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The Federal Popular Union ( Spanish : Unión Popular Federal ), formerly the Popular Union until 2020, is a centre-right political party in Argentina rooted in Peronism . Established by Juan Atilio Bramuglia as a contingency for Peronists displaced by the 1955 military coup against the populist President Juan Perón , it became a "neo-Peronist" alternative to the exiled leader's line, and subsequently, an alternative to the successive dominant factions in the Justicialist Party .

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55-549: The UP re-emerged as a political force during the 2011 elections , when it was adopted as a vehicle by Eduardo Duhalde ahead of the Federal Peronist primaries on August 14. The Popular Union was established as a result of the violent overthrow of President Juan Perón on September 19, 1955. Its founder was Juan Atilio Bramuglia . Bramuglia was a labor lawyer and chief counsel for the Unión Ferroviaria ,

110-673: A military coup on June 28, thereby rescinding all elected posts. The Argentine Congress remained dissolved for seven years. Tercera del Franco was succeeded as the President of the UP in 1970 by Carlos Insúa, who had been President of the Club de Gimnasia y Esgrima La Plata football team from 1948 to 1955, and had been one of the UP Congressmen who had been denied a seat following the 1962 elections. Tercera del Franco remained involved in

165-472: A crucial trial run ahead of similar elections scheduled for March 1967 in the three most populated provinces: Buenos Aires , Córdoba , and Santa Fe . Campaign rhetoric, accordingly, was usually heated. Serú remarked that " while others wait for orders, Vandor and I believe that Peronists must act;" and Perón replied with one of his many idiomatic expressions, charging that "if they're old enough to use their trousers, they shouldn't use my shirt." Ultimately,

220-422: A final rift between Vandor and Perón. Perón believed these moves would effectively end his control of the movement, and that a power struggle to succeed the aging leader lurked behind these challenges to his leadership. Vandor avoided a rift with Perón, explaining that he "confronted Perón to save Perón." The CGT, however, separated for the first time since uniting under the "62 Organizations" system in 1957. Alonso

275-473: A less than ideal climate of political freedom , however; police repression of an UP Loyalty Day (October 17) rally resulted in four deaths. Vandor's call for unity between the UP and the smaller neo-Peronist parties against Perón's personal hegemony over the movement, and the October 22 Avellaneda Declaration calling for the development of an official Peronist Party "from the ground up," nearly precipitated

330-756: A non-partisan economist close to both the UCR and Federal Peronism, as his running-mate on 2 June. De Narváez withdrew his endorsement of Alfonsín in favor of Rodríguez Saá following the 14 August primaries, though he continued his campaign for Governor of Buenos Aires with Alfonsín's endorsement. Alfonsín's support was strongest among those age 45 to 59 (14.6%), and weakest among young voters (5.3%). Binner endorsed GEN leader Margarita Stolbizer for Governor of Buenos Aires following his break with Alfonsín, and formally announced his Broad Progressive Front candidacy on 11 June; he nominated Córdoba Senator Norma Morandini as his running mate. His alliance with Pino Solanas

385-449: A noted neurosurgeon and longtime Peronist. The party would be cleared to participate in 1965 by the conciliatory President Arturo Illia . This concession earned Illia little political goodwill; it was vehemently opposed by anti-Peronists and second-guessed by Perón himself, whose covert return to Argentina in 1964 was impeded at the last minute by a tip, and who no longer believed any civilian government, no matter how moderate, would have

440-699: A poor showing in the 14 August primaries, where she obtained 3%. Numerous other candidates, or potential candidates, dropped out in May 2011, notably Buenos Aires Mayor Mauricio Macri , who instead sought a second term as mayor, and left-wing film maker Fernando Solanas (who ran unsuccessfully for the same post). Solanas nominated Congresswoman Alcira Argumedo as Proyecto Sur 's candidate for president on 22 June. The 14 August primary effectively ended Argumedo's campaign, as well as those of Neighbors' Action Movement (MAV) candidate Sergio Pastore, and People's Countryside Party (PCP) candidate José Bonacci; neither had reached

495-466: A rival within the UP, and Bramuglia was forced to cancel its participation in the July 28 Constitutional Assembly election. Their alliance endured despite this, and he nominated Leloir for the upcoming 1958 presidential elections . Secretly, however, Perón and businessman Rogelio Julio Frigerio had negotiated an endorsement of UCRI candidate Arturo Frondizi . This endorsement, made public one month before

550-553: A role in government for Peronism. Joined on the ticket by Marcos Anglada, Framini's unofficial slogan was unequivocal: "Framini-Anglada, Perón to the Rosada!" The clear reference to the Casa Rosada (the president's executive office building) rekindled fears of Perón's return among the military and other anti-Peronists. The UP placed third with 18% of the vote, and won 10 of 14 governorships at stake (including Framini's victory in

605-463: A single vote. The most voted candidate of parties gaining 1.5% or higher of the valid votes will be allowed to run in the main elections. The president and vice-president were chosen directly in a two-round system election. Candidates who obtained less than 1.5% during the preliminary round on 14 August were excluded from the general election on 23 October. Early results on election night awarded incumbent president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of

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660-467: A viable contingency. He was in good terms with the dictator installed following the coup, General Eduardo Lonardi , and offered to cooperate with the latter's policy of avoiding "victors or vanquished." Lonardi agreed, and actively considered naming him to the post of Labor Minister. The move backfired, however, when Lonardi was removed from office for his conciliatory stance in November, and replaced with

715-527: Is D'Hondt method . Early projections suggested that President Cristina Kirchner's FpV would increase their representation in the Lower House from 87 seats (out of 257), to around 116; the presence of an estimated ten allies would put them three votes shy of an absolute majority. Eight districts ( Buenos Aires Province , Formosa , Jujuy , La Rioja , Misiones , San Juan , San Luis and Santa Cruz ) also elected three National Senators each (two for

770-577: The Front for Victory (FPV) a second, four-year term. Winning in the City of Buenos Aires and every province except San Luis (won by Federal Commitment candidate Alberto Rodríguez Saá ), she became the first candidate to obtain an absolute majority of the popular vote (54%) since Raúl Alfonsín in 1983, and upon completion of ballot processing, the margin of victory (37.1%) exceeded Juan Perón 's record 36% margin obtained in 1973. Fernández de Kirchner became

825-538: The Front for Victory won in a landslide , with 54% of the vote, securing a second term in office. The Front for Victory won just over half of the seats in the National Congress . As of 2023 , this marked the last time the vice president-elect was not a woman. Mercosur Parliamentarians were also popularly elected for the first time. Another novelty was the introduction of open, simultaneous and mandatory primaries. These took place 14 August 2011 to select

880-460: The June 2009 mid-term elections . The economy, and her approval ratings, recovered steadily during 2010, however, and the 2011 electoral season began with Fernández de Kirchner's job approval at around 58 percent, with polling indicating that she would likely be reelected in the first round. She avoided committing herself to running for a second term during the early months of 2011. Two days before

935-512: The March 18, 1962, mid-term elections , and ended government receivership over the CGT labor union. The joint developments allowed Bramuglia to form an alliance with the influential textile industry union leader, Andrés Framini . Framini's UP candidacy for Governor of Buenos Aires would then receive an unexpected endorsement: that of Perón, who believed these elections to be a unique chance to regain

990-538: The March 1976 coup . Antonio Cafiero , who had a number of economic policy positions during the administrations of both Juan and Isabel Perón (who was deposed in 1976), founded the "Movement for Unity, Solidarity and Organization" in September 1982, a reformist faction of the Justicialist Party , and gained the support of many in the UP. The group, known as Renovación Peronista (Peronist Renewal),

1045-614: The PSA . The Civic and Social Agreement was an alliance between the UCR and most of what became the Progressive Ample Front and the Civic Coalition, with other, minor allies. This coalition proved unwieldy as the 2011 campaign progressed, however, though various forms of it will be retained in certain provinces for strategic purposes. The Front for Victory (FPV) candidate for the Justicialist Party primaries

1100-456: The 23 June deadline, however, she announced her decision to run for reelection. She nominated the nation's Economy Minister , Amado Boudou , as her running mate on 25 June. Their ticket won a landslide victory in the 14 August primaries, obtaining just over 50% and besting the runner-up (Alfonsín) by nearly 38%; they won in the City of Buenos Aires and in every province except San Luis (won by Rodríguez Saá). Support for Fernández de Kirchner

1155-595: The Constitutional Assembly of 1957 (tasked with replacing Perón's 1949 Constitution). The UP adopted the Peronist tenets of nationalism and social democracy , while rejecting the personality cult Perón and the late Evita had engendered. The party received a significant boost when Alejandro Leloir, the last Chairman of the Peronist Party' executive committee before Perón's overthrow, joined

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1210-465: The February 23 polls, surprised most observers (who expected the exiled leader to endorse a blank ballot option, as he had done in 1957), and persuaded Leloir to withdraw. Leloir, who consulted Frondizi instead of his UP partner, left Bramuglia no choice but to call for blank ballots. The UP elected no Congressmen in 1958, and was barred from running in 1960. President Frondizi lifted the ban ahead of

1265-525: The Front of the Popular Movement, the party nominated San Luis Province Governor Adolfo Rodríguez Saá for President in the 2003 elections ; he obtained 14% of the vote (fourth place). The UP endorsed Neuquén People's Movement presidential candidate Jorge Sobisch in 2007 ; Sobisch earned 1.4%, of which 0.4% were UP votes. The Unión Popular ticket, never used as such in a presidential race,

1320-569: The Illia administration, and endorsed the UP. Drawing a clear contrast between himself and the intransigent Perón much as Bramuglia had done a decade earlier, Vandor proclaimed: "Farewell to arms; it's time for elections." His participation in the UP, and in the elections, divided Vandor and his allies in the CGT apparatus from the CGT Secretary General, José Alonso , and his allies (including Framini). Vandor's very prominence made him

1375-641: The UP's paramount figure, and by extension, the first viable Peronist alternative to Perón in the movement's twenty years of existence. This became all the more so when, on election day, March 17, the UP garnered 31% to 30% for the UCRP of President Illia; of 96 seats at stake in the 192-seat Lower House, the UP wrested 52 (most of whom were chosen by Vandor), and thus would be second only to the UCRP's 68. The UP's strong showing guaranteed that allies of Vandor would now hold leadership positions in Congress. These included

1430-437: The UP. Bramuglia issued conciliatory statements in a number of news magazines, and thus distanced himself from Perón's rhetoric, which, during 1956, was largely inflammatory in nature. Hobbled by Perón's opposition and lacking significant support in the Peronist movement and elsewhere, the UP found itself in a position of disadvantage once the restoration of democratic institutions began in late 1956. Leloir, moreover, soon became

1485-476: The broad age groups, voters 30 to 44 were the most supportive (19.3%). The leader of the centrist Civic Coalition , Elisa Carrió , reversed her earlier intention to opt out of the 2011 race, and following the departure of her Civic Coalition from the Civic and Social Agreement formed in 2009 with the UCR, she announced her candidacy for president on 12 December 2010. Carrió withdrew her presidential bid following

1540-580: The candidates of each political party or coalition . The nation's myriad parties forged seven coalitions, of which five became contenders for a possible runoff election: Other coalitions of note include the Workers' Left Front , led by Jorge Altamira , and Proyecto Sur , led by Pino Solanas ; the latter left the Socialist Party-led coalition and instead formed an alliance with the MST and

1595-460: The candidates;" this, he concluded, "can't continue." These victories, far from being a cause for celebration for Perón and his entourage, only exacerbated the conflict within Peronism. The frustrated leader would now openly call for a coup d'état against President Illia, who refused (as Frondizi had been forced to do in 1962) to annul the results. The UP, and Peronists in general, lived under

1650-932: The coalition primaries; he dropped out in April as well. The UCR and the Socialist Party (partners in the Civic and Social Agreement) parted ways in May 2011, with Alfonsín and Santa Fe Governor Hermes Binner running on separate slates for the primaries in August, and likely in the general election, as well. Alfonsín secured an alliance with Federal Peronist candidate Francisco de Narváez in Buenos Aires Province , De Narváez ran for governor with his senior partner's endorsement in return for his support for Alfonsín's presidential campaign. Alfonsín nominated former Central Bank President Javier González Fraga ,

1705-598: The committee, and was among those interviewed by Perón during the latter's November 1972 visit to Argentina. The last of a series of three dictators, General Alejandro Lanusse negotiated a return to democracy with Peronists (who remained the largest political force in Argentina). The UP was largely subsumed into the Justicialist Party , though Insúa was among those elected to Congress in the 1973 elections that brought Peronists back to power. The Peronist restoration unraveled following Perón's death in July 1974, and ended with

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1760-662: The first Federal Peronist to drop out, while Solá boosted his own prospects by securing an alliance with the conservative Republican Proposal (PRO) on 16 May. Duhalde narrowly defeated Rodríguez Saá in a Buenos Aires Federal Peronism primary held on 22 May, though both men remained front-runners for their party's nomination. Ultimately, each ran on separate Federal Peronist tickets. Duhalde formally announced his Popular Union candidacy on 9 June, nominating Das Neves as his running mate. Rodríguez Saá, in turn, nominated former Santa Fe Governor José María Vernet as his running mate on his Federal Commitment ticket. Solá, who struggled in

1815-588: The first woman re-elected as head of state in Latin American history. All 23 provinces and the city of Buenos Aires held elections to renew half of the Chamber of Deputies (lower house). Each province and the autonomous city elects a number of at-large representatives on a party list system roughly proportional to their population, and no province is allotted fewer than five Deputies. The system used to know how many deputies per party in each district

1870-443: The general election through another political alliance. Former President Eduardo Duhalde was the first to informally start his pre-candidacy campaign, announcing hypothetical cabinet picks as early as December 2009. The Governors of Chubut , Mario Das Neves , and of San Luis , Alberto Rodríguez Saá , as well as former Governor of Buenos Aires Province Felipe Solá , also stated their intention to run for president. Das Neves became

1925-407: The influential First Lady, Eva Perón , led to his resignation in 1949. Perón's intolerance of rivals, or potential rivals, cost his administration numerous key advisers and allies, and he was overthrown in 1955. Bramuglia, who had had presidential ambitions before his 1949 fall from grace, believed he could fill the power vacuum left by Perón's exile while providing his persecuted fellow Peronists

1980-540: The more anti-Peronist General Pedro Aramburu . Bramuglia's friendships would protect him against arrests and death threats, however. He established a rapport with President Aramburu, and with the latter's permission, established the Unión Popular (UP) in December. He was initially condemned by the exiled Perón, who viewed the UP as an attempt to develop a political alternative to the banned Peronist movement. Nor

2035-632: The most powerful in the CGT umbrella labor union in the 1930s and 1940s. Following a nationalist military coup in June 1943 , he joined other CGT leaders in alliance that sought a role within the new government. The principal ally in the government would be the new Labor Secretary, Colonel Juan Perón . This support helped make Perón the " power behind the throne " by 1944, and resulted in his election as President in 1946 . Bramuglia would be appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs , though ultimately, opposition to him by

2090-505: The most voted party or coalition, one for the second most voted party or coalition), to renew a third of the upper house. The opposition fared better in the Senate, which remained nearly unchanged; the upper house would continue divided between the FpV with a majority of 40 seats (out of 72), and the UCR (around 16) and others with the remainder. The departure of Vice President Julio Cobos of

2145-502: The new Vice President of the Lower House, Rodolfo Tercera del Franco, and more contentiously, Paulino Niembro (Vandor's right hand at the UOM), who was chosen to head the UP caucus; they therefore became the nation's highest-ranking Peronist elected officials. A member of the PJ executive committee summarized the 1965 elections by remarking that "Perón provided the votes, the UP the label, and Vandor

2200-486: The paramount Province of Buenos Aires). President Frondizi was forced to annul UP victories by the military, and on March 28, he was overthrown. Bramuglia died in September of that year at age 59. The UP was initially permitted to field local and Congressional candidates by interim President José María Guido . Their intention to run in the less-than-free elections was itself in defiance of Perón, who called for blank ballots . President Guido's moderate policy toward Peronists

2255-439: The polls, withdrew on 11 June, encouraging local candidates in his fold to form alliances with Duhalde and the party's candidate for Buenos Aires Governor, Francisco de Narváez . De Narváez later endorsed Rodríguez Saá. Support for Duhalde was strongest among the working class (14.2%) and weakest among young voters (3.9%). Rodríguez Saá polled best among upper middle class voters (14%) and those age 30 to 44 (11.9%); worst among

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2310-406: The poor. The center-left Radical Civic Union had scheduled primaries for 28 April. Both Ricardo Alfonsín , son of the late former President Raúl Alfonsín , and current party leader Ernesto Sanz started pre-candidacy campaigns; Sanz, however, dropped out on 28 April. Vice President Julio Cobos , considered a likely UCR primary candidate, had stated his intention to run only in August, during

2365-634: The power to reinsert Peronism into the national political stage; indeed, Perón's official political party in Argentina, the Justicialist Party (PJ), had obtained recognition in the courts in January 1965, only to have the decision overturned a month later. These repeated failures to regain not only power, but also recognition, led numerous leading Peronists to adopt "Peronism without Perón." The most prominent of these, Steelworkers' Union (UOM) leader Augusto Vandor , defied Perón's call for open conflict with

2420-650: The requisite 1.5% threshold needed to advance to the general election. The candidate for the Workers' Left Front (FIT), Jorge Altamira , fared unexpectedly well and advanced to the general election. Altamira polled best among the poor (7.9%) and among the upper middle class (5.4%). Numerous consulting firms conducted polling throughout the campaign, whereby respondents chose from a number of declared or potential first-round candidates. * Withdrew A poll conducted by Mora y Araujo for Ipsos on 28 September revealed favourability and unfavourability ratings for six of

2475-481: The rivalry only served to divide the Peronist vote. Corvalán Nanclares' 102,000 bested Serú García's 62,000; but both lost to Emilio Jofré of the Democratic Party (a local, center-right party), who garnered 129,000. He never took office, however, because the one effort in which Alonso, Perón, and Vandor cooperated consistently — fostering labor unrest to undermine the Illia administration — helped result in

2530-470: The seven candidates appearing on the general election ballot. Open primary elections for the Presidency were held nationwide on 14 August. With this system, all parties run primary elections in a same general elections. All parties must take part in it, both the parties with internal factions and parties with a single candidate list. Citizens may vote for any candidate of any party, but may only cast

2585-501: Was adopted by Eduardo Duhalde , who formally announced his candidacy for the 2011 presidential race on June 9. 2011 Argentine general election Cristina Fernández de Kirchner FPV-PJ Cristina Fernández de Kirchner FPV-PJ General elections were held in Argentina on Sunday, 23 October 2011. Incumbent president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of

2640-444: Was current President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner . Her husband and predecessor, Néstor Kirchner , was considered a top candidate to succeed her until his death on 27 October 2010 . She had suffered a significant decline in approval during the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector and the subsequent recession, and the ruling Front for Victory lost its absolute majority in both houses of Congress during

2695-603: Was defeated in the Justicialist Party's September 1983 nominating convention for that year's presidential race by a more conservative faction backed by Lorenzo Miguel of the Steelworkers' Union. Cafiero's Frente Renovador Party list won a majority in the Justicialist delegation to Congress from Buenos Aires Province in elections in 1985 , defeating the right wing Herminio Iglesias faction. Cafiero

2750-477: Was dissolved the following week, however, and the Proyecto Sur leader instead joined a coalition of minor, left-wing parties. Binner, despite obtaining fourth place, fared better than expected by local analysts in the 14 August primary, and became the runner-up in subsequent polls. His support was strongest among the middle (18.8%) and upper middle classes (18.9%), while weakest among the poor (6.5%); among

2805-560: Was elected Governor of Buenos Aires Province in 1987 and President of the Justicialist Party National Council. He ran in the May 1988 primary election for the upcoming presidential campaign; but he could not regain the support of the CGT, or sway delegates from the smaller provinces, and lost to Carlos Menem , who subsequently won the 1989 general election . The UP would afterward endorse Peronist candidates from conservative factions. Reorganized under

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2860-608: Was expelled as Secretary General by Vandor's 13 allies in the 20-member executive committee in February 1966, and formed a rival "CGT that Stands with Perón" with allies from all 62 unions. The two forces thus clashed again on April 17, when Mendoza Province held elections for Governor and the Provincial Legislature. The UP supported the MPM candidate, Alberto Serú García, while the PJ backed Ernesto Corvalán Nanclares. The proxy fight between Perón and Vandor was, moreover,

2915-550: Was he the only neo-Peronist leader to emerge in 1955; these also included Cipriano Reyes , who formed the Labor Party , and Vicente Saadi , who formed the Populist Party. All three were Peronists who played key roles in the movement's earliest days, and who later fell out with the populist leader. Each one openly defied Perón by forming these alternatives to his line, and more so by fielding candidates for elections to

2970-401: Was strongest among the poor (65.2%) and those aged 30 to 44 (54.6%). Her support was weakest among the upper middle class (43.5%), though she remained over 24% ahead of the runner-up (Binner) among those polled within that segment. The leaders of the center-right Federal Peronism were torn between running for primary elections within the PJ against the Front for Victory, or running instead in

3025-587: Was thwarted by conservatives and the Armed Forces , however, and on May 18, he signed an order barring the UP from the 1963 elections entirely. Leloir ran for President independently, and obtained 4 electoral votes out of 461. The party would be led, following Bramuglia's death, by Rodolfo Tercera del Franco, the most prominent member of the Peronists' main rival (the UCR ) to join the UP; and Dr. Raúl Matera ,

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