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Puquina language

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Puquina (or Pukina ) is a small, putative language family , often portrayed as a language isolate , which consists of the extinct Puquina language and Kallawaya , although it is assumed that the latter is just a remnant of the former mixed with Quechuan . Puquina speakers are last mentioned in the early nineteenth century.

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32-601: The Qhapaq simi , which was spoken by the Inca elite, in contrast to the Quechuan-speaking commoners, is thought to be related, as well as the Leco language , generally considered a language isolate. They are spoken by several native ethnic groups in the region surrounding Lake Titicaca ( Peru and Bolivia ) and in the north of Chile . Puquina itself is often associated with the culture that built Tiwanaku . In spite of

64-645: A candy.’ u what trabajo- ra work- LOC chera we abon-da-no-ne find- FUT - NML - INT lamka-sich-ne work- INF - TOP u trabajo- ra chera abon-da-no-ne lamka-sich-ne what work-LOC we find-FUT-NML-INT work-INF-TOP ‘In what work are we going to find work (in the town)?’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) ( help ); lilwo grasshopper ubus-no-te come out- NML - DCL lal- rep /lal wara- rep earth- ABL /earth interior- ABL lilwo ubus-no-te {lal- rep /lal wara- rep } grasshopper {come out-NML-DCL} {earth-ABL/earth interior-ABL} ‘The grasshopper comes out from

96-489: A common ancestral language. This is what makes up a language family , which is a set of languages for which sufficient evidence exists to demonstrate that they descend from a single ancestral language and are therefore genetically related. For example, English is related to other Indo-European languages and Mandarin Chinese is related to other Sino-Tibetan languages . By this criterion, each language isolate constitutes

128-882: A dozen sign languages of the hill tribes in Thailand including the Ban Khor Sign Language . These and more are all presumed isolates or small local families, because many deaf communities are made up of people whose hearing parents do not use sign language, and have manifestly, as shown by the language itself, not borrowed their sign language from other deaf communities during the recorded history of these languages. Some languages once seen as isolates may be reclassified as small families because their genetic relationship to other languages has been established. This happened with Japanese and Ryukyuan languages , Korean and Koreanic languages , Atakapa and Akokisa languages , Tol and Jicaque of El Palmar languages, and

160-446: A family of its own. In some situations, a language with no ancestor can arise. This frequently happens with sign languages —most famously in the case of Nicaraguan Sign Language , where deaf children with no language were placed together and developed a new language. Caution is required when speaking of extinct languages as language isolates. Despite their great age, Sumerian and Elamite can be safely classified as isolates, as

192-450: A few remaining native speakers, with no new acquisition, highly restricted use, and near-universal multilingualism. "Extinct" languages have no native speakers, but are sufficiently documented to be classified as isolates. With few exceptions, all of Africa's languages have been gathered into four major phyla: Afroasiatic , Niger–Congo , Nilo-Saharan and Khoisan . However, the genetic unity of some language families, like Nilo-Saharan ,

224-526: A language previously considered an isolate may no longer be considered one, as happened with the Yanyuwa language of northern Australia , which has been placed in the Pama–Nyungan family. Since linguists do not always agree on whether a genetic relationship has been demonstrated, it is often disputed whether a language is an isolate. A genetic relationship is when two different languages are descended from

256-589: A language to classify it as either a language isolate or as a part of another language family. Unclassified languages are different from language isolates in that they have no demonstrable genetic relationships to other languages due to a lack of sufficient data. In order to be considered a language isolate, a language needs to have sufficient data for comparisons with other languages through methods of historical-comparative linguistics to show that it does not have any genetic relationships. Many extinct languages and living languages today are very poorly attested, and

288-567: A list of 200 basic words words 70 percent weren't borrowed, 14 percent were from Aymara, 2 percent were from the Uru-Chipaya family, and the remaining 14 percent wasn't specified. Numerals in Puquina and other nearby languages: Pronouns in Puquina and other nearby languages: Loukotka (1968) lists the following basic vocabulary items for Puquina and Kallawaya (which he calls Pohena). Leco language Leco , also written as Leko ,

320-499: Is a language isolate that, though long reported to be extinct, is spoken by 20–40 individuals in areas east of Lake Titicaca , Bolivia . The Leco ethnic population was 13,527 in 2012. Although Leco is generally considered to be a language isolate , Kaufman (1994: 64) groups Leco together with the Sechura–Catacao languages as part of a proposed Macro-Lecoan family. It has also been suggested that Leco might be grouped with

352-722: Is classified as a language isolate and is considered extinct. However, Montaño Aragón (1987) found some speakers of the language in the region of Atén and in Apolo, La Paz , in Franz Tamayo Province in the Bolivian department of La Paz , along Mapiri River in Larecaja Province (situated also in the department of La Paz). Some speakers were relocated by van de Kerke (1994–97). These speakers, mostly men, were older than 50 years and had not habitually used

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384-665: Is questionable, and so there may be many more language families and isolates than currently accepted. Data for several African languages, like Kwisi , are not sufficient for classification. In addition, Jalaa , Shabo , Laal , Kujargé , and a few other languages within Nilo-Saharan and Afroasiatic -speaking areas may turn out to be isolates upon further investigation. Defaka and Ega are highly divergent languages located within Niger–Congo -speaking areas, and may also possibly be language isolates. Current research considers that

416-536: Is the Nicaraguan Sign Language , a well documented case of what has happened in schools for the deaf in many countries. In Tanzania, for example, there are seven schools for the deaf, each with its own sign language with no known connection to any other language. Sign languages have also developed outside schools, in communities with high incidences of deafness, such as Kata Kolok in Bali, and half

448-461: Is yet unknown due to insufficient data on several languages. One explanation for the existence of language isolates is that they might be the last remaining member of a larger language family, said language possibly could have had relatives in the past that have since disappeared without being documented leaving it an orphaned language much like the Ket language spoken in central Siberia who belongs to

480-636: The Kallawaya language , which may be a mixed language formed from Quechuan languages and Puquina. ( Terrence Kaufman (1990) finds the proposal plausible.) Some theories claim that "Qhapaq Simi", the cryptic language of the nobility of the Inca Empire , was closely related to Puquina, and that Runa Simi (Quechuan languages) were spoken by commoners. The Leco language might also be related. Moulian et al. (2015) argue that Puquina language influenced Mapuche language of southern Chile long before

512-537: The Xincan Guatemala language family in which linguists have grouped the Chiquimulilla , Guazacapán , Jumaytepeque , and Yupiltepeque languages. Below is a list of known language isolates, arranged by continent, along with notes on possible relations to other languages or language families. The status column indicates the degree of endangerment of the language, according to the definitions of

544-647: The Andean region. A relationship with the Arawakan languages has long been suggested, based solely on the possessive paradigm (1st no- , 2nd pi- , 3rd ču- ), which is similar to the Proto-Arawakan subject forms (1st *nu- , 2nd *pi- , 3rd *tʰu- ). Jolkesky (2016: 310–317) has presented further possible lexical cognates between Puquina and the Arawakan languages, proposing that this language family belongs to

576-609: The Middle Ucayali River Basin during the beginning of the 2nd millennium BCE and its speakers would have produced the Tutishcainyo pottery found in this region. Jolkesky (2016) classifies Puquina as a Macro-Arawakan language. Jolkesky (2016) notes that there are lexical similarities with the Aymaran, Cahuapanan , Quechuan , Panoan , Tananan and Uru-Chipaya language families due to contact. From

608-604: The UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger . "Vibrant" languages are those in full use by speakers of every generation, with consistent native acquisition by children. "Vulnerable" languages have a similarly wide base of native speakers, but a restricted use and the long-term risk of language shift . "Endangered" languages are either acquired irregularly or spoken only by older generations. "Moribund" languages have only

640-480: The authors further suggest that in such a case the location of the Puquina speakers should be taken into account in the debate over the geographic origin of the Arawakan family. Such consideration was taken up by Jolkesky (op. cit., 611–616) in his archaeo-ecolinguistic model of diversification of the Macro-Arawakan languages. According to this author, the proto-Macro-Arawakan language would have been spoken in

672-413: The beginning of the 19th century. That doctrine was published in 1905 by Lafone Quevedo, who used it as a source to make a grammatical description of the language. That work was virtually the only available document about Leco, until the linguist Simon van de Kerke (1994) located some speakers of the language and compiled some additional facts which enlarged the analysis of Quevedo. In Grimes (1988), Leco

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704-443: The data, but the opposition between /e/ and /ɨ/ is found only in a limited number of words, as for example pele 'balsa' and pèlè 'name of plant'. In regard to the morphological characteristics of Leco, one can point out the following (van de Kerke, 2009: 297–313). seneng- ki all- DAT hu-ku-ate 3PL -dar- PAS . 1 dulsi candy seneng- ki hu-ku-ate dulsi all-DAT 3PL-dar-PAS.1 candy ‘To all I gave

736-1088: The earth / from within the earth.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) ( help ); wesra Guanay nos- tha -te far- DIM - DCL wesra nos- tha -te Guanay far-DIM-DCL ‘Guanay is a little far.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) ( help ); yo-phos- beka 1SG -daughter- DEL ho-ra Language isolate A language isolate is a language that has no demonstrable genetic relationship with any other languages. Basque in Europe, Ainu in Asia, Sandawe in Africa, Haida and Zuni in North America, Kanoê in South America , Tiwi in Australia and Burushaski in Pakistan are all examples of such languages. The exact number of language isolates

768-482: The extinct Puquina languages spoken in the south shore of Lake Titicaca . Jolkesky (2016) notes that there are lexical similarities with the Kulle , Omurano , Taushiro , Urarina , Arawak , Cholon-Hibito , Jaqi , and Quechua language families due to contact. Apart from some brief lists of vocabulary, the main document for which Leco is known is a Christian doctrine compiled by the missionary Andrés Herrero at

800-726: The fact that Puquina was originally a lingua franca of the region during colonization it rapidly declined and then went extinct. Its decline began before the Spanish conquest as Aymaran speaking peoples divided the population of Puquina into several small groups. Remnants of the single, ancestral Puquina language can be found in the Quechuan and Spanish languages spoken in the south of Peru, mainly in Arequipa , Moquegua and Tacna , as well as in Bolivia . There also seem to be remnants in

832-678: The fact that they cannot be linked to other languages may be a reflection of our poor knowledge of them. Hattic , Gutian , and Kassite are all considered unclassified languages, but their status is disputed by a minority of linguists. Many extinct languages of the Americas such as Cayuse and Majena may likewise have been isolates. Several unclassified languages could also be language isolates, but linguists cannot be sure of this without sufficient evidence. A number of sign languages have arisen independently, without any ancestral language, and thus are language isolates. The most famous of these

864-453: The language since a long time before that. Van de Kerke relates that the speakers do not feel sufficiently secure to conduct a conversation spontaneously in Leco. In regard to the phonology of Leco, one can point out the following (based on van de Kerke, 2009: 289–291). Leco has six vowel phonemes: /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/ and /ɨ/. The opposition among the first five vowels is distinguished in

896-527: The languages are well enough documented that, if modern relatives existed, they would be recognizably related. A language thought to be an isolate may turn out to be related to other languages once enough material is recovered, but this is unlikely for extinct languages whose written records have not been preserved. Many extinct languages are very poorly attested, which may lead to them being considered unclassified languages instead of language isolates. This occurs when linguists do not have enough information on

928-514: The putative Macro-Arawakan stock along with the Candoshi and the Munichi languages. However, such a hypothesis still lacks conclusive scientific evidence. In this regard, Adelaar and van de Kerke (2009: 126) have pointed out that if in fact the Puquina languages are, genetically, related to the Arawakan languages, its separation from this family must have occurred at a relatively early date;

960-515: The rise of the Inca Empire . This areal linguistic influence may have started with a migratory wave arising from the collapse of the Tiwanaku Empire around 1000 CE. Sometimes the term Puquina is used for the Uru language , which is distinctly different. Puquina has been considered an unclassified language family, since it has not been proven to be firmly related to any other languages in

992-636: The standard to be seen as different languages. Examples include Japanese and Georgian : Japanese is now part of the Japonic language family with the Ryukyuan languages , and Georgian is the main language in the Kartvelian language family. There is a difference between language isolates and unclassified languages , but they can be difficult to differentiate when it comes to classifying extinct languages . If such efforts eventually do prove fruitful,

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1024-644: The wider Yeniseian language family, had it been discovered in recent times independently from its now extinct relatives such as Yugh and Kott it would have been classified as an isolate. Another explanation for language isolates is that they arose independently in isolation and thus do not share a common linguistic genesis with any other language but themselves. This explanation mostly applies to sign languages that have developed independently of other spoken or signed languages. Some languages once seen as isolates may be reclassified as small families if some of their dialects are judged to be sufficiently different from

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