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91-672: The most notable ones were those of the Petrograd Soviet , the Moscow Soviet , and at Stavka . The Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee was created on 29 October [ O.S. 16 October] 1917. The idea for organization of the armed revolt battle center belongs to Vladimir Lenin . In his letter "Marxism and Revolt" directed to the Central Committee of RSDLP (b) in September 1917, he put on

182-658: A 'civil war' against the proletariat. Lenin believed that these events were "an episode in the civil war" and described how "all hopes for a peaceful development of the Russian revolution have vanished for good" when writing a few days after his flight. These developments left a new crisis in the Provisional Government. Bourgeois ministers, belonging to the Constitutional Democratic Party resigned, and no cabinet could be formed until

273-504: A better bargaining position with the Germans when peace negotiations started. The government agreed that a 'successful military offensive' was required to unite the people and restore morale to the Russian army. Alexander Kerensky , Minister for War, embarked on a 'whirlwind tour' of the Russian forces at the fronts, giving passionate, 'near-hysterical', speeches where he called on troops to act heroically, stating 'we revolutionaries, have

364-551: A decidedly conditional statement of support. Moreover, the Soviet undermined the Provisional Government by issuing its own orders, beginning with the seven-article Order No. 1 . The Soviet was not opposed to the war – internal divisions produced a public ambivalence–but was deeply worried about counterrevolutionary moves from the military, and was determined to have garrison troops firmly on its side. The Petrograd Soviet developed into an alternate source of authority to

455-442: A defender of the revolution against a Napoleon-type figure. However, it had terrible consequences, as Kerensky's move was seen in the army as a betrayal of Kornilov, making them finally disloyal to the Provisional Government. Furthermore, as Kornilov's troops were arrested by the now armed Red Guard, it was the Soviet that was seen to have saved the country from military dictatorship. In order to defend himself and Petrograd, he provided

546-545: A front for the activities of the Bolshevik's Military Organization. Podvoisky would take official control of the committee on the day of the uprising, with Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko as secretary. The Ispolkom and the Provisional Government had been cut out of control of the forces in the Petrograd Military District, since very few of them remained loyal to them. The Military Staff was sidelined on

637-469: A hostage until Trotsky appeared from the Soviet assembly and intervened with a speech praising the "Comrade Kronstadter's, pride and glory of the Russian revolution".   Furthermore, the Menshevik Chairman of the Soviet, Chkheidze, spoke to the demonstrators in an 'imperious tone', calmly handing their leader a Soviet manifesto, and ordered them to return home or be condemned as traitors to

728-434: A stage for speechmakers. The party-based Ispolkom quickly took charge of actual decision-making. The members of the executive committee, called Ispolkom , came only from political groups, with every socialist party given three seats (agreed March 18). This created an intellectual and radical head to the peasant-, worker-, and soldier-dominated body. The executive committee meetings were more intense and almost as disorderly as

819-619: The All-Russian Central Executive Committee ( CEC or VTsIK ) with over 70 members (but no peasant representatives). The mass meetings of the body tapered from daily in the first weeks to roughly weekly by April. The rise of the Bolsheviks throughout 1917 is known as the Bolshevization of soviets . The Bolsheviks rapidly assumed the mantle of the official opposition , and took advantage of

910-583: The Bolsheviks gained power in the October Revolution in October [November, N.S.] 1917. According to Harold Whitmore Williams , the history of the eight months during which Russia was ruled by the Provisional Government was the history of the steady and systematic disorganization of the army. The Provisional Government was a caretaker government , with its political system and the status of

1001-777: The Bolsheviks ' party, soviets , factory or soldier committees , Bolshevik Military Organizations (Voyenka), Red Guards , and others. The committees were of various levels such as gubernial, city, county, district, volost; while in the Army were frontlines, army, corps, division, and regimental. On occasions the functions of the Military Revolutionary Committee were performed by revolutionary committees . The military revolutionary committees were not uniform in terms of their social and party composition, however most of them were predominantly represented by Bolsheviks . The first headquarters of armed uprising became

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1092-675: The Boris Stürmer government in the Duma. Stürmer was succeeded by Alexander Trepov and Nikolai Golitsyn , both Prime Ministers for only a few weeks. During the February Revolution two rival institutions, the imperial State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet , both located in the Tauride Palace , competed for power. Tsar Nicholas II abdicated on 2 March [15 March, N.S. Tooltip New Style ], and Milyukov announced

1183-808: The Ispolkom rejected the workings of the Congress and called on the Soviets and the army to defend the Revolution. But in the evening, the Congress dismissed the Ispolkom and replaced it with a new group of 101 members (62 Bolsheviks) under Lev Borisovich Kamenev . It also approved the Decree on Peace , the Decree on Land and the formation of a new government – the Council of People's Commissars ( Soviet Narodnykh Komissarov , abbreviated to Sovnarkom ) – until

1274-634: The Kerensky Offensive ) increased opposition to the government. Domestically, the Provisional Government's weaknesses were blatant. The dual power structure was in fact dominated by one side, the Petrograd Soviet. Minister of War Alexander Guchkov stated that "We (the Provisional Government) do not have authority, but only the appearance of authority; the real power lies with the Soviet". Severe limitations existed on

1365-618: The Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee , that was created by the Petrograd Soviet on October 25, 1917. Prior to a victorious moment of the uprising in Petrograd there were over 40 Military Revolutionary Committees in the country, the main activity of which was military and technical preparations for the forthcoming revolt. During the "Triumphant advance of Soviet power" there was a mass establishment of MRCs. Many MRCs appeared on initiative of

1456-658: The Provisional Government under (Prince) Georgy Lvov and later Alexander Kerensky . This created a situation described as dvoevlastie ( dual power ), in which the Petrograd Soviet competed for legitimacy with the Provisional Government until the October Revolution. The Ispolkom (the "executive committee") of the Petrograd Soviet often publicly attacked the Provisional Government as bourgeois and boasted of its de facto power over de jure authority (control over post , telegraphs ,

1547-646: The Saint Petersburg City Duma (Central Duma). During the revolutionary days, the council tried to extend its jurisdiction nationwide as a rival power center to the Provisional Government , creating what in Soviet historiography is known as the Dvoyevlastiye (Dual power). Its committees were key components during the Russian Revolution and some of them led the armed revolt of the October Revolution . Before 1914, Petrograd

1638-418: The "bourgeois" ministers, tried to base itself on the right-wing of the Soviet. Socialist ministers, coming under fire from their left-wing Soviet associates, were compelled to pursue a double-faced policy. The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures. In the summer of 1917, within the government, the liberals persuaded

1729-661: The 25th; the last holdout of the Provisional Ministers, the Tsar's Winter Palace on the Neva River bank, was captured on the 26th. Kerensky escaped the Winter Palace raid and fled to Pskov , where he rallied some loyal troops for an attempt to retake the capital. His troops managed to capture Tsarskoe Selo but were beaten the next day at Pulkovo . Kerensky spent the next few weeks in hiding before fleeing

1820-478: The Bolshevik Headquarters to find Lenin, who addressed the crowd and promised them that, ultimately, all power would go to the Soviets. However, Lenin was rather reluctant about these developments, with his speech uncertain and barely lasting a minute. As violence escalated in the streets with the mob looting shops, houses, and attacking well-dressed civilians, Cossacks and Kadets stationed atop

1911-408: The Bolsheviks of treason. After the Bolshevik walkout, some of the remaining delegates continued to stress that ending the war as soon as possible was beneficial to the nation. On 24–26 October Red Guard forces under the leadership of Bolshevik commanders launched their final attack on the ineffectual Provisional Government. Most government offices were occupied and controlled by Bolshevik soldiers on

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2002-490: The Bolsheviks with arms as he had little support from the army. When Kornilov did not attack Kerensky, the Bolsheviks did not return their weapons, making them a greater concern to Kerensky and the Provisional Government. Thus far, the status of the monarchy had been unresolved. This was clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic ( Российская республика , Rossiyskaya respublika )

2093-459: The Kadets, into "new conservatives." The Provisional Government was mostly composed of "new conservatives," and the new government faced tremendous opposition from the left. Opposition was most obvious with the development and dominance of the Petrograd Soviet , which represented the socialist views of leftist parties. A dual power structure quickly arose consisting of the Provisional Government and

2184-472: The Petrograd Soviet. While the Provisional Government retained the formal authority to rule over Russia, the Petrograd Soviet maintained actual power. With its control over the army and the railroads, the Petrograd Soviet had the means to enforce policies. The Provisional Government lacked the ability to administer its policies. In fact, local soviets, political organizations mostly of socialists, often maintained discretion when deciding whether or not to implement

2275-515: The Provisional Government's ability to rule. While it was true that the Provisional Government lacked enforcement ability, prominent members within the Government encouraged bottom-up rule. Politicians such as Prime Minister Georgy Lvov favored devolution of power to decentralized organizations. The Provisional Government did not desire the complete decentralization of power, but certain members definitely advocated more political participation by

2366-452: The Provisional Government's laws. Despite its short reign of power and implementation shortcomings, the Provisional Government passed very progressive legislation. The policies enacted by this moderate government (by 1917 Russian standards) represented arguably the most liberal legislation in Europe at the time. The independence of Church from state, the emphasis on rural self-governance, and

2457-486: The Russian Empire. Poland was granted independence and Lithuania and Ukraine became more autonomous. The main obstacle and problem of the Provisional Government was its inability to enforce and administer legislative policies. Foreign policy was the one area in which the Provisional Government was able to exercise its discretion to a great extent. However, the continuation of aggressive foreign policy (for example,

2548-423: The Russian people were able to play a significant part in the shaping of their destinies". While this quote romanticizes Russian society under the Provisional Government, the quote nonetheless shows that important democratic institutions were prominent in 1917 Russia. Special interest groups also developed throughout 1917. Special interest groups play a large role in every society deemed "democratic" today, and such

2639-707: The Socialist Revolutionary Party (see Socialist-Revolutionary Party ). The SRs advocated a form of agrarian socialism and land policy that the peasantry overwhelmingly supported. For the most part, urban workers supported the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks (with greater numbers supporting the Bolsheviks as 1917 progressed), while the peasants supported the Socialist Revolutionaries. The rapid development and popularity of these leftist parties turned moderate-liberal parties, such as

2730-633: The Soldiers' Section, and ten the Workers' Section. All members were socialists, the majority Mensheviks or Socialist-Revolutionaries ; there was no Bolshevik representation. After the first All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June/July 1917), the Petrograd Soviet began adding representatives from other parts of Russia and the front lines, renaming itself the All-Russian Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies . The executive committee became

2821-475: The Soviets considered the creation of a Committee of Revolutionary Defense. The Bolsheviks and Trotsky amended the resolution to include security of Petrograd against both German and domestic threats. The Plenum of the Soviet voted for a committee to "gather... all the forces participating in the defense of Petrograd... to arm the workers... ensuring the revolutionary defense of Petrograd... against the... military and civilian Kornilovites." The Ispolkom approved

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2912-649: The Soviets." On the morning of July 3 (July 16), the machine-gun regiment voted in favour of an armed demonstration, with it agreed that the demonstrators should march peacefully to the front of the Tauride palace and elect delegates to 'present their demands to the executive committee of the Soviet'.   The following day, July 4 (July 17), around 20,000 armed sailors from the Kronstadt naval base arrived in Petrograd . The mass of soldiers and workers then went to

3003-623: The State Duma were appointed. The committee was headed by Mikhail Rodzianko and suspended the activity of the Fourth State Duma . He temporarily took formal state power and announced the creation of a new government on 13 March. The Provisional Government was formed on 15 March 1917 (N.S.) by the Provisional Committee in cooperation with the Petrograd Soviet , despite protests of the Bolsheviks . The government

3094-663: The above reforms and measures." Initial composition of the Provisional Government: During the April Crisis (1917) Ivan Ilyin agreed with the Kadet Milyukov, who staunchly opposed Petrograd Soviet demands for peace at any cost. On 18 April [1 May, N.S. Tooltip New Style ] 1917, minister of Foreign Affairs Pavel Milyukov sent a note to the Allied governments, promising to continue

3185-401: The affirmation of fundamental civil rights (such as freedom of speech, press, and assembly) that the tsarist government had periodically restricted shows the progressivism of the Provisional Government. Other policies included the abolition of capital punishment and economic redistribution in the countryside. The Provisional Government also granted more freedoms to previously suppressed regions of

3276-461: The agenda the task of preparing an armed uprising, writing: And to treat the revolt in a Marxist way, that is, as an art, we at the same time, without losing a moment, must organize headquarters of the insurgent groups ... The decision of Central Committee of RSDLP(b) of October 23 and 29, 1917 on enhanced preparation for the armed revolt hastened the creation of uprising bodies at central and local levels. The MRC were elected from representatives of

3367-549: The arrived delegates of the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets . Big squad of commissars, emissaries, agitators was sent to various country's regions by the Petrograd MRC on direction of the Central Committee of RSDLP(b) . The Bolshevik's party composed the committees of experienced organizers. In the weeks following the October insurrection, military revolutionary committees based on the MRC of Petrograd were set up throughout

3458-458: The buildings of Liteyny Avenue began to fire upon the crowds, causing the marchers to scatter in panic as dozens were killed. At around 7 pm, soldiers and a group of workers from the Putilov iron plant broke into the palace and, flourishing their rifles, demanded full power to the Soviets.   When Socialist Revolutionary Minister Chernov attempted to calm them down, he was taken outside as

3549-628: The committee's decision to offer the Regency to his brother, Grand Duke Michael , as the next tsar. Grand Duke Michael would accept after the decision of the Russian Constituent Assembly . He did not want to take the poisoned chalice and deferred acceptance of imperial power the next day. The Provisional Government was designed to set up elections to the Assembly while maintaining essential government services, but its power

3640-583: The country. He went into exile in France and eventually emigrated to the United States. The Bolsheviks then replaced the government with their own. The Little Council (or Underground Provisional Government ) met at the house of Sofia Panina briefly in an attempt to resist the Bolsheviks. However, this initiative ended on 28 November with the arrest of Panina, Fyodor Kokoshkin , Andrei Ivanovich Shingarev and Prince Pavel Dolgorukov , then Panina being

3731-700: The economic situation worsened, encouraging street demonstrations and issuing revolutionary proclamations. On January 27, 1917 (all dates Old Style ) the entire leadership of the Central Workers' Group was arrested and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress on the orders of Alexander Protopopov , the Minister of the Interior in Imperial Russia . They were freed by a crowd of disaffected soldiers on

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3822-645: The end of the Provisional Government and the transfer of power to the Petrograd Soviet. In the early afternoon, Trotsky convened an Extraordinary Session of the Petrograd Soviet, to preempt the Congress of Soviets. It was packed with Bolsheviks and Left SR deputies. That evening, the Second Congress of Soviets opened in the Assembly Hall in Smolny. The 600 or so delegates chose a Presidium of 3 Mensheviks and 21 Bolsheviks and Left SRs. The following day,

3913-400: The end of the month. The party's political fortunes were poor but were revived after an abortive 'coup d'état' by right-wing elements led by General Kornilov. Kerensky became the new Prime Minister of the Provisional Government on the 21st of July. Prince Lvov had resigned along with many Bourgeois ministers from the Provisional Government. He had been considered to be closely associated with

4004-404: The eternal and general interests of the country more important than the short-term and particular needs of certain parties or classes. The Provisional Government has no doubt that it will succeed in this task in the days ahead. On 12 September [25, N.S] an All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened, and its presidium decided to create a Pre-Parliament and a Special Constituent Assembly , which

4095-460: The events known as the " October Revolution ", and placed power in the hands of the soviets , or "workers' councils," which had given their support to the Bolsheviks led by Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky . The weakness of the Provisional Government is perhaps best reflected in the derisive nickname given to Kerensky: "persuader-in-chief." The authority of the Tsar's government began disintegrating on 1 November 1916, when Pavel Milyukov attacked

4186-495: The extreme weakness of the government at this point, there was talk among the elites of bolstering its power by including Kornilov as a military dictator on the side of Kerensky. The extent to which this deal had indeed been accepted by all parties is still unclear. What is clear, however, is that when Kornilov's troops approached Petrograd, Kerensky branded them as counter-revolutionaries and demanded their arrest. This move can be seen as an attempt to bolster his own power by making him

4277-568: The form of an armed uprising known as the 'July Days'. The Provisional Government survived the initial uprising, but their pro-war position meant that moderate socialist government leaders lost their credibility among the soldiers and workers. On July 2 [July 15, N.S.], in response to the government's compromises with Ukrainian nationalists, the Kadet members of the cabinet resigned, leaving Prince Lvov's government in disarray. This prompted further urban demonstrations, as workers demanded "all power to

4368-482: The government - after advice from the military – made plans to evacuate to Moscow. The Ispolkom attacked the move, and Trotsky had the soldiers' section, who were mostly Mensheviks, vote on a resolution condemning the evacuation. The Provisional Government postponed evacuation indefinitely. Its attempts to dispatch Petrograd garrison units to the front were resisted by the troops and by the Ispolkom. On October 9,

4459-569: The government released many senior Bolsheviks on bail or promise of good behavior. In the August 20 municipal elections, the Bolsheviks took a third of the votes, a 50% increase in three months. During the Kornilov affair, the Ispolkom was forced to use the Bolsheviks' military as its main force against the "counter-revolution". Kerensky ordered the distribution of 40,000 rifles to the workers of Petrograd (some Red Guards ), many of which ended in

4550-520: The government. The Milrevcom sent armed groups to seize the main telegraph offices and lower the bridges across the Neva. That night, the Bolsheviks took control quickly and easily, since the vast majority of both the guard and the workers had sided with them, participating in the plans of the "Milrevcom". The following morning at 10 am, the Milrevcom issued an announcement written by Lenin , declaring

4641-408: The hands of Bolshevik groups. As other socialist parties abandoned the Soviet organizations, the Bolsheviks increased their presence. On September 25, they gained a majority in the Workers' Section and Leon Trotsky was elected chairman. He directed the transformation of the Soviet into a revolutionary organ according to Bolshevik policies. On October 6, with a German advance threatening the city,

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4732-518: The later shock of the Kornilov affair , polarized the political scene. The Petrograd Soviet moved steadily leftwards, just as those of the center and right consolidated around Kerensky. Despite the events in July, the Ispolkom moved to protect the Bolsheviks from serious consequences, adopting resolutions on August 4 and August 18 against the arrest and prosecution of Bolsheviks. Still wary of the Ispolkom,

4823-547: The left was the Petrograd Soviet, a Communist committee then taking over and ruling Russia's most important port city, which tentatively cooperated with the government at first, but then gradually gained control of the Imperial Army , local factories, and the Russian Railway . The period of competition for authority ended in late October 1917, when Bolsheviks routed the ministers of the Provisional Government in

4914-425: The masses in the form of grassroots mobilization. The rise of local organizations, such as trade unions and rural institutions, and the devolution of power within the Russian government gave rise to democratization. It is difficult to say that the Provisional Government desired the rise of these powerful, local institutions. As stated in the previous section, some politicians within the Provisional Government advocated

5005-616: The meeting of the Constituent Assembly. The Sovnarkom was meant to be an executive governing body directly accountable to the newly created Central Executive Committee (CEC/ VTsIK ) which would act as a standing-body of the (legislative) Soviet between full sessions of the Congress of Soviets, though in practice Sovnarkom would eclipse the CEC/TSiK in autonomy and power. Russian Provisional Government Michael II (conditionally) The Russian Provisional Government

5096-461: The military front lines with commissars appointed with Ministry of War support. In March 1917, the Petrograd Soviet was opposed to the workers, which protested its deliberations with strikes. On March 8, the Menshevik newspaper Rabochaia Gazeta even claimed that the strikers were discrediting the soviet by disobeying it. The Ispolkom expanded to 19 members on April 8, nine representing

5187-500: The monarchy remaining unresolved until the election of the Constituent Assembly . This was finally clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice. On 12 March [27 February, O.S.], after Prime Minister Nikolai Golitsyn was forced to resign, 24 commissars of the Provisional Committee of

5278-441: The more radical Bolshevik Party (see Bolshevik ). The Mensheviks often supported the actions of the Provisional Government and believed that the existence of such a government was a necessary step to achieve Communism. On the other hand, the Bolsheviks violently opposed the Provisional Government and desired a more rapid transition to Communism. In the countryside, political ideology also shifted leftward, with many peasants supporting

5369-542: The morning of February 27, the beginning of the February Revolution, and the chairman convened a meeting to organize and elect a Soviet of Workers' Deputies that day. That evening, between 69 and 300 people attended the meeting at the Tauride Palace . A provisional executive committee ( Ispolkom ) was chosen, named "Provisional Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies" and chaired by Nikolay Chkheidze , and with mostly Menshevik deputies. (Chkheize

5460-488: The needs of the working classes, professional organizations were also prominent. Professional organizations quickly developed a political side to represent member's interests. The political involvement of these groups represents a form of democratic participation as the government listened to such groups when formulating policy. Such interest groups played a negligible role in politics before February 1917 and after October 1917. While professional special interest groups were on

5551-518: The new socialist presence in the Cabinet to attack them for the failures of the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks began a strong run of propaganda . In June, 100,000 copies of Pravda (including Soldatskaya Pravda , Golos Pravdy , and Okopnaya Pravda ) were printed daily. In July, over 350,000 leaflets were distributed. The July Days riots from July 16–17, inspired but not led by the Bolsheviks, were without success. The rise of Kerensky, and

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5642-610: The night of October 21, when the Milrevcom took exclusive control of the garrison in the name of the Soldiers' Section of the Soviet. The District Commander, Colonel Polkovnikov, refused to allow this control, and he and his staff were condemned in a Milrevcom public statement as "a direct weapon of the counter-revolutionary forces". The military command responded with an ultimatum to the Soviet, which led to delaying negotiations and meetings on October 23 and 24. The Bolshevik-popular uprising began on October 24, when "liberal" forces tried to shut down Pravda and take other steps to secure

5733-650: The other soviets and helped cement Bolshevik control. These other MRCs were formed by locals but agents from the Petrograd MRC were often in positions to give advice or direction. By the end of October 1917, representatives from the Petrograd MRC were on assignments in at least forty-four cities as well as 113 military units throughout Russia , Turkestan , and the Caucasus . Petrograd Soviet The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies ( Russian : Петроградский совет рабочих и солдатских депутатов , Petrogradsky soviet rabochih i soldatskikh deputatov )

5824-404: The political democracy advocated by the liberal intellectual elites and moderate socialists of the Provisional Government. Workers established economic democracy, as employees gained managerial power and direct control over their workplace. Worker self-management became a common practice throughout industrial enterprises. As workers became more militant and gained more economic power, they supported

5915-563: The political system, and keeping in mind the unanimous and enthusiastic recognition of Republican ideas, which affected the Moscow State Conference, the Provisional Government announces that the state system of the Russian state is the republican system and proclaims the Russian Republic. Urgent need for immediate and decisive action to restore the shocked state system has prompted the Provisional Government to pass

6006-399: The power in the new Provisional Government, which replaced the tsarist regime. The February Revolution was also accompanied by further politicization of the masses. Politicization of working people led to the leftward shift of the political spectrum. Many urban workers originally supported the socialist Menshevik Party (see Menshevik ), while some, though a small minority in February, favored

6097-501: The power of government to five individuals from its staff, headed by the Prime Minister. The Provisional Government considers its main objective to be the restoration of public order and the fighting efficiency of the armed forces. Believing that only the concentration of all the surviving forces of the country can help the Motherland out of the difficulty in which it now finds itself, the Provisional Government will seek to expand its membership by attracting to its ranks all those who consider

6188-404: The press, railroads , food supply , and other infrastructure ). A "shadow government" with a Contact Commission was created on March 8 to "inform... [the Provisional Government] about the demands of the revolutionary people, to exert pressure on the government to dissatisfy all these demands, and to exercise uninterrupted control over their implementation." On March 19, the control extended into

6279-424: The public meetings and were often extremely long. On March 1, the executive committee resolved to remain outside any new State Duma . This allowed the group to criticize without responsibility, and kept them away from any potential backlash. On March 2, the Soviet received the eight-point program of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma , appointed an oversight committee ( nabliudatel'nyi komitet ), and issued

6370-456: The radical Bolshevik party and lifted the Bolsheviks into power in October 1917. In August 1917, Russian socialists assembled for a conference on defense, which resulted in a split between the Bolsheviks, who rejected the continuation of the war, and moderate socialists. The Kornilov affair was an attempted military coup d'état by the then commander-in-chief of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov , in September 1917 [August, O.S.]. Due to

6461-444: The resignation of Foreign Minister Milyukov and War Minister Guchkov and made a proposal to the Petrograd Soviet to form a coalition government. As a result of negotiations, on 22 April 1917, agreement was reached and 6 socialist ministers joined the cabinet. During this period the Provisional Government merely reflected the will of the Soviet, where left tendencies (Bolshevism) were gaining ground. The Government, however, influenced by

6552-487: The resolution, against Menshevik resistance, on October 12, and the Soviet approved it on October 16 (despite warnings by the Mensheviks and SRs), creating the Military Revolutionary Committee ( Voenno-Revoliutsionnyi Komitet ), also called the Milrevcom or Military Committee. The Military-Revolutionary Committee was chaired by Pavel Lazimir , with Nikolai Podvoisky as his deputy. It was

6643-582: The revolution, to which the crowd quickly dispersed. The Ministry of Justice released leaflets accusing the Bolsheviks of treason on the charge of inciting armed rebellion with German financial support, and published warrants for the arrest of the party's main leaders. Following this, troops cleared the party's Headquarters in the Kshesinskaya Mansion , and the capital quickly succumbed to anti-Bolshevik hysteria as hundreds of Bolsheviks were arrested and known or suspected Bolsheviks were attacked in

6734-534: The right to death.' This worked for a time until Kerensky left and the effect on the troops waned. The June Offensive, which started on 16 June, lasted for just three days before falling apart.  During the offensive, the rate of desertion was high and soldiers began to mutiny, with some even killing their commanding officers instead of fighting. The offensive resulted in the death of thousands of Russian soldiers and great loss of territory. This failed military offensive produced an immediate effect in Petrograd in

6825-485: The rise of these institutions. Local government bodies had discretionary authority when deciding which Provisional Government laws to implement. For example, institutions that held power in rural areas were quick to implement national laws regarding the peasantry's use of idle land. Real enforcement power was in the hands of these local institutions and the soviets. Russian historian W.E. Mosse points out, this time period represented "the only time in modern Russian history when

6916-494: The rise, so too were worker organizations, especially in the cities. Beyond the formation of trade unions, factory committees of workers rapidly developed on the plant level of industrial centers. The factory committees represented the most radical viewpoints of the time period. The Bolsheviks gained their popularity within these institutions. Nonetheless, these committees represented the most democratic element of 1917 Russia. However, this form of democracy differed from and went beyond

7007-459: The socialists that the Provisional Government needed to launch an offensive against Germany. This was as a consequence of several factors: a request from Britain and France to help take the pressure off their forces in the West, avoiding the national humiliation of a defeat, to help put the generals and officers back in control of the armed forces so they could control the revolution and to place them in

7098-401: The soviets, and in a strong leading position. Finally, on the 24th of July (6 August) 1917, a new coalition cabinet, composed mostly of socialists, was formed with Kerensky at its head. Second coalition: From 25 September [8 October, N.S.] 1917. With the 1917 February Revolution, Tsar Nicholas II's abdication, and the formation of a completely new Russian state, Russia's political spectrum

7189-475: The streets by Black Hundreds elements. The Petrograd Soviet was forced to move from Tauride Palace into the Smolny Institute . Trotsky was captured a few days later and imprisoned, whilst Lenin and Zinoviev went into hiding. Lenin had refused to stand trial for 'treason' as he argued that the state was in the hands of a 'counter-revolutionary military dictatorship', which was already engaged in

7280-429: The subject of a political trial . Some academics, such as Pavel Osinsky, argue that the October Revolution was as much a function of the failures of the Provisional Government as it was of the strength of the Bolsheviks. Osinsky described this as "socialism by default" as opposed to "socialism by design." Riasanovsky argued that the Provisional Government made perhaps its "worst mistake" by not holding elections to

7371-470: The war to 'its glorious conclusion'. On 20–21 April 1917, massive demonstrations of workers and soldiers erupted against the continuation of war. Demonstrations demanded resignation of Milyukov. They were soon met by the counter-demonstrations organised in his support. General Lavr Kornilov , commander of the Petrograd military district, wished to suppress the disorders, but premier Georgy Lvov refused to resort to violence. The Provisional Government accepted

7462-604: Was a provisional government of the Russian Empire and Russian Republic , announced two days before and established immediately after the abdication of Nicholas II on 2 March, O.S. [15 March 1917, N.S. ], during the February Revolution . The intention of the provisional government was the organization of elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly and its convention. The provisional government, led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky , lasted approximately eight months, and ceased to exist when

7553-456: Was a city council of Petrograd (Saint Petersburg), the capital of Russia at the time. For brevity, it is usually called the Petrograd Soviet ( Russian : Петроградский совет , Petrogradsky soviet ). The Soviet was established in March 1917 after the February Revolution as a representative body of the city's workers and soldiers, while the city already had its well-established city council,

7644-433: Was dramatically altered. The tsarist leadership represented an authoritarian, conservative form of governance. The Kadet Party (see Constitutional Democratic Party ), composed mostly of liberal intellectuals, formed the greatest opposition to the tsarist regime leading up to the February Revolution. The Kadets transformed from an opposition force into a role of established leadership, as the former opposition party held most of

7735-481: Was effectively limited by the Petrograd Soviet's growing authority. Public announcement of the formation of the Provisional Government was made. It was published in Izvestia the day after its formation. The announcement stated the declaration of government It also said, "The provisional government feels obliged to add that it is not intended to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in implementing

7826-710: Was known as Saint Petersburg , and in 1905 the workers' soviet called the St Petersburg Soviet was created. But the main precursor to the 1917 Petrograd Soviet was the Central Workers' Group (Центральная Рабочая Группа, Tsentral'naya Rabochaya Gruppa ), founded in November 1915 by the Mensheviks to mediate between workers and the new Central War Industry Committee in Petrograd. The group became increasingly radical as World War I progressed and

7917-514: Was led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky . It replaced the Council of Ministers of Russia , which presided in the Mariinsky Palace . The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures. This weakness left the government open to strong challenges from both the right and the left. The Provisional Government's chief adversary on

8008-405: Was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice. The Decree read as follows: The Coup of General Kornilov is suppressed. But the turmoil that he spread in the ranks of the army and in the country is great. Once again, a great danger threatens the fate of the country and its freedom. Considering it necessary to put an end to the uncertainty in

8099-477: Was replaced by Irakli Tsereteli in late March). Izvestia was chosen as the official newspaper of the group. The following day, February 28, was the plenary session; elected representatives from factories and the military joined the soviet, and again moderates dominated. Non-representative voting and enthusiasm gave the Soviet almost 3,000 deputies in two weeks, of which the majority were soldiers. The meetings were chaotic, confused, and unruly, little more than

8190-424: Was the case of Russia in 1917. Many on the far left would argue that the presence of special interest groups represent a form of bourgeois democracy, in which the interests of an elite few are represented to a greater extent than the working masses. The rise of special interest organizations gave people the means to mobilize and play a role in the democratic process. While groups such as trade unions formed to represent

8281-475: Was to elaborate the future Constitution of Russia. This Constitutional Assembly was to be chaired by Professor N. I. Lazarev and the historian V. M. Gessen. The Provisional Government was expected to continue to administer Russia until the Constituent Assembly had determined the future form of government. On 16 September 1917, the Duma was dissolved by the newly created Directorate . On October 24, Kerensky accused

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