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Titoism

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Titoism is a socialist political philosophy most closely associated with Josip Broz Tito during the Cold War . It is characterized by a broad Yugoslav identity , socialist workers' self-management , a political separation from the Soviet Union , and leadership in the Non-Aligned Movement .

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156-649: Tito led the Communist Yugoslav Partisans during World War II in Yugoslavia . After the war, tensions arose between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Although these issues alleviated over time, Yugoslavia still remained largely independent in ideology and policy due to the leadership of Tito, who led Yugoslavia until his death in 1980. Today, the term "Titoism" is sometimes used to refer to Yugo-nostalgia across political spectrum,

312-432: A community of interests and views as arises from the full independence and responsibility of each party. Today, more than ever before, the international workers' movement needs such unity as does not conceal differences; but, on the contrary, recognized them. After all, total unity in the international workers' movement has never existed. Yugoslav interpretation of proletarian internationalism was outlined in "The Programme of

468-657: A federalisation of the state, while the others pushed for limited regional autonomy only. The leftists prevailed at the January 1924 Third Land Conference held covertly in Belgrade where the KPJ proclaimed the right of each nation to secede and form its national state. In June, the Comintern instructed the KPJ that self-determination should take shape of independent Slovenian, Croatian, and Macedonian republics. The stance taken by

624-459: A line appropriate only to nationalism, and which represented a departure from Marxism-Leninism". They approved the actions of the Russian communist party and condemned Yugoslavia's agricultural policy, which sidelined the class differentiation, "regarding the individual peasantry as a single entity and even asserting that the peasantry was the most stable foundation of their state" - a role meant for

780-695: A longing for reestablishment or revival of Yugoslavism or Yugoslavia by the citizens of Yugoslavia's successor states . Initially a personal favourite of the USSR , Tito led the national liberation war to the Nazi occupation during World War II, where the Yugoslav Partisans liberated Yugoslavia with only limited help from the Red Army . Tito met with the Soviet leadership several times immediately after

936-558: A makeshift KPJ training school as the prison allowed grouping of political prisoners. On instructions from the Comintern, non- Serb members of the KPJ were to advocate breakup of Yugoslavia as a construct of the Western Powers. However at the time, most of their efforts were invested in struggle against the JSDS and debating revolutionary merits of literature written by Miroslav Krleža . By 1932, membership dwindled to less than 500,

1092-552: A margin of maneuver far greater than that of the other Southeast European leaders. When the rest of Eastern Europe became satellite states of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia refused to accept the 1948 Resolution of the Cominform which condemned the leaders of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia for allegedly abandoning Marxism-Leninism , and any communists who sympathised with Yugoslavia. The period from 1948 to 1955, known as

1248-598: A meeting of the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers' Party was set up to carry out a discussion about the considerable deviations of Gomułka. Zadawski and Zamborovski presented a "clear Marxist-Leninist analysis". The Plenum met again on 31 August – 3 September. Gomułka agreed to his wrongdoings and was replaced by Minc. Gomułka was arrested, set free then re-incarcerated. On 12–13 July 1948

1404-558: A policy of strikes, mass-action and sabotage. The first general "attack" was launched in France on 18 November 1947, and in Italy on 12 November. Both turned out to be quite violent. But the wave of attacks ended by the end of the year, due to the fact that the workers had failed to carry out the communist instructions and the two communist parties were not willing to continue the fight. Strikes continued to be carried out sporadically, but without

1560-565: A political confrontation with the USSR. The clash culminated in the Tito–Stalin split and the KPJ was expelled from the Cominform in 1948. For political reasons, the rift was presented as ideological rather than geopolitical one. The KPJ initially reacted to Stalin's criticism by adopting corrective measures in the field of collectivisation described as more Stalinist than those employed by Stalin himself. The KPJ saw purges of real or perceived Stalin supporters and other political opponents of

1716-714: A report "on the Defence of Peace and the fight against warmongers", which urged the people of the Western countries to hinder any imperialist measures which were taken by the governments of said countries against the Eastern Bloc. Furthermore, Togliatti presented a report about the Working class and the tasks of the Communist and Workers parties. This resolution pinpointed the "particular attention which should be devoted to

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1872-429: A slackening of mutual understanding and at times even to serious blunders". The first part of Zhdanov's report was included in a published declaration, which designates the task of the communist parties as "taking into their hands the banner of defense of national independence and sovereignty of their countries". The following part, in combination with Gomulka's report, formed the preamble of the resolution, which underlined

2028-469: A special (albeit incidental) relation with the maverick Romanian President Nicolae Ceaușescu . Titoism was similar to Dubček's socialism with a human face , while Ceaușescu attracted sympathies for his refusal to condone (and take part in) the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, which briefly seemed to constitute a casus belli between Romania and the Soviets. However, Ceaușescu was an unlikely member of

2184-549: A special-purpose prison camp built on the uninhabited Adriatic islands of Goli Otok and Sveti Grgur in 1949. In view of the circumstances and the ideological aspect of the Yugoslav–Soviet split, the KPJ found it necessary to differentiate the Yugoslav political system from the Soviet one. Since the KPJ labelled the USSR undemocratic, it was necessary to devise and highlight KPJ's innovative approach to communist rule. This

2340-723: A waiting tactic. In February 1942, the KPH leadership under Hebrang saw this as an opportunity for the Croatian Partisans to wrest the position of the central patriotic force among Croats from the HSS. In effect, Hebrang thus pursued a policy close to the wartime Soviet coalitionist views, supporting a certain level of involvement of the former members of the HSS, and the Independent Democratic Party , as well as representatives of associations and trade unions in

2496-684: A while, 5) that the Bureau should be situated in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. But the two Western communist parties (the French and the Italian) were assigned with two tasks, which were; 1) to claim the leadership of their countries once again and prepare for a fierce fight, and 2) take necessary measures to ensure that the "American Policy" would not be implemented in Western Europe, whatever those measures were. Their ineffective policy had to be changed into

2652-640: Is more akin to " state communism ", and that Tito advocated patriotism rather than nationalism, as the loyalty is to a state comprising multiple nations. Nationalism was, therefore a threat to Titoism. Tito and the Yugoslav leadership firmly rejected existence of 'national communism', describing the accusations as "attempts to stigmatise recognition of the diversity of forms in socialist processes" and asserted that Yugoslav communists too are proletarian internationalists, stating that: ... internationalism does not start where autonomy and independence end. Real revolutionary unity and socialist solidarity must be based on such

2808-624: The Informbiro period in Yugoslavia's history. Cominform's newspaper was originally printed in Belgrade; it was moved to Bucharest after the expulsion of Yugoslavia. From 1950, Cominform became rapidly irrelevant after the victory of the People's Republic of China in the Chinese Civil War weakened Europe as the center of communism. Cominform, composed of entirely European parties, was rendered largely useless in Soviet influence over

2964-622: The 1920 Constitutional Assembly election , the KPJ won 58 out of 419 seats. The best results were achieved in large cities, in Montenegro and Macedonia as a result of protest votes against the regime on account of past or expected actions coming from unemployed urban voters and from voters in regions having no other attractive national or regional opposition parties found in the Slovene lands, Croatia-Slavonia , and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In light of difficult economic and social circumstances,

3120-592: The Axis invasion of the country , Tito was in Zagreb. Two days after outbreak of hostilities, the KPJ and the KPH requested arms from the 4th Army headquarters to help defend the city, but they were denied. With the Yugoslav defeat imminent, the KPJ instructed its 8,000 members to stockpile weapons in anticipation of armed resistance, which would spread, by the end of 1941 to all areas of the country except Macedonia. Building on its experience in clandestine operation across

3276-694: The Belgrade declaration and it became an associated member of the Comecon in 1964. Therefore, Yugoslavia once again strengthened its economic and political ties with the USSR. Additionally, Yugoslavia joined the US-sponsored Balkan Pact in July 1953, a military alliance with two NATO member states — Greece and Turkey. The pact had been signed a few days before Stalin died, and the new Soviet government failed to develop any response. However, it

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3432-653: The Bihać Republic . In the town, a pan-Yugoslav assembly – the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia ( Antifašističko vijeće narodnog oslobođenja Jugoslavije , AVNOJ) – was established in the town at the initiative of Tito and the KPJ later that month. At its founding meeting, the AVNOJ adopted the principle of federal state as the solution for future. In the wake of

3588-553: The Canadian Communist Party . Cominform was to organize the propagation of communist interests and repel the expansion of anti-communism in the aftermath of World War II and the subsequent Cold War , dividing the world (per the Zhdanov Doctrine ) into imperialist and anti-imperialist factions. The French and Italian communist parties were specifically tasked by Cominform with the obstruction of

3744-737: The Communist International . It worked to ensure that communist governments in the Soviet bloc operated according to Stalinist principles, rather than those of alternative forms of communism. The Cominform was dissolved during de-Stalinization in 1956. The Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties was unofficially founded at a conference of Marxist–Leninist communist parties from across Europe in Szklarska Poręba , Poland in September 1947. Joseph Stalin ,

3900-685: The German defeat at Moscow in late 1941, the KPJ leadership thought that the war was nearly over and went to ensure full control by the KPJ in the country. In the period until spring of 1942, this policy was generally confined to Montenegro and eastern Herzegovina , and in a lesser draconian form to the area of present-day Vojvodina and Slovenia . It largely consisted of killing of class enemies where individual Partisan units were given quotas of required executions. It also meant forced labour for peasants deemed idle or even untidy. The targeted populations were driven to support Chetniks or other Axis forces, and

4056-680: The Greek Civil War , in violation of the " Percentages agreement " between the Soviet Union and United Kingdom , and their decision to station troops in Albania . However, this was not the official line of reasoning from the USSR. In fact, Cominform publications accused Yugoslavia of supporting the anti-communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War. The expulsion of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from Cominform initiated

4212-731: The Independent State of Croatia ( Nezavisna Država Hrvatska , NDH). In Macedonia, the regional organisation led by Metodi Shatorov switched allegiance from the KPJ to the Bulgarian Communist Party , practically recognising Bulgarian annexation of the area. Collapse of Užice Republic , a Partisan-controlled territory in occupied Serbia in 1941 during a German and Chetnik offensive was, in part, helped by views of local peasants who viewed Chetnik propaganda more favourably than communist social radicalism in light of preservation of their property. Following

4368-575: The Informbiro , was marked by severe repression of opponents and many others accused of pro-Stalin attitudes being sent to the penal camp on Goli Otok in Yugoslavia. Likewise, real and accused Titoists or 'Titoites' were met with similar treatment in Eastern Bloc countries, which furthermore served to publicize the dangers of challenging subservience to Moscow, as well as to purge 'unwanted' individuals from their Communist parties. Elements of Titoism are characterized by policies and practices based on

4524-486: The League of Communists of Croatia ( Savez komunista Hrvatske , SKH) and the League of Communists of Macedonia ( Сојуз на комунистите на Македонија , SKM). They were joined in an informal national-reformist coalition by the League of Communists of Slovenia ( Zveza komunistov Slovenije , ZKS) and, in a less prominent role, by the leadership of Vojvodina . In early 1963, Tito was compelled to publicly warn about chauvinism and reassure non-Serbs that merger of nations

4680-811: The Romanian Communist Party , the Communist Party of Yugoslavia , the French Communist Party , and the Italian Communist Party . The organization was commonly known as Cominform, an abbreviated form of the Communist Information Bureau, itself a shortened version of the official name. Cominform was officially established on 5 October 1947 with the intended purpose of coordinating actions between European communist parties under

4836-623: The Socialist Labor Party of Yugoslavia ( Communists ) ( Socijalistička radnička partija Jugoslavije (komunista) , SRPJ(k)) was held in Belgrade on 20–23 April 1919 as consolidation on the left of the political spectrum. The new party was joined by the SSDP en masse, and by independent leftists who splintered away from various nationalist youth organisations and social democratic parties. The Labour Socialist Party of Slovenia ( Delavska socialistična stranka za Slovenijo ) split from

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4992-781: The Trotskyist (hence anti-Stalinist ) historian Jean-Jacques Marie, Stalin had planned to liquidate Tito as early as the end of the 1930s, and again after the Spanish Civil War, during which Tito participated in the recruitment and to the organization of the Dimitrov Battalion, a Balkan unit of the International Brigades, some of whose ex-combatants would be assassinated by the Soviets. Tito's agreement with Bulgarian leader Georgi Dimitrov on Greater Yugoslavia projects, which meant to merge

5148-936: The Yugoslav Republican Party , the Independent Democratic Party, the Agriculturalist's Union, the Socialist Party , the JSDS, the Croatian Republican Peasant Party ( Hrvatska republikanska seljačka stranka , HRSS), and a group of politicians organised as the Forward ( Napred ) group. While non-communist parties in the NFJ hoped for equality, Tito primary saw the NFJ as a tool for neutralization of political opposition by allying them with

5304-780: The Yugoslav government-in-exile and forbade the King Peter II return to the country. A month before the Jajce meeting, the central committee of the KPJ created the National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia as the new Yugoslav government, and the AVNOJ confirmed its composition – including Tito as its president. Tito's position was reinforced through the Tito–Šubašić Agreements he concluded with

5460-497: The royal army and restrictions on communist propaganda . The violence served as a pretext for prosecution of the KPJ. On 30 December, the government issued a Proclamation ( Obznana ) outlawing the KPJ. A faction of the KPJ named Red Justice ( Crvena pravda ) attempted to assassinate the Regent Alexander on 28 June, and then killed former Interior Minister Milorad Drašković on 21 July. This led to proclamation of

5616-417: The 1946 Yugoslav constitution followed the model of the Soviet federation in which the federal parliament legislates laws applicable to the federal units and has the power to overrule the units' legislation. In 1952, Kardelj drafted constitutional amendments to reflect the reality of the reforms of 1950–1951. This led to codification of the reforms as 1953 Yugoslav constitutional amendments seeking to reflect

5772-568: The Bihać meeting, there were land councils established as political bodies representative of individual parts of the future federation. The AVNOJ convened for the second time in Jajce in November 1943, declaring itself as the future parliament of the new Yugoslav state, affirmed commitment to forming a democratic federation without specifying any details of such federation. It also denied authority of

5928-484: The Central Committee of the Bulgarian communist party "unanimously declared that the leadership of our party has never doubted the leading role played by the Russian communist party and the Soviet Union in the democratic camp". They realised that they had not been vigilant enough towards the Yugoslav communist party. The month of June saw a new wave of retaliation against perceived supporters of Tito. On 10 June Koçi Xoxe

6084-703: The Cominform was influenced by Moscow visit by Stjepan Radić , the leader of the Croatian Peasant Party ( Hrvatska seljačka stranka , HSS) when Radić added the HSS to the Peasant International (Krestintern) – itself an agency of the Cominform. Furthermore, the Comintern criticised the factional clashes in the KPJ over the national question in its 1924 Resolution of National Question which linked social emancipation to national one in strategic considerations. In response, Milojković

6240-718: The Comintern for guidance. By 1924, the KPJ membership was reduced to 688. Additionally, some members emigrated abroad – most to Moscow , but also to Vienna , Prague , and Paris . Indeed, the KPJ held a land conference in Vienna in 1922, where the party leadership moved the year before. In the early 1920s, KPJ saw more factional struggle between its right wing led by Marković and Belgrade-based trade union leaders Lazar Stefanović and Života Milojković advocating work through legal means to regain government approval, and leftists, including Đuro Cvijić, Vladimir Ćopić , Triša Kaclerović, Rajko Jovanović, and Kosta Novaković , favouring Leninist undercover struggle. The leftists also supported

6396-543: The Comintern mandate to lead the KPJ in 1939. Miletić was released from prison that year and sought to replace Tito. Months later he disappeared after he was summoned to Moscow and arrested by the NKVD as a victim of a series of purges in the KPJ in 1937–1940 which strengthened Tito's position. In 1940, the KPJ successfully completed the campaign to diminish influence of Krleža and his literary adherents who were advocating Marxist ideas and opposed Stalinisation fearing totalitarianism . Also, Tito removed Kraš and Žaja from

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6552-431: The Comintern. Furthermore, the party was renamed the Communist Party of Yugoslavia ( Komunistička partija Jugoslavije , KPJ) to allow its membership in the Comintern. Filip Filipović and Sima Marković , both former SSDP activists, were elected to lead the KPJ. By May 1920, the KPJ had about 50,000 members, and numerous sympathisers largely drawn from among 300,000 members of trade unions and youth organisations. In

6708-399: The Communist and Workers' Parties ( Russian : Информационное бюро коммунистических и рабочих партий , romanized :  Informatsionnoye byuro kommunisticheskikh i rabochikh partiy ), commonly known as Cominform (Russian: Коминформ ), was a co-ordination body of Marxist-Leninist communist parties in Europe during the early Cold War that was formed in part as a replacement of

6864-435: The Croatian federal unit which would ensure their political representation and preservation of their culture. Nonetheless, the increased Croatian character of the KPH caused anxiety among the Serbs. The independent policy pursued by the KPH brought Tito and Hebrang into conflict with pursuit of nationalist policy as the principal charge against the KPH. Due Hebrang's popularity, the KPJ wanted to avoid antagonising Croats during

7020-416: The HRSS was aligned with the KPJ (81%), followed by Slovenia (78%) despite non-participation by the pre-war parties in the NFJ slate there, and the lowest support in Serbia (67%). This result is attributed to monarchism and the boycott. Ultimately, 88,43% of the electorate voted, and the NFJ was supported by 88,69% of the votes cast. The suffrage was universal for everyone over the age of 18 (including women for

7176-576: The Information Bureau called the Yugoslav party and government leadership "a gang of spies and traitors" (November 1949). In the summer of that year, many prominent communist activists holding responsible party and state positions were arrested in Hungary and Bulgaria (a year and a half later in Czechoslovakia). In June 1949, László Rajk (from 1946 the Minister of Internal Affairs, from 1948 the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Hungary), Andrasz Szalay, Tibor Szónyi and many others were imprisoned. The three above-mentioned people were sentenced to death in Budapest at

7332-408: The Informbiro period, in addition to persecution, arrest and deportation of thousands of less prominent individuals who were presumed to hold pro-Yugoslav sympathies. In France, the Cominform ordered the central committee of the French Communist Party to condemn "Titoism" in 1948 With prominent members such as Marcel Servin  [ fr ] writing of the need to hunt down "Titoist spies" within

7488-440: The JSDS and joined the SRPJ(k) on 13 April 1920. Clashes continued within the party between leftists and centrists – the latter favouring pursuit of reforms through a parliamentary system. The leftist faction prevailed at the second congress held in Vukovar on 20–24 June 1920 and adopted a new statute. That aligned the party entirely with the Communist International (Comintern), implementing all instructions received from

7644-401: The KKE as foreign insurgents, although they did contribute to Cominform publications. Because of the Chinese Civil War , the Communist Party of China was also not invited for a similar reason as Greece. The Communist Party of China nonetheless adhered to Cominform policy. In a conversation with Liu Shaoqi , Stalin indicated that he was not opposed to China joining the Cominform, only that it

7800-462: The KPJ at odds with the Comintern which continued to advocate breakup of Yugoslavia until signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in August 1939. Still, Gorkić largely stayed out of Yugoslavia. In 1934, he appointed Tito, just released from jail, to organise secret KPJ congress in Ljubljana later that year. Gorkić was appointed the general secretary of the KPJ in 1936, with Sreten Žujović and Rodoljub Čolaković as central committee members. Tito

7956-409: The KPJ maintained its leadership divided in at least two locations at all times in 1928–1935, including at least one abroad in Moscow, Prague, Vienna, or Paris. Also acting on Comintern July 1932 instructions to promote and aid national revolt in Croatia, Slovenia, Montenegro, and Macedonia, the KPJ sought to establish ties with the Bulgaria -based Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization , but

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8112-421: The KPJ of creating its own army. In response, Slovene Partisan commissars' caps were adorned with red stars defaced with letters "OF" instead. By 1942, typically 30–50 percent of Partisan unit personnel declared themselves as communists. Selection of personnel deemed the best for 14 Proletarian Brigades increased this share in those units – to more than 60 percent in some instances. According to Yugoslav sources,

8268-411: The KPJ of elitism and enjoying privileges. In response, Đilas was removed from the KPJ central committee in January 1954 and soon he left the party altogether. In a subsequent The New York Times interview, he called for a multi-party system in Yugoslavia – and this led to his imprisonment. Đilas was pardoned in 1966. At the 7th Congress of the SKJ held in 1958, the party became more centralised. This

8424-512: The KPJ was suspended. The move left Tito in de facto control of the KPJ as his position was ranked second only to the one held by Gorkić. Tito spent 1937 and early 1938 in Yugoslavia organising the KPJ there as a disciplined covert organisation drawing new members loyal to the communist ideas and Tito personally from all nations within Yugoslavia, except Macedonians . During this period, Tito intervened in conflict among groups of KPJ members incarcerated in Sremska Mitrovica. The conflict centred on

8580-425: The KPJ. Due to weakness of the non-communist parties in the NFJ, the KPJ dominated the group. In preparation of the 1945 elections, the AVNOJ was expanded by addition of pre-war members of parliament deemed not compromised by cooperation with the Axis powers. In effect, this meant the addition of liberal and left-leaning politicians who could not be accused of collaborating with the Axis. Civil rights were curbed in

8736-441: The KPJ. This was later the precedent for establishment of communist parties in other parts of Yugoslavia. Still the KPH leadership headed by Kraš and Žaja came into conflict with Tito in 1938 when the KPH supported the HSS instead of the Party of the Working People as the KPJ front founded for participation in 1938 parliamentary elections . The temporary leadership put together by Tito remained largely unchanged when Tito received

8892-429: The Law on the Protection of the Realm turning the KPJ ban into legislation on 2 August, annulment of the KPJ seats in the national assembly two days later, and numerous covert police agents infiltrating the KPJ. Despite the electoral success, the ban and KPJ's consequent move to covert operation took a heavy toll on the party in the next decade and a half when, faced with factional struggle, it would increasingly look to

9048-412: The League of Yugoslav Communists": "Proletarian internationalism demands correct relationships, and support of and solidarity with every socialist country and every socialist movement genuinely fighting for socialism, peace, and active peaceful coexistence between peoples." This posture was contrasted to Stalin's conception of proletarian internationalism "which required unity within the Communist Camp under

9204-486: The NATO memberships of Greece and Turkey. However, the foreign policy disagreements between the three countries in the pact eventually crippled the alliance itself, thus ending the possibility of Yugoslavia's NATO membership. Some Trotskyists considered Tito to be an 'unconscious Trotskyist' because of the split with Stalin. However, other Trotskyists claimed that there were no fundamental differences in principles between Stalin and Tito, despite significant evidence suggesting

9360-435: The Partisan forces grew to 800,000 by 1945 through volunteers, conscription of men aged 17–50, and defections of enemy troops promised amnesty. KPJ's strategic approach was complex because of pressures from the Comintern prioritising social struggle competing with the national liberation in substantially regionally uneven circumstances resulting from Axis partitioning of Yugoslavia, especially from creation of Axis-satellite of

9516-440: The Partisans relied on those among its ranks who had completed the mandatory national service in the Royal Yugoslav Army or fought in the Spanish Civil War . Many KPJ members were veterans of that conflict, and would go on to assume commanding positions in the Partisan ranks. In addition to military training, political training was given increasing importance as the war progressed. It was provided by political commissars based on

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9672-483: The SDPCS, the JSDS, and Serbian– Bunjevac social-democrats from Vojvodina declined. In turn, only the SSDP and the SDPBH formally agreed to a merger by January 1919. A minority group on the left wing of the SDPCS split from the party as the Action Committee of the Left ( Akcioni odbor ljevice ) and opted for the unified social-democratic party with the SSDP and the SDPBH. Soon afterwards, the Vojvodina social-democrats reversed their decision. The Unification congress of

9828-447: The Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc countries reacted against Titoism with aggressive hostility. Participants in alleged Titoist conspiracies, such as the GDR historian Walter Markov , were subjected to reprisals, and some were put through staged show trials that ended with death sentences, such as the Rajk trial in Budapest in 1949 or the Slánský trial in Prague in 1952. About forty important trials against "Titoists" took place during

9984-436: The Soviet foreign policy gradually brought the USSR in conflict with the KPJ. Their relationship was complicated as the KPJ led armed resistance against the Axis while the Soviet foreign relations were initially constrained by provisions of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, and then with alliance with the Western Allies who supported the Yugoslav government-in exile until shortly after the initial Tito–Šubašić Agreement. As Yugoslavia

10140-467: The Soviet line in the 1960s. In the 1960s, political scientists understood Titoist state narrative as a form of socialist patriotism . Historian Adam Ulam was more critical of Titoism and writes that Titoism has always "retained its (albeit mild) totalitarian one-party character". Muammar Gaddafi 's Third International Theory , outlined in his Green Book which informed Libyan national policy from its formation in 1975 until Gaddafi's downfall in 2011,

10296-448: The Soviet model. The commissaries were a part of the detachment staff, units originally ranging in size from 50 to 500 or even 1,000. A commissar's cap badge was made distinct from other Partisans. Namely, the red star on their cap was defaced with the hammer and sickle . The move drew criticism from the Liberation Front of the Slovene Nation ( Osvobodilna fronta slovenskega naroda , OF) civil resistance organisation – which accused

10452-416: The Soviets revised their attitudes under Nikita Khrushchev during the process of de-Stalinization and sought to normalize relations with the Yugoslavs while obtaining influence in the Non-Aligned Movement, the answer they got was never enthusiastic and the Soviet Union never gained a proper outlet to the Mediterranean Sea . At the same time, the Non-Aligned states failed to form a third Bloc, especially after

10608-597: The USSR, before Imre Nagy and János Kádár in Hungary , Alexander Dubcek in Czechoslovakia, and Deng Xiaoping in China. Throughout his time in office, Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy , charges loosely based on Tito's socialist self-management , attempts at greater democratization in

10764-407: The USSR, Đilas feared Yugoslavia would switch to full control of the society by the central government. He thought that was possible due to influence of Ranković–the Đilas's primary competitor as a potential successor to Tito. Đilas wrote a series of articles for Borba criticising bureaucratism and Communist exclusive claim to power. He took the criticism further in a compilation of essays, accusing

10920-427: The agreement were terminated after the Tito–Stalin split in June 1948, when Bulgaria was being subordinated to the interests of the Soviet Union and took a stance against Yugoslavia. The policy of regional blocs had been the norm in Comintern policies, displaying Soviet resentment of the nation states in Eastern Europe and of the consequences of Paris Peace Conference . With the 1943 dissolution of Comintern and

11076-462: The alliance since he profited from the events in order to push his authoritarian agenda inside Romania. After a significant expansion of the private sector in the 1950s and 1960s and a shift towards a more market-oriented economy , the Yugoslavian leadership did put a halt to overt capitalist attempts (such as Stjepan Mesić 's experiment with privatization in Orahovica ) and crushed the dissidence of liberal or democratic socialist thinkers such as

11232-532: The armed clash between the KPJ and the far-right Yugoslav National Movement in October leaving five dead and 120 wounded. The structural changes of the KPJ, strategic use of the national question and social emancipation to mobilise supporters made the party ideologically and operationally ready for armed resistance in the approaching war. During brief resistance of the Royal Yugoslav Army against

11388-497: The bulk of contact with them was limited to contact with fellow prison inmates trying to engage them over the shared goal of breakup of Yugoslavia. The "ultra-leftist" line pursued since 1928 was abandoned in 1933 when Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany . Instead, the KPJ turned the idea of forming a popular front together with other anti-fascist organisations . The strategy aimed to attract broad coalition of allies since it

11544-493: The central government began to cede power to communal local governments, seeking to decentralise the government and work towards a withering away of the state . In the system of local self-government, higher-level bodies could supervise compliance with the law by lower-level bodies, but could not issue orders to them. Edvard Kardelj declared in the Assembly of Yugoslavia "that no perfect bureaucratic apparatus, however brilliant

11700-475: The contrary. Most notably, Trotskyist writer Ted Grant published several articles criticizing both leaders in the British Trotskyist newspaper, of which he was the editor. The "Titoist" regime adopted a policy of economic "self-management", generalized from 1950, wishing to put the means of production under social ownership of direct producers, thus excluding the formation of a bureaucracy as

11856-600: The country, the KPJ proceeded to organise the Yugoslav Partisans , as resistance fighters led by Tito. The KPJ assessed that the German invasion of the Soviet Union had created favourable conditions for an uprising and its politburo founded the Supreme Headquarters of the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia ( Narodonooslobodilačka vojska Jugoslavije ) with Tito as commander in chief on 27 June 1941. In terms of military training,

12012-483: The direction of the Soviet Union. Cominform was not intended to be a replacement or successor to the Comintern , the international organization that advocated world communism and dissolved in 1943, but was considered a type of successor. However starting in 1950, Stalin started to push for the Cominform's functions to be expanded greatly, almost to the scale of the Comintern. This push ceased after his death. Cominform

12168-539: The economic power of each constituent republic, while ensuring equal representation of each federal unit in the assembly to counterbalance this. The KPJ proclaimed shift from party monopolising power to the ideological leader of the society, decentralised its structure, and rebranded itself (and correspondingly its republican organisations) as the League of Communists of Yugoslavia ( Savez komunista Jugoslavije , SKJ) at its sixth congress held in Zagreb in 1952 . The name

12324-414: The end of September 1949 for espionage and treason, while three other defendants in this trial were sentenced to life imprisonment or long-term imprisonment. All defendants confessed under torture (and "for the good of the cause") to the crimes they were accused of."] Communist Party of Yugoslavia The League of Communists of Yugoslavia , known until 1952 as the Communist Party of Yugoslavia ,

12480-543: The existing situation into resolution of the conflict, persuaded the delegates to conference of the Zagreb KPJ organisation to adopt a resolution seeking the Comintern to intervene and end the factional struggle in the KPJ entirely. The KPJ also led some of street protests in Croatia over assassination of Radić later that year. The Comintern Sixth World Congress held that year sought to increase revolutionary struggle and

12636-623: The expulsion of the Yugoslav Communist Party. It also led to the relocation of the Cominform's headquarters to Bucharest and initiated the great campaign of transforming the programs and cadres of the Eastern European communist parties. In a unanimous resolution, the eight communist parties agreed that the Yugoslavian communist party had "pursued an incorrect line on the main questions of home and foreign policy,

12792-492: The fact that it operated as a propaganda tool controlled by the International Communist movement to instruct and inform the leading members of the different national parties. Its members were communist parties and as such, would guarantee the safeguard the monolith of the communist movement. The primary reason for the Communist Party of Greece not being a member was fears of western powers using this to paint

12948-559: The final days of the war in May 1945, the KPJ founded the Communist Party of Serbia ( Komunistička partija Srbije , Комунистичка партија Србије ). By the end of the war, the KPJ's membership reached just over 141,000. In 1945, the KPJ worked to broaden its support, and discredit its political opponents. Since the politicians included in the government-in-exile only returned to Yugoslavia in March 1945, and Vladko Maček remained abroad, there

13104-420: The first meeting were Kardelj and Djilas for Yugoslavia , Chervenkov and Poptomov for Bulgaria , Gheorghiu-Dej and Anna Pauker for Romania , Farkas and Revai for Hungary , Gomułka and Minc for Poland, Zhdanov and Malenkov for the U.S.S.R. , Duclos and Fajon for France, Slánský and Bašťovanský for Czechoslovakia , and Longo and Reale for Italy . Zhdanov was chairman, Gomulka

13260-404: The first time), except those charged with Axis collaboration. Former Partisans could vote even if under 18. The KPJ received 404 representatives of 524 (77%) in the bicameral Constituent Assembly. According to Đilas and Vladimir Velebit , the KPJ expected to win a majority of 60–65% even if the election were to guarantee fair competition. They based the opinion on the belief that the KPJ offered

13416-454: The following five key points; 1) that an Information Bureau should be established, which would consist of spokesmen of the nine participating communist parties, 2) that it should be assigned the task of interchanging information and coordination, if need be, 3) that the Bureau should consist of two delegates from each of the nine parties, 4) that the Bureau should produce a journal, which at first would be published every two weeks, and weekly after

13572-614: The former leader Milovan Đilas , while it also clamped down on centrifugal attempts, promoting Yugoslav patriotism . Although still claimed as official policies, nearly all aspects of Titoism went into rapid decline after Tito's death in 1980, being replaced by the rival policies of constituent republics. During the late 1980s, nationalism was again on the rise one decade after the Croatian Spring , and inter-republic ethnic tensions escalated. Titoism has been perceived very differently by international figures. During Stalin's lifetime,

13728-671: The government-in-exile in the second half of 1944 and early 1945. On the basis of those agreements, the government-in-exile was replaced with the Provisional Government of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia with Tito as the Prime Minister on 7 March 1945. During the war, the KPJ added new organisations based on foreseen federal units. In 1943, it established the Communist Party of Macedonia ( Комунистичка партија на Македонија ) and, in

13884-734: The implementation of the Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine in Western Europe . From a global standpoint the Cominform strived/ventured to unite the Communist parties against the copious policies which threatened to empower Western Europe to oppose communism, mainly through pinpointing/underlining the importance of national independence and peace. More important though was that the Cominform had to remain small in size (Eurocentric Organization), in order to preserve its maneuverability and efficient centralisation, mainly due to

14040-571: The initial thaw between the USSR and the Yugoslavian authorities following the signing of the Belgrade declaration , relations became tense again between the two countries after Yugoslavia sheltered Imre Nagy following the invasion of Hungary. Tito initially approved the Soviet military intervention in his letter to Khrushchev due to fears of Hungarian Revolution provoking a similar anti-communist and nationalist movement in Yugoslavia. Still, Tito later sheltered Nagy to prove Yugoslavia's sovereign status and non-aligned foreign policy to gain sympathy from

14196-522: The international communist movement. No attempts were made to reorganize Cominform and its decline accelerated drastically after the death of Stalin in March 1953. Meanwhile, the Soviets had gradually replaced Cominform with more effective and specialized organizations to exert their influence, such as the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) in 1949 and the Warsaw Pact in 1955. Cominform

14352-462: The international community. The abduction and the execution of Nagy by the Hungarian government under János Kádár cooled the bilateral relationship between Yugoslavia and Hungary, despite Tito's initial support and recommendations of Kadar as the successor of Mátyás Rákosi and Nagy. Yugoslavia backed Czechoslovakia 's leader Alexander Dubček during the 1968 Prague Spring and then cultivated

14508-551: The latter. In 1963, Serbia and Montenegro concluded several agreements on strengthening economic and cultural ties, including construction of the Belgrade–Bar railway . The campaign was publicly criticised through an exchange of letters published in Borba . The proponents of the campaign, largely ethnic Serbs, were accused of scheming to abolish republics and resurrect Greater Serbian chauvinism . Particular opposition came from

14664-740: The leader of the Soviet Union , called the conference in response to divergences among communist governments on whether or not to attend the Paris Conference on the Marshall Plan in July 1947. It was founded with nine members: the Communist Party of the Soviet Union , the Bulgarian Communist Party , the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia , the Hungarian Communist Party , the Polish Workers' Party ,

14820-1141: The leadership of one party which was committed to the interest of one country, the Soviet Union." "Niedługo potem we wrześniu 1949 r. doszło do zerwania stosunków państwowych między ZSRR a Jugosławią. Inne państwa demokracji ludowej poszły tą samą drogą. W kolejnej rezolucji Biura Informacyjnego nazwano jugosłowiańskie kierownictwo partyjne i rządowe "bandą szpiegów i zdrajców" (listopad 1949 r.). Latem tego roku na Węgrzech i w Bułgarii (półtora roku później w Czechosłowacji) dokonano aresztowań wielu wybitnych i pełniących odpowiedziałoe funkcje partyjne i państwowe działaczy komunistycznych. W czerwcu 1949 roku znaleźli się w więzieniu Laszló Rajk (od 1946 roku minister spraw wewnętrznych, od 1948 r. minister spraw zagranicznych Węgier), Andrasz Szalay, Tibor Szónyi i wielu innych. Trzech wyżej wymienionych skazano pod koniec września 1949 roku w Budapeszcie za szpiegostwo i zdradę na karę śmierci, trzech innych oskarżonych w tym procesie na dożywocie lub długoletnie więzienie. Wszyscy oskarżeni pod wpływem tortur (a także "dla dobra sprawy") przyznali się do zarzuconych im przestępstw." Another resolution of

14976-482: The leading positions in the KPH and replaced them by Rade Končar . In October 1940, the Fifth Land Conference of the KPJ was held covertly in Zagreb, as the final act of Tito's campaign to assume full control of the party. The conference represented a full takeover of now organisationally stronger, centralized, disciplined, and bolshevized , but politically isolated KPJ by Tito in full alignment with

15132-474: The leftist line pursued by the Comintern at the time. The national question was placed at the centre of the KPJ policy at the conference where Tito criticised long gone Marković and Gorkić for lack of understanding of the issue. As Tito consolidated his control, the KPJ membership grew to 6,000 in 1939 and to 8,000 by 1941, with many more other supporters. The final months of 1940 were marked by militarisation of politics in Yugoslavia leading to incidents such as

15288-455: The mass of Catholic workers". Finally, the Romanian delegate, Gheorghiu-Dej, concluded that, as Tito's establishment had not been dealt with, it was the duty of the communist parties to strengthen the fight against it by making more noticeable the net of economic and diplomatic pressure and by urging Tito's opposition within Yugoslavia to start secret activity. The fortnightly journal For

15444-493: The military arm of the party, the Yugoslav Partisans , became embroiled in a bloody civil war and defeated the Axis powers and their local auxiliaries. After the liberation from foreign occupation in 1945, the party consolidated its power and established a one-party state , which existed in that form of government until 1990, a year prior to the start of the Yugoslav Wars and breakup of Yugoslavia . The party, which

15600-406: The multi-party system of government, justifying suppression of political opposition parties in the post-war context–calling the multi-party system incompatible with the socialist order and unnecessary. In October 1948, the four existing republican communist parties were complemented by two more: the Communist Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina , and the Communist Party of Montenegro . Objectives of

15756-490: The new KPJ leadership put the Comintern's call to violence into practice, but instead of all-out revolt, the efforts were consisted of leaflets and several shoot-outs with the police. KPJ losses were heavy and included death of several significant leaders including Đaković and imprisonment of its most active members by specially convened antisubversive tribunals. In turn, the Sremska Mitrovica Prison became

15912-425: The opportunity to live in peace, an agrarian reform, and on post-war euphoria. In 1946, the parliament adopted a new Constitution implementing the ethnic federalism as the KPJ's solution for the national question, modelled on the Soviet Union. By 1947, the KPJ declared that its programme was the NFJ's programme and that the KPJ is in the forefront of the NFJ. Tito linked the collapse of the pre-war Yugoslavia with

16068-486: The opportunity to seize power, contrary to the Eastern Europeans, who proved their political superiority by quickly dealing with the issue of ensuring their dominance on the government. The significance of this criticism is shown by the regret of the French and Italian representatives, accompanied by the following statement in the final resolution: "the need for interchange and voluntary co-ordination of action in

16224-591: The organisation was suffering from its internal weaknesses and suppressed by 1934. There were also overtures towards Italian -based Ustaše as a Croatian secessionist organisation. KPJ leaders praised the Ustaše-initiated Lika uprising in 1932, hoping to steer Ustaše to the political left. Even though support for Ustaše efforts in Lika and Dalmatia was declared through Proleter newspapers in December 1932,

16380-551: The party. After Stalin's death, the Soviet conspiracy theories around Titoism subsided but continued. In the mid-1950s, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union temporarily reconciled. Nevertheless, Titoism was generally condemned as revisionism in the Eastern bloc. In Marxist circles in the West, Titoism was considered a form of Western socialism alongside Eurocommunism, which was appreciated by left-wing intellectuals who were breaking away from

16536-402: The people at the top, can build socialism. Socialism can grow only from the initiatives of the masses of the people." Rankovićism disagreed with this decentralisation, viewing it as a threat to the stability of Yugoslavia. Other socialist states also criticised this move for deviating from Marxism-Leninism with declarations that it "is an outright denial of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and

16692-464: The policy thus undermined the overall struggle – in turn causing the KPJ to criticise the perpetrators ignoring the role of its Central Committee in formulation of the policy. Similarly, the KPJ penalised Petar Drapšin and Miro Popara as proponents of the policy, but ignored similar roles played by Đilas, Ivan Milutinović , and Boris Kidrič . In spring of 1942, the policy known as the Leftist errors

16848-530: The political life as a form of a "mass movement", including in the work of the State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia as the top tier political body intended to grow into the future People's Parliament of Croatia . Furthermore, Hebrang declared support for more moderate social policies, and advocated Croatia's autonomy within the Yugoslav federation. He argued that Serbs of Croatia should be primarily loyal to

17004-405: The popular front strategy advocated by Hebrang and supported by Moša Pijade , Josip Kraš , and Đuro Pucar and denounced by Petko Miletić backed by Milovan Đilas and Aleksandar Ranković – the latter labelled Wahhabites by Pijade because of their radicalism. The conflict escalated to an attempt to kill Hebrang. Tito worked with Pijade to arrange a compromise by including Đilas and Ranković in

17160-458: The present juncture". Reason to this, according to Zhdanov, can be found in the new global state, which has led to new tasks passed down to the communist parties of the new democratic states, as well as the "fraternal communist parties of France, Italy, Great Britain and other countries". Furthermore, given that the dissolution of the Comintern had been understood by some people as the subsequent elimination of all ties, "continued isolation may lead to

17316-500: The principle that in each country the means of attaining ultimate communist goals must be dictated by the conditions of that particular country, rather than by a pattern set in another country. During Josip Broz Tito's era, this specifically meant that the communist goal should be pursued independently of and often in opposition to the policies of the Soviet Union. In contrast to Joseph Stalin 's policy of " socialism in one country ", Tito advocated cooperation between developing nations in

17472-596: The proletariat. Since Yugoslavia refused to abide by the Cominform's discipline and ignored its criticism, they had receded from the "family of fraternal communist parties". Anything that Tito could have "infected" was meant to be eliminated. The decisive action against him had been agreed upon by the end of June. At the beginning of July, two of the communist parties, namely the Polish and the Bulgarian one, were summoned to reconsider their ideology. Gomułka, Kostov, Rajk, Markos and Xoxe immediately aroused suspicion. On 6 July 1948,

17628-769: The regime viewed the KPJ as the main threat to the system of government. In response to the KPJ's electoral success at the local and regional level including Belgrade and Zagreb earlier that year in March–August, and at the national level the Democratic Party and the People's Radical Party advocated prohibition of communist activity. The regime saw the KPJ as the greatest impediment to realisation of views held by King Peter I on resolution of Serbian national question . In December 1920, KPJ-led miner strikes in Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina led to suppression by

17784-478: The regime. In 1948–1951 period, more than 50,000 KPJ members (nearly 20% of its membership) were registered as political opponents and ejected, but the party expanded its ranks by more than half a million members in the same time frame. Virtually all parties within the NFJ or otherwise were dismantled following the Stalin letters in which the Soviet leader accused the KPJ of being diluted by the NFJ. The only exception

17940-557: The republics. The 8th Congress thus abandoned Yugoslavism in favour of decentralisation. The SKJ promoted the notion of "Yugoslav socialist patriotism". The concept was described by its advocates as the feeling or awareness and love of the socialist self-management community. According to the SKJ, the concept was unrelated to nationalism and ethnicity. The notion was also claimed to support values and traditions of ethnic groups living in Yugoslavia. Cominform The Information Bureau of

18096-470: The régime-sponsored 1954 Novi Sad Agreement on the single Serbo-Croatian language. Thus launched Yugoslavism campaign sought to replace federalism with unitarism. Ranković became the most prominent advocate of the campaign. He sought support from the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina ( Savez komunista Bosne i Hercegovine , SKBiH) and from the League of Communists of Montenegro ( Savez komunista Crne Gore , SKCG) – with some success in

18252-552: The split at the outcome of the 1973 oil crisis . Industry was nationalized, agriculture forcibly collectivized , and a rigid industrialization program based on the Soviet model was adopted. Yugoslav and Soviet companies signed contracts for numerous joint ventures. According to the American historian Adam Ulam , in no other country in the Eastern Bloc was Sovietization "as rapid and as ruthless as in Yugoslavia". Despite

18408-509: The strategy was accepted by the KPJ at its Fourth Congress held in Dresden in October 1928. The appeal made at the initiative of Tito and Hebrang was accepted: Marković was expelled and his allies demoted, while new leadership was installed. Tito and Hebrang were bypassed because they were just imprisoned in Yugoslavia, and Đuro Salaj , Žika Pecarski, and Đuro Đaković were appointed instead as entirely Comintern-trained leadership. In 1929,

18564-695: The subsequent advent of the Cominform came Stalin's dismissal of the previous ideology, and adaptation to the conditions created for Soviet hegemony during the Cold War . Moreover, Stalin did not have free rein in Yugoslavia as he did in other countries of the Fourth Moscow Conference on the partition of Europe; the USSR had not obtained preponderance there, as it was agreed in the Percentages agreement that he would retain only 50% influence over Yugoslavia. Tito therefore benefited from

18720-487: The summer of 1945 when new legislation on crimes against the people and the state, curtailing the rights of assembly and freedom of the press. Middle and lower levels of bureaucracy were filled with the ranks of former Partisans. Following a boycott proclamation by the Grol's Democrats, the elections were carried out like a referendum–voting for the NFJ and against it. The NFJ slate received the highest approval in Croatia where

18876-528: The support of the public. The second meeting occurred in Belgrade on 1 February 1948. During this meeting, a permanent editorial board was chosen for the newspaper " For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy! ", which was first issued in Belgrade on 1 November 1947. This editorial board was under the leadership of Pavel Yudin . He was succeeded by Mark Mitin , after the Yugoslav expulsion. A third meeting occurred in Romania on 28 June 1948. This resulted in

19032-441: The temporary KPJ leadership along with Croatian moderate popular front supporters Kraš and Andrija Žaja as well as Soviet-educated Slovene Edvard Kardelj . In 1937, the Comintern compelled the KPJ to formally establish the Communist Party of Croatia ( Komunistička partija Hrvatske , KPH) and the Communist Party of Slovenia ( Komunistična partija Slovenije ). The two parties were nominally independent, but actually within

19188-704: The two Balkan countries into a Balkan Federation , made Stalin anxious. This led to the 1947 cooperation agreement signed in Bled (Dimitrov also pressured Romania to join such a federation, expressing his beliefs during a visit to Bucharest in early 1948). The Bled agreement, also referred to as the "Tito–Dimitrov treaty", was signed 1 August 1947 in Bled, Slovenia . It foresaw also unification between Vardar Macedonia and Pirin Macedonia and return of Western Outlands to Bulgaria. The integrationist policies resulting from

19344-412: The underdeveloped nations, the clash between strict centralisation and decentralisation appeared as a conflict between political principle and economic priorities. In 1950, Yugoslav authorities sought to combat unsustainable labour practices and improve production efficiency through introduction of workers' councils and the system which later became known as " socialist self-management ". However,

19500-572: The universal laws on the construction of socialism." The League of Communists of Yugoslavia retained solid power; the legislature did little more than rubber stamp decisions already made by the LCY's Politburo. The secret police , the State Security Administration (UDBA), while operating with considerably more restraint than its counterparts in the rest of Eastern Europe, was nonetheless a feared tool of government control. UDBA

19656-512: The various parties is particularly keenly felt at the present time". Zhdanov's report has been of critical importance to the communist ideology. After mentioning the original disbandment of the Communist International in May 1943, Zhdanov pointed out the fact that "the present position of the communist parties had its shortcomings. [...] The need for mutual consultation and voluntary co-ordination had become particularly urgent at

19812-495: The war to negotiate the future of Yugoslavia. Initially aligned with Soviet policy, over time, these negotiations became less cordial because Tito had the intention neither of handing over executive power nor of accepting foreign intervention or influence (a position Tito later continued within the Non-Aligned Movement). The Yugoslav regime first pledged allegiance, from 1945 to 1948, to Stalinism. But according to

19968-458: The wartime struggle and instead, just two weeks before the Red Army and the Partisans took the capital from Germans , reassigned Hebrang to Belgrade to become the minister of industry and filled the leading role in the KPH with Vladimir Bakarić . In November 1942, the Partisans captured the town of Bihać and secured control over a large part of western Bosnia, Dalmatia and Lika they named

20124-406: The workplace, and the theory of associated labor ( profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism . Despite Tito's numerous disagreements with the USSR, Yugoslavia restored relations with the USSR in 1956 with

20280-617: The world through the Non-Aligned Movement while at the same time pursuing socialism in whatever ways best suited particular nations. During Tito's era, his ideas specifically meant that the communist goal should be pursued independently of (and often in opposition to) what he referred to as the Stalinist and imperialist policies of the Soviet Union. Through this split and subsequent policies some commentators have grouped Titoism with Eurocommunism or reformist socialism . It

20436-735: Was abandoned. Policies employed by the NDH, enforced by the Ustaše against Serbs and ceding of Dalmatia to Italy through the Treaties of Rome created a natural base for Partisan recruitment among the Serbs, and Croats (particularly in Dalmatia) respectively. Furthermore, establishment of the NDH fractured the HSS into three groups – one supporting the armed resistance, another supporting the NDH, and an indecisive group around HSS leader Vladko Maček employing

20592-455: Was achieved by largely revoking decision-making powers previously given to republican branches of the SKJ. The party programme published at the Congress praised emerging Yugoslav consciousness and a series of articles was published advocating creation of unified Yugoslav culture. This decision built on introduction of the option of declaring one's ethnicity as Yugoslav in the 1953 census, and

20748-487: Was also meant to demonstrate the viability of a third way between the capitalist United States and the socialist Soviet Union . In fact, on the economic level, Tito simply took note of the inability of the Stalinist-type centralized bureaucratic economy to meet human needs and expanded the number and power of cooperatives and workers' councils , several years before Lieberman Reform and Mikhail Gorbachev in

20904-581: Was appointed by the Comintern as the organisational secretary of the KPJ in Moscow in September of the same year and he moved to Vienna a month later. In July 1937, Gorkić was summoned from his Paris base to Moscow where he was arrested. In addition to him, there were about 900 communists of Yugoslav origin or their supporters in the Soviet Union who fell victim to the Stalin's Great Purge as did 50 other KPJ officials posted in Moscow including Cvijić, Ćopić, Filipović, Marković, and Novaković. The Soviet subsidy to

21060-406: Was appointed vice-chairman. Gomulka's was given the task of making the first report, titled "On the interchange of experience and co-ordination", with the second being Zhdanov's report on the global status quo. In the report "On co-ordination", the key points, apart from Poland's evaluation, seem to be criticisms of the French and Italian communist parties after the emancipation, due to their missing

21216-463: Was continually met with opposition by Albanian leader Enver Hoxha , who accused Tito and Yugoslavia for being agents of American imperialism. Tito signed this pact to bolster the defense of Yugoslavia against a potential Soviet military invasion. It also made the option of Yugoslavia's NATO membership more plausible at its time. Under this pact, any potential Soviet invasion of Yugoslavia could also lead to NATO intervention to help defend Yugoslavia due to

21372-639: Was established in late 1918 at the end of the World War I . Socialist movement in the territory of the new state reflected political divisions existing before the war. For example, in what was then Austria-Hungary , the Social Democratic Party of Croatia and Slavonia (SDPCS) came into existence in 1894, two years before the Yugoslav Social-Democratic Party ( Jugoslovanska socialdemokratska stranka , JSDS)

21528-420: Was expelled for " Titoism " and anti-Sovietism , based on accusations of deviating from Marxism-Leninism . Yugoslavia was considered to be heretical for resisting Soviet dominance in its affairs and integration into Eastern Bloc as a Soviet satellite state . It is believed that one of the most decisive factors that led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia was their commitment to supporting communist insurgents in

21684-590: Was expelled, but Marković remained a part of KPJ leadership. This changed in 1925 when he was denounced by the leader of the Soviet Union Joseph Stalin personally before Yugoslav commission of the Comintern insisting that the KPJ must harness national movements for revolutionary aims. Regardless, the factional struggle continued. In 1927, the seat of the KPJ central committee in Yugoslavia was moved from Belgrade to Zagreb. In February 1928, Josip Broz Tito and Andrija Hebrang , seeking to stir

21840-707: Was hanged in Albania and on 15 June, Rajk was arrested in Hungary. Another wave of attacks was carried out in the autumn of the same year, during which Rajk was hanged, Gomułka was arrested and Kostov's indictment was published. These attacks seem to have originated from the conflict between Tito and the Russians. Lastly, the fourth meeting was held in Hungary on 27 November 1949. Two reports were presented, which led to three resolutions. The Soviet delegate, Suslov, announced

21996-593: Was heavily inspired by and shared many similarities with Titoism and Yugoslav workers' self-management. Titoism gained influence in the communist parties in the 1940s, including Poland ( Władysław Gomułka ), Hungary ( László Rajk , Imre Nagy ), Bulgaria ( Traicho Kostov ), Czechoslovakia ( Vladimír Clementis ), and Romania ( Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu ). Titoism has sometimes been referred to as a form of " national communism ", an attempt to reconcile nationalism with communism , traditionally considered incompatible by Marxist social philosophers. Walker Connor posits that Titoism

22152-418: Was inspired by the 1847–1852 Communist League founded by Marx , Engels and Schapper . The constitutional amendments, adopted in January 1953, were only the second step in a series of five constitutional reforms reflecting the social development of Communist-ruled Yugoslavia, but the principles introduced in 1953 were retained in all subsequent Yugoslav constitutions. After the Yugoslav rapprochement with

22308-557: Was led by Josip Broz Tito from 1937 to 1980, was the first communist party in power in the history of the Eastern Bloc that openly opposed the Soviet Union and thus was expelled from the Cominform in 1948 in what is known as the Tito–Stalin split . After internal purges of pro-Soviet members, the party renamed itself the League of Communists in 1952 and adopted the politics of workers' self-management and an independent path to achieving socialism, known as Titoism . The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later renamed Yugoslavia)

22464-716: Was no longer thought feasible to achieve quick introduction of communist rule. The popular front strategy coincided with assignment of Milan Gorkić to the KPJ leadership from his posting at the Comintern in 1932. Gorkić set about to introduce discipline to the KPJ top ranks and establish ties with the JSDS, the HSS, the Montenegrin Federalist Party , the Slovene Christian Socialists, and pro-Russian right wing organisations in Serbia with Moscow now advocating Yugoslav unity. This placed

22620-472: Was no well-organised political opposition to the KPJ. The People's Front of Yugoslavia ( Narodni front Jugoslavije , NFJ) was established in autumn of 1945, nominally a coalition of nearly all political parties in the country. A notable exception was Milan Grol 's Democratic Party which was charged with the Serbian nationalism . Besides the KPJ, the NFJ included weak and poorly organised bourgeois parties:

22776-440: Was not a world communist party and did not have subordinates or power, limiting itself to its newspaper, For a Lasting Peace, for People's Democracy! published in several languages, and to one goal: "to organize an exchange of experience, and where necessary to coordinate the activity of the Communist parties, on the basis of mutual agreement." A vast array of articles was published, including some not published by members such as

22932-477: Was not contemplated while defending the concept of Yugoslavism. Finally, at the 8th Congress of the SKJ held in 1964, Tito and Kardelj gave speeches criticising those thinking about merging nations of Yugoslavia as proponents of bureaucratic centralisation, unitarism and hegemony. There was no further mention of Yugoslavism at the Congress and the republican branches of the SKJ were given back their decision-making powers to reflect specificities and national character of

23088-474: Was not fully in the Soviet post-war sphere of influence, Tito pursued a foreign policy course seeking to integrate Albania into the Yugoslav federation, support the Greek communist guerrillas , and broaden ties between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria –potentially unifying the countries. Conclusion of the 1947 Bled Agreement seeking closer ties with Bulgaria, and imminent deployment of Yugoslav Army to Albania prompted

23244-666: Was officially dissolved on 17 April 1956 in a decision by the Central Committee of the CPSU , prompted by the Soviet rapprochement with Yugoslavia and the De-Stalinization process following the rise of Nikita Khrushchev as Stalin's successor. There are four recorded meetings of the Cominform, before 1956. This founding meeting took place on 22–23 September 1947 in Jelenia Góra , Poland. Members present at

23400-436: Was particularly notorious for assassinating suspected "enemies of the state" who lived in exile overseas. The media remained under restrictions that were onerous by Western standards, but still had more latitude than their counterparts in other Communist countries. Nationalist groups were a particular target of the authorities, with numerous arrests and prison sentences handed down over the years for separatist activities. Although

23556-471: Was pursued through workers' self-management legislation introduced in 1950, as well as through opposition to Stalinism and inter-war Yugoslav unitarism . The approach led to a period of ideological revisionism in which established doctrines could be questioned. Even though Soviet and Cominform propaganda drew attention to inequalities in the economic development of various parts of Yugoslavia, alleging restoration of capitalism, and national oppression of

23712-478: Was set up in Slovene lands . The Serbian Social Democratic Party (SSDP) was founded in 1903. In Bosnia and Herzegovina , the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDPBH) was established in 1909. The SSDP deemed it natural to serve, as the largest social-democratic party in the new state, to unify like-minded political groups in the country. The SDPBH formally proposed a merger of such parties, but

23868-494: Was the HRSS, which was temporarily allowed to continue operating. The exact number of those arrested remains uncertain, but in 1983, Radovan Radonjić stated that 16,288 were arrested and convicted, including 2,616 belonging to various levels of the KPJ leadership. According to Ranković, 51,000 people were killed, imprisoned or sentence to forced labour, a majority of them without trial. Prisoners were held at numerous sites, including

24024-489: Was the case in other communist regimes. The propaganda attacks centered on the caricature of "Tito the Butcher" of the working class , aimed to pinpoint him as a covert agent of Western imperialism, pointing to Tito's partial cooperation with western and imperialist nations. Tito and Yugoslavia were seen by Western powers as a strategic ally with the possibility to "[drive] a wedge into the Communist monolith". From 1949

24180-477: Was the founding and ruling party of SFR Yugoslavia . It was formed in 1919 as the main communist opposition party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and after its initial successes in the elections , it was proscribed by the royal government and was at times harshly and violently suppressed. It remained an illegal underground group until World War II when, after the invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941,

24336-470: Was unnecessary at the present time. There were plans for China to lead an Asian Cominform of some sort, but this idea was seemingly forgotten with the death of Stalin and weakening of the Cominform. Cominform was initially located in Belgrade , Yugoslavia , but after the Tito–Stalin split expelled Yugoslavia from the group in June 1948, the seat was moved to Bucharest , Romania . Officially, Yugoslavia

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