late 1880s, the Marathi word 'Dalit' was used by Jyotirao Phule for the outcasts and untouchables who were oppressed and broken in
13608-1224: The telephone system and the government go downs. ₹ 30 crore worth property was damaged. The Marathwada region was under siege of violence for over two years. The Dalits were wrecked economically and psychologically. Many Dalit protesters were physically injured and nineteen died including five protesters who lost their lives during the police repression. Much of the violence occurred in Nanded district . Examples include: Violence also occurred in Parbhani district . Examples include: Examples of violence in Aurangabad district included: Examples of violence in Beed district included: Examples of violence in Osmanabad district included: Example of violence in Hingoli district included: Examples of violence in Nashik district included: Examples of violence in Nagpur included: In Jalgot Village, Fauzdar Bhurevar
13734-518: The tension in Parbhani, Nanded, Beed, and Osmanbad. Congress did not show any inclination to defuse the tension and whatever efforts were made particularly by the Congress leaders from Beed and Osmanabad districts were insufficient or localised. On the other hand, Congress leaders particularly from Latur, Aurangabad, Jalna and to some extent Beed districts identified with the Dalit cause and worked for
13860-535: The traditional parliamentary arena, they aimed to create an independent mass-based political movement through demonstrations, sit-ins , and strikes. Comprising working-class individuals, the Panthers garnered support by addressing popular unrest through literature, such as Daya Pawar's ' Kondwada ' and J V Pawar's ' Nakebandi .' In 1974, the Worli riots erupted following an event featuring Dhasal and Dhale as speakers. Police repression and attacks by Shiv Sainiks led to
13986-480: The tribal communities often practise folk religions . The term Harijan , or 'children of God', was coined by Narsinh Mehta , a Gujarati poet-saint of the Bhakti tradition, to refer to all devotees of Krishna irrespective of caste, class, or sex. Mahatma Gandhi, an admirer of Mehta's work, first used the word in the context of identifying Dalits in 1933. Ambedkar disliked the name as it placed Dalits in relation to
14112-452: The two groups. Sena's partisans said the Dalit Panthers were undermining Maharashtrian unity by raising issues of caste , while the Panthers's counterargument was that the Sena only represented upper-caste individuals. In January 1974, in opposition to both Shiv Sena and RPI leaders who were backing Congress candidate Ramrao Adik , they called for an election boycott of the by-election to
14238-585: The unemployed and women. It was a characteristic of its distinctive trait: a radicalism that seemed to indicate they were a political force committed to the overthrow of social and political system. This feature was seen by a commentator on Economic and Political Weekly as derivative of its contact of other Left groups in Bombay and Poona and their disgust of the RPI. As part of this radicalism, they attacked Hindu deities and popular heroes like Shivaji and campaigned for election boycott. Instead of focusing on
14364-671: The university. At the same time, the university adopted the Ajanta arch, with elephants as its primary logo, reflecting the Buddhist cultural significance of the Ajanta Caves . Every 14 January, the followers of Ambedkar throng the university. The political parties and organizations, based on Ambedkar's thinking, celebrate this day. Many people visit the university to celebrate the Namvistar Din , so political parties arrange their rallies traditionally. The university building and gate
14490-712: The various Dalit castes". According to Kunnath, the Dusadhs are considered the highest while the Musahars are considered the lowest within the Dalit groups. According to an analysis by The IndiaGoverns Research Institute, Dalits constituted nearly half of primary school drop-outs in Karnataka during the period 2012–14. A sample survey in 2014, conducted by Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan and funded by ActionAid , found that among state schools in Madhya Pradesh , 88 percent discriminated against Dalit children. In 79 percent of
14616-454: The win of Roza Deshpande of the CPI. In the same year, the organisation was attacked by civilians, mostly Shiv Sena's supporters, and by police at least in two occasions in January. On the fifth day of that month, a Dalit Panther's meeting in Worli was attacked with stones, and police made a lathi charge and arrested 19 persons. Five days later, police arrested four important leaders of
14742-545: Was Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890). The present system has its origins in the 1932 Poona Pact between Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi , when Ambedkar conceded his demand that the Dalits should have an electorate separate from the caste Hindus in return for Gandhi accepting measures along these lines. The notion of a separate electorate had been proposed in the Communal Award made by the British Raj authorities, and
14868-435: Was a 16-year-long Dalit campaign to rename Marathwada University in recognition of B. R. Ambedkar , the jurist , politician and social reformer who had proposed that untouchability should be made illegal. Non-Dalit student groups initially supported the demand to have the university renamed but did so less for reasons of dogma than for the pragmatic desire to bring the Dalit, mostly Mahar (now Buddhists), students into
14994-422: Was against renaming the university, but he requested people to accept the new name with non-violence. Concurrently, he pressed a requirement to withdraw the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act cases against non-Dalits, specifically the malafide ones. Tight security was deployed on the eve of the announcement with a few incidents reported in Parbhani and Amravati . The police imposed
15120-669: Was allegedly organised by members of the Maratha community and took many forms, including killings, burning of houses and huts, pillaging of Dalit colonies, forcing Dalits out of villages, polluting drinking water wells, destruction of cattle, and refusal to employ. This continued for 67 days. According to the Yukrant leader, attacks on Dalit were collective and pre-planned. In many villages, Dalit colonies were burned. The burning houses in Marathwada region affected 900 Dalit households. Upper caste rioters demolished essential household items that
15246-504: Was beaten and then burned alive by a mob at a police outpost. Violence was reported in Pune . Demonstrators in Mumbai teargassed. Statues of Ambedkar and Buddha through the region were also damaged or destroyed. The regional press played a biased role during the violence. The Marathi Newspaper, Prajawani and Godatir Samachar , opposed the Namantar "by giving wide publicity to the riots in
15372-446: Was determined that neither of those Acts were effective, so the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989 (POA) came into force. The POA designated specific crimes against SCs and STs as "atrocities" – a criminal act that has "the quality of being shockingly cruel and inhumane" – which should be prosecuted under its terms rather than existing criminal law. It created corresponding punishments. Its purpose
15498-607: Was killed in 2019 for eating in front of upper-caste men. The Government of India has attempted on several occasions to legislate specifically to address the issue of caste-related violence that affects SCs and STs. Aside from the Constitutional abolition of untouchability, there has been the Untouchability (Offences) Act of 1955, which was amended in the same year to become the Protection of Civil Rights Act. It
15624-473: Was needed to fulfill Dalits' emancipation. Accordingly, their manifesto, published in 1973, read as the following: "We do not want a little place in the Brahmin Alley . We want the rule of the whole land, we are not looking at persons but at systems and change of heart ... liberal education will not end our state of exploitation. When we gather a revolutionary mass, rouse the people, out of the struggle,
15750-738: Was prohibited and untouchability abolished by the Constitution of India , such practices are still widespread. To prevent harassment, assault, discrimination and similar acts against these groups, the Government of India enacted the Prevention of Atrocities Act , also called the SC/ST Act, on 31 March 1995. In accordance with the order of the Bombay High Court , the Information and Broadcasting Ministry (I&B Ministry) of
15876-471: Was to curb and punish violence against Dalits, including humiliations such as the forced consumption of noxious substances. Other atrocities included forced labour, denial of access to water and other public amenities, and sexual abuse. The Act permitted Special Courts exclusively to try POA cases. The Act called on states with high levels of caste violence (said to be "atrocity-prone") to appoint qualified officers to monitor and maintain law and order. In 2015,
#78921