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75-574: The Sensible Sentencing Trust was a political advocacy group based in Napier, New Zealand . The Trust's stated goal is "to educate both the public and victims of serious violent and/or sexual crime and homicide" It focuses on advocating for the rights of victims and tougher penalties against offenders. In late 2018, founder Garth McVicar stepped down as leader of the Trust. In January 2021, former New Zealand First Member of Parliament Darroch Ball became

150-400: A certain way in the legislature. Access to this channel is generally restricted to groups with insider status such as large corporations and trade unions – groups with outsider status are unlikely to be able to meet with ministers or other members of the bureaucracy to discuss policy. What must be understood about groups exerting influence in the bureaucracy is; "the crucial relationship here [in

225-720: A community receives largely depends on the kind of narrative an advocacy group curates for them on social media. Privacy Commissioner (New Zealand) The Office of the Privacy Commissioner (New Zealand) administers the Privacy Act 2020. The Privacy Commissioner is entrusted to protect personal information of New Zealanders in accordance with the Privacy Act. Current Privacy Commissioner, Michael Webster, began his role in July 2022. The Privacy Commissioner oversees personal information held by agencies in both

300-552: A declaration, grant orders restraining repeated interference or requiring specific acts be performed, award compensatory damages up to $ 350,000 NZD, or give another appropriate remedy. Where the powers of the Tribunal are exceeded, remedial instructions may be referred to the High Court or extended remedial powers conferred on the Tribunal by written agreement between the parties. Case notes and Tribunal decisions are published on

375-445: A feeling of satisfaction from expressing a political value. Also, it would not matter if the interest group achieved their goal; these members would merely be able to say they helped out in the process of trying to obtain their goals, which is the expressive incentive that they got in the first place. The types of interest groups that rely on expressive benefits or incentives are environmental groups and groups who claim to be lobbying for

450-625: A global structure such as Greenpeace were better able to adapt to globalisation. Greenpeace, for example, has offices in over 30 countries and has an income of $ 50 million annually. Groups such as these have secured the nature of their influence by gaining status as nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), many of which oversee the work of the UN and the EU from their permanent offices in America and Europe. Group pressure by supranational industries can be exerted in

525-479: A number of ways: "through direct lobbying by large corporations, national trade bodies and 'peak' associations such as the European Round Table of Industrialists ". There have been many significant advocacy groups throughout history, some of which could operated with dynamics that could better categorize them as social movements . Here are some notable advocacy groups operating in different parts of

600-437: A patriotic organization. Advocacy groups exist in a wide variety of genres based upon their most pronounced activities. In most liberal democracies , advocacy groups tend to use the bureaucracy as the main channel of influence – because, in liberal democracies, this is where the decision-making power lies. The aim of advocacy groups here is to attempt to influence a member of the legislature to support their cause by voting

675-452: A privacy principle and caused harm. Harm can include financial loss, adverse effect on rights or interests, or a significant injury to feelings. Breaches of principles 6 and 7, the refusal to grant access to or allow correction of information, need not establish harm as these situations are considered interferences per se. The Commissioner can decide to take no action based on issues of time, triviality, bad faith, or if another course of action

750-749: A result of group pressure, for example, the Labour Party in the UK was formed out of the new trade union movement which lobbied for the rights of workers. Advocacy groups also exert influence through channels that are separate from the government or the political structure such as the mass media and through public opinion campaigning. Advocacy groups will use methods such as protesting , petitioning and civil disobedience to attempt to exert influence in Liberal Democracies. Groups will generally use two distinct styles when attempting to manipulate

825-622: A statutory complaint on the same issue. As the IPPs are generally worded, the Commissioner may issue more specific Codes of Practice for different "industries, agencies activities or types of personal information." The codes modify the application of the Privacy Act, including less or more stringent rules than contained in the privacy principles, as is appropriate. Extensive advertisement, consultation and invitation for submissions are stipulations. Codes must be approved as delegated legislation by

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900-640: Is a reward for participation that is socially derived and created out of the act of association. Examples include "socializing congeniality, the sense of group membership and identification, the status resulting from membership, fun, conviviality , the maintenance of social distinctions , and so on. People who join an interest group because of expressive benefits likely joined to express an ideological or moral value that they believe in, such as free speech , civil rights , economic justice , or political equality . To obtain these types of benefits, members would simply pay dues, and donate their time or money to get

975-547: Is more appropriate. Should the Commissioner decide to pursue a complaint, his role is both investigatory and conciliatory. With this mediation rather than litigation focus, the Commissioner can call "compulsory mediation conferences," and seek a resolution agreement and assurance of non-recurrence. Both parties to a complaint must be informed of the commencement of proceedings and the result of an investigation. The Commissioner has no power to force compensation payments from an agency, dismiss an employee or prosecute anyone. In

1050-479: Is primarily concerned with information privacy ; other aspects of privacy are protected by the common law right to privacy in New Zealand . The Act controls the collection, use, disclosure, storage and granting of access to personal information by agencies. Personal information covers any information about an identifiable natural person . The key changes in the Privacy Act 2020 include: The Privacy Act

1125-545: Is unobtainable or an agency repeatedly contravenes prior assurances, the Commissioner may refer the complaint to the Director of Human Rights Proceedings. The Director has the discretion to determine whether the Human Rights Review Tribunal should institute proceedings. Aggrieved individuals may also self-refer proceedings before this body. If satisfied of privacy interference, the Tribunal may issue

1200-561: The Human Rights Review Tribunal . The Commissioner inherently considers international obligations and worldwide developments in privacy protection. The now repealed Privacy Commissioner Act 1991 established the role of the Privacy Commissioner. The Commissioner had a principal role in the development of the Privacy Bill 1993, which passed into law as the Privacy Act 1993 and established the revised Office of

1275-526: The Inspector General of Intelligence and Security , and publishing personal information directories. The Commissioner is conferred functions in several other enactments, which can be categorised as: The Privacy Commissioner can investigate potential breaches of the IPPs, PRPPs, or other Privacy Act provisions, on his or her own initiative or on receipt of a complaint. The onus is on the complainant to establish that an agency's action both breached

1350-519: The Napier electorate and the party list as a member of the Conservative Party . Former trust member Ruth Money criticised McVicar's decision to align the Trust with a political party due to revelations that former Conservative leader Colin Craig had sexually harassed former secretary Rachel MacGregor. Money had advocated for MacGregor and opined that McVicar's decision was the "beginning of

1425-504: The banning of the slave trade in 1807. In the opinion of Eugene Black (1963), "...association made possible the extension of the politically effective public. Modern extra parliamentary political organization is a product of the late eighteenth century [and] the history of the age of reform cannot be written without it. From 1815, Britain after victory in the Napoleonic Wars entered a period of social upheaval characterised by

1500-433: The political process , while others have few or no such resources. Some have developed into important social, and political institutions or social movements . Some powerful advocacy groups have been accused of manipulating the democratic system for narrow commercial gain, and in some instances have been found guilty of corruption , fraud , bribery , influence peddling and other serious crimes . Some groups, generally

1575-402: The public and private sectors . This is achieved through monitoring compliance with the 13 Information Privacy Principles. Amid his varied responsibilities, the Commissioner administers a complaint system and issues Codes of Practice or rules for particular industries , contexts and sectors. Most cases involve investigation, conciliation and settlement . Serious breaches are referred to

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1650-585: The state but acts independently of government or Ministerial control. In addition to monitoring compliance with the IPPs and PRPPs, the Commissioner's roles are extensively outlined in Section 13 of the Privacy Act. The central focus is to better protect the privacy of individuals, and includes: Functions listed elsewhere in the Act include consultation with the Ombudsman , Health and Disability Commissioner and

1725-620: The 2019/2020 year, the Commissioner closed 769 investigation files. Outcomes mostly included information being released or partly released, followed by the giving of assurances, an apology, a change of policy, correction of information, and monetary payment. The majority of complaints involved a breach of the IPPs, ahead of the Health Information Privacy Code. The actions of government agencies, including education providers and local authorities, trigger most complaints, followed by health sector agencies. Where settlement

1800-431: The Commissioner flexibility to deal with varying fact situations as they arise. In exceptional circumstances, when the Privacy Commissioner is satisfied the public interest outweighs privacy protection, agencies can be authorised to use personal information in a manner that would usually breach the IPPs or other provisions under the Act. The Office of the Privacy Commissioner is an independent Crown entity , funded by

1875-472: The Commissioner's website. The Commissioner does not operate a system of binding precedent in the outcomes of his decisions, instead considering each case independently. The IPPs, except principle 6, and the PRPPs are not enforceable in a law court. The Privacy Act however does not preclude complainants from taking court action for a breach of the common law right to privacy where the Commissioner has dealt with

1950-543: The Commissioner, are based on guidelines established by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1980. The IPPs cover: In ANZ National Bank Ltd v Tower Insurance , the High Court held the privacy principles require that personal information can only be collected for "a lawful purpose and is necessary for that purpose." The principles do not outline their practical application, giving

2025-645: The Global Privacy Assembly, APEC 's Cross Border Privacy Arrangement, and the Global Privacy Enforcement Network. The Commissioner's Annual Report 2013 emphasised the need for cross-border protection given the accessibility of private information online. In December 2012, New Zealand gained international approval for its privacy protection from the European Commission . The Commission stated that

2100-581: The Government to deliver a stronger version of the three-strikes law. Advocacy group Motives for action may be based on political , economic , religious , moral , commercial or common good -based positions. Groups use varied methods to try to achieve their aims, including lobbying , media campaigns, awareness raising publicity stunts , polls , research , and policy briefings. Some groups are supported or backed by powerful business or political interests and exert considerable influence on

2175-612: The House of Representatives. Thereafter the codes become enforceable under the Act and the same complaints process applies. Further remedies may be available for breaches of legislation related to a particular industry. The Privacy Commissioner commends the codes as a flexible means of regulation, more readily capable of amendment or revocation than legislative provisions. The current Codes of Practice include: New Zealand's Privacy Commissioner participates internationally to promote global co-ordination in privacy protection. Such forums include

2250-585: The New Zealand justice system favouring victims including: In 2010, the Trust's tax-free charitable status was revoked by the Charities Commission , on the grounds that it had become a political lobby group rather than a charity. In response, McVicar accused the Charities Commission of "muzzling organisations like us that are rocking the boat a little bit". To comply with the Charities Commission's requirements, McVicar announced that

2325-606: The Privacy Commissioner. In March 2018, the Privacy Bill was introduced to Parliament. The Bill was passed by New Zealand Parliament in June 2020 and the Privacy Act 2020 came into law on 1 December 2020. The Privacy Act 2020 significantly updates the 1993 Act. Many of the changes are based on recommendations from the New Zealand Law Commission's 2011 review of New Zealand's privacy laws. The Office of Privacy Commissioner has been held by: The Privacy Act 2020

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2400-455: The Republic , the largest of all Union Army veterans' organizations, was the most powerful single-issue political lobby of the late nineteenth century, securing massive pensions for veterans and helping to elect five postwar presidents from its own membership. To its members, it was also a secret fraternal order, a source of local charity, a provider of entertainment in small municipalities, and

2475-643: The Sensible Sentencing Trust to advocate for tougher sentencing for violent offenders including life imprisonment. Membership quickly grew to 135,000 by 2002. In addition, the Trust attracted 3,000 donors and chapters were established across New Zealand. In addition, the Trust established a youth division. By 2009, McVicar claimed that the Trust had over 150,000 members including between 15 and 20 Members of Parliament including former ACT MPs David Garrett and Stephen Franks . Notable Trust members have included Stephen Couch and Rita Coskery. Couch

2550-466: The Trust would be "reactivating" to opposed the National-led coaliton government 's proposed Sentencing (Reinstating Three Strikes) Amendment Bill . In a press release, the Trust described the proposed law as "weak and watered-down" and took issue with the Government to wipe 13,000 former strike warnings and its higher threshold for crimes that would fall under the three-strikes legislation. It urged

2625-407: The Trust would correct the inaccurate information on its database. However, he criticised Edwards for making an issue of identifying the Trust while not calling for the names of recidivist violent offenders to be placed in a publicly accessible database. In December 2018, McVicar stepped down as leader of the Sensible Sentencing Trust and was succeeded by his youngest daughter Jess McVicar, who became

2700-542: The Trust would split into two separate organisations: a charity advocating for victims of crime called the Sensible Sentencing Group Trust and a separate non-charitable political arm that would lobby for harsher criminal penalties called the Sensible Sentencing Trust. The Trust was a registered electoral promoter at the 2011 general election . The Trust did not register as a promoter for the 2014 general election , but founder McVicar contended

2775-680: The Trust's leader. In late June 2024, the Sensible Sentencing Trust reactivated to lobby for a tougher three strikes law . The Sensible Sentencing Trust' stated purpose sole purpose is "to educate both the public and victims of serious violent and/or sexual crime and homicide." Key goals include educating victims of their rights and entitlements, educating the public about the light of victims, and supporting victims of crime through education, trauma support, accessing protection, and providing social rehabilitation. The Trust has campaigned for several goals including: The Sensible Sentencing Trust consists of two separate trusts. The Sensible Sentencing Trust

2850-674: The US, however, advocacy group influence is much more significant. For example, in 1954 the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) lobbied against the Topeka Board of education, arguing that segregation of education based on race was unconstitutional. As a result of group pressure from the NAACP, the supreme court unanimously ruled that racial segregation in education

2925-673: The United States are using social media to interact with citizens every day. The study surveyed 53 groups, that were found to be using a variety of social media technologies to achieve organizational and political goals: As noted in the study, "while some groups raised doubts about social media's ability to overcome the limitations of weak ties and generational gaps , an overwhelming majority of groups see social media as essential to contemporary advocacy work and laud its democratizing function." Another 2012 study argued that advocacy groups use social media to reach audiences unrelated to

3000-600: The United States, the Civil Rights Movement gained much of its publicity through civil disobedience; African Americans would simply disobey the racist segregation laws to get the violent, racist reaction from the police and white Americans. This violence and racism was then broadcast all over the world, showing the world just how one sided the race 'war' in America actually was. Advocacy group influence has also manifested itself in supranational bodies that have arisen through globalisation . Groups that already had

3075-443: The acceptance of social media use by advocacy groups, populations not affiliated with media advocacy often question the benevolence of social media. Rather than exclusively fostering an atmosphere of camaraderie and universal understanding, social media can perpetuate power hierarchies . More specifically, social media can provide "a means of reproducing power and fulfilling group interest for those possessing excessive power... [having

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3150-410: The aim of having their issues translated into policy such as the government encouraging alternative energy and recycling . The judicial branch of government can also be used by advocacy groups to exert influence. In states where legislation cannot be challenged by the courts, like the UK, advocacy groups are limited in the amount of influence they have. In states that have codified constitutions, like

3225-399: The assembly by lobbying. Groups with greater economic resources at their disposal can employ professional lobbyists to try and exert influence in the assembly. An example of such a group is the environmentalist group Greenpeace ; Greenpeace (an organisation with income upward of $ 50,000,000) use lobbying to gain political support for their campaigns. They raise issues about the environment with

3300-459: The bureaucracy] is usually that between the senior bureaucrats and leading business or industrial interests". This supports the view that groups with greater financial resources at their disposal will generally be better able to influence the decision-making process of government. The advantages that large businesses have is mainly due to the fact that they are key producers within their countries economy and, therefore, their interests are important to

3375-526: The communities they help and to mobilize diverse groups of people. Mobilization is achieved in four ways: "1). Social media help connect individuals to advocacy groups and thus can strengthen outreach efforts. 2). Social media help promote engagement as they enable engaging feedback loops. 3). Social media strengthen collective action efforts through an increased speed of communication. 4). Social media are cost-effective tools that enable advocacy organizations to do more for less." While these studies show

3450-587: The end of the Seven Years' War . Charged with seditious libel , Wilkes was arrested after the issue of a general warrant , a move that Wilkes denounced as unlawful – the Lord Chief Justice eventually ruled in Wilkes favour. As a result of this episode, Wilkes became a figurehead to the growing movement for popular sovereignty among the middle classes – people began chanting, "Wilkes and Liberty" in

3525-429: The end of the 1990s the emergence of a new global social movement, the anti-globalization movement . Some social movement scholars posit that with the rapid pace of globalization, the potential for the emergence of new type of social movement is latent—they make the analogy to national movements of the past to describe what has been termed a global citizens movement . According to Stuart McConnell: The Grand Army of

3600-510: The end" of his leadership. In early 2002, the Trust established an online offender database in response to the New Zealand Government's refusal to undertake this task, in spite of repeated requests to do so. In mid-January 2014, the Trust launched a new website and updated offender database. The SST claimed that the Trust would protect the public and help keep offenders accountable for their crimes. McVicar also announced that

3675-438: The general goal of improving farming for every farmer, even those who are not members of that particular interest group. Thus, there is no real incentive to join an interest group and pay dues if the farmer will receive that benefit anyway. For another example, every individual in the world would benefit from a cleaner environment, but environmental protection interest groups do not receive monetary help from every individual in

3750-487: The government as their contributions are important to the economy. According to George Monbiot , the influence of big business has been strengthened by "the greater ease with which corporations can relocate production and investment in a global economy ". This suggests that in the ever modernising world, big business has an increasing role in influencing the bureaucracy and in turn, the decision-making process of government. Advocacy groups can also exert influence through

3825-467: The growing maturity of the use of social movements and special-interest associations. Chartism was the first mass movement of the growing working-class in the world. It campaigned for political reform between 1838 and 1848 with the People's Charter of 1838 as its manifesto – this called for universal suffrage and the implementation of the secret ballot , amongst other things. The term "social movements"

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3900-638: The interests of businesses. For example, George W. Bush 's re-election campaign in 2004 was the most expensive in American history and was financed mainly by large corporations and industrial interests that the Bush administration represented in government. Conversely, left-wing parties are often funded by organised labour – when the British Labour Party was formed, it was largely funded by trade unions. Often, political parties are actually formed as

3975-649: The late 19th century are seen as the prototypical social movements, leading to the formation of communist and social democratic parties and organisations. These tendencies were seen in poorer countries as pressure for reform continued, for example in Russia with the Russian Revolution of 1905 and of 1917 , resulting in the collapse of the Czarist regime around the end of the First World War . In

4050-468: The media – they will either put across their outsider status and use their inability to access the other channels of influence to gain sympathy or they may put across a more ideological agenda. Traditionally, a prime example of such a group were the trade-unions who were the so-called "industrial" muscle. Trade-unions would campaign in the forms of industrial action and marches for workers rights, these gained much media attention and sympathy for their cause. In

4125-406: The mid-18th century, including political representation , market capitalization , and proletarianization . The first mass social movement catalyzed around the controversial political figure, John Wilkes . As editor of the paper The North Briton , Wilkes vigorously attacked the new administration of Lord Bute and the peace terms that the new government accepted at the 1763 Treaty of Paris at

4200-405: The movement was careful not to cross the line into open rebellion – it tried to rectify the faults in governance through appeals to existing legal precedents and was conceived of as an extra-Parliamentary form of agitation to arrive at a consensual and constitutional arrangement. The force and influence of this social advocacy movement on the streets of London compelled the authorities to concede to

4275-491: The movement's demands. Wilkes was returned to Parliament, general warrants were declared as unconstitutional and press freedom was extended to the coverage of Parliamentary debates . Another important advocacy group that emerged in the late 18th century was the British abolitionist movement against slavery . Starting with an organised sugar boycott in 1791, it led the second great petition drive of 1806, which brought about

4350-476: The ones with less financial resources, may use direct action and civil disobedience , and in some cases are accused of being a threat to the social order or ' domestic extremists '. Research is beginning to explore how advocacy groups use social media to facilitate civic engagement, and collective action. The early growth of pressure groups was connected to broad economic and political changes in England in

4425-451: The organisation would publish two databases; one for Serious Violent Offenders and one for Paedophiles and Sexual Offenders. At its launch, the updated database contained over 5,000 criminal records with information on release conditions, previous convictions, and a Database Sentencing Tracker for viewing the sentence length of offenders. Following a privacy breach in 2014, the Trust agreed to provide training to volunteers, but only one person

4500-662: The organisation's National Spokesperson. In January 2021, former New Zealand First Member of Parliament Darroch Ball became the co-leader of the Sensible Sentencing Trust alongside Jess McVicar. As co-leader, Ball criticised the Green Party Co-Leader and minister Marama Davidson for attending a function hosted by the Mongrel Mob gang. On 25 June 2024, the Sensible Sentencing Trustee Louise Parsons announced that

4575-470: The post-war period, women's rights , gay rights , peace , civil rights , anti-nuclear and environmental movements emerged, often dubbed the New Social Movements , some of which may be considered " general interest groups" as opposed to special interest groups. They led, among other things, to the formation of green parties and organisations influenced by the new left . Some find in

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4650-428: The potential to] indirectly reinforce elitist domination." By excluding those without access to the internet, social media inherently misrepresents populations- particularly the populations in low-income countries . Since media advocacy groups use social media as a way to boost the narratives of these populations, the effect of social media use can be counteractive to well-intentioned goals. Instead of directly amplifying

4725-545: The public and private sectors. Inclusion of the private sector was considered revolutionary. The Commissioner thus oversees government departments, companies, religious organisations, and schools. Some limited exemptions to the Privacy Act exist: the sovereign , the House of Representatives , courts and tribunals acting in judicial capacity, news media activities, and individuals holding personal information for private use. The Information Privacy Principles (IPPs), monitored by

4800-834: The public interest. Some public policy interests are not recognized or addressed by a group at all. These interests are labeled latent interests. Much work has been undertaken by academics attempting to categorize how advocacy groups operate, particularly in relation to governmental policy creation. The field is dominated by numerous and diverse schools of thought: There are three broad perspectives on how special interest groups achieve influence: through quid pro quo exchange, information transmission, and subsidizing policymaking. Apart from lobbying and other methods of asserting political presence, advocacy groups use social media to attract attention towards their particular cause. A study published in early 2012 suggests that advocacy groups of varying political and ideological orientations operating in

4875-628: The right to sit in Parliament, Wilkes became an Alderman of London in 1769, and an activist group called the Society for the Supporters of the Bill of Rights began aggressively promoting his policies. This was the first ever sustained social advocacy group – it involved public meetings, demonstrations, the distribution of pamphlets on an unprecedented scale and the mass petition march. However,

4950-515: The streets. After a later period of exile, brought about by further charges of libel and obscenity , Wilkes stood for the Parliamentary seat at Middlesex , where most of his support was located. When Wilkes was imprisoned in the King's Bench Prison on 10 May 1768, a mass movement of support emerged, with large demonstrations in the streets under the slogan "No liberty, no King." Stripped of

5025-399: The voices and narratives of historically marginalized populations , social media magnifies their concerns through the perspective of individuals with access to the internet. Since advocacy groups have the agency to control a community's narrative through a social media post, they have the agency to control the deservedness of a community as well. That is, the amount of resources or attention

5100-489: The world. This poses a problem for interest groups, which require dues from their members and contributions in order to accomplish the groups' agendas. Selective benefits are material, rather than monetary benefits conferred on group members. For instance, an interest group could give members free or discounted travel, meals, or periodical subscriptions. Many trade and professional interest groups tend to give these types of benefits to their members. A solidarity incentive

5175-516: The world: On some controversial issues there are a number of competing advocacy groups, sometimes with very different resources available to them: A general theory is that individuals must be enticed with some type of benefit to join an interest group. However, the free rider problem addresses the difficulty of obtaining members of a particular interest group when the benefits are already reaped without membership. For instance, an interest group dedicated to improving farming standards will fight for

5250-497: Was formed by Garth McVicar in 2001 in response to the prosecution and trial of Mark Middleton for threatening to kill Paul Dally who tortured, raped, and killed Middleton's 13-year-old stepdaughter Karla Cardno in 1989. Due to public sympathy for Middleton over Dally's crimes, Judge Michael Lance sentenced Middleton to nine months' jail suspended for two years. McVicar supported Middleton during his trial. Following Middleton's prosecution and trial, McVicar and 30 supporters established

5325-440: Was indeed unconstitutional and such practices were banned. This is a novel example of how advocacy groups can exert influence in the judicial branch of government. Advocacy groups can also exert influence on political parties. The main way groups do this is through campaign finance. For instance; in the UK, the conservative parties campaigns are often funded by large corporations, as many of the conservative parties campaigns reflect

5400-558: Was introduced in 1848 by the German Sociologist Lorenz von Stein in his book Socialist and Communist Movements since the Third French Revolution (1848) in which he introduced the term "social movement" into scholarly discussions – actually depicting in this way political movements fighting for the social rights understood as welfare rights . The labor movement and socialist movement of

5475-793: Was originally enacted in 1993 in an era of heightened national awareness for human rights, and sits alongside the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 and the Human Rights Act 1993 . The Privacy Act similarly addressed international concerns, acknowledging privacy obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights . The Privacy Act extended protection to "any person or body of persons whether corporate and unincorporate," in both

5550-587: Was the sister of Susan Couch, a survivor of a 2001 triple homicide at the Panmure Returned and Services' Association (RSA) club perpetrated by William Dwane Bell . Couch as a Trust Member has advocated the reintroduction of capital punishment and three strikes legislation . Coskery was the mother of Auckland pizza delivery driver Michael Choy, who was assaulted and murdered by several youths including Bailey Junior Kurariki . The Sensible Sentencing Trust has claimed credit for pushing several changes in

5625-585: Was trained and they left shortly after. In December 2018, the Privacy Commissioner John Edwards chastised the Trust for wrongfully misidentifying a man as a pedophile on its online database for almost two years. He stated that the Trust had a "continuously negligent, cavalier, and dangerous approach to privacy." In response to criticism by the Privacy Commissioner, McVicar admitted that the organisation "absolutely cocked up and deserved to be publicly identified." He also confirmed that

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