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Chicana feminism

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Chicana feminism is a sociopolitical movement, theory, and praxis that scrutinizes the historical, cultural, spiritual, educational, and economic intersections impacting Chicanas and the Chicana/o community in the United States . Chicana feminism empowers women to challenge institutionalized social norms and regards anyone a feminist who fights for the end of women's oppression in the community.

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200-643: Chicana feminism encouraged women to reclaim their existence between and among the Chicano Movement and second-wave feminist movements from the 1960s to the 1970s. Chicana feminists recognized that empowering women would empower the Chicana/o community, yet routinely faced opposition. Critical developments in the field, including from Chicana lesbian feminists, expanded limited ideas of the Chicana beyond conventional understandings. Xicanisma formed as

400-619: A Presidential Commission on the Status of Women , chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt and comprising cabinet officials (including Peterson and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy ), senators, representatives, businesspeople, psychologists, sociologists, professors, activists, and public servants. The report recommended changing this inequality by providing paid maternity leave, greater access to education, and help with child care to women. There were other actions by women in wider society, presaging their wider engagement in politics which would come with

600-542: A baby boom , a move to family-oriented suburbs and the ideal of companionate marriages. During this time, women did not tend to seek employment due to their engagement with domestic and household duties, which was seen as their primary duty but often left them isolated within the home and estranged from politics, economics, and law making. This life was clearly illustrated by the media of the time; for example television shows such as Father Knows Best and Leave It to Beaver idealized domesticity. Some important events laid

800-733: A "movement" as early as 1964. The movement grew with legal victories such as the Equal Pay Act of 1963 , Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 , and the Griswold v. Connecticut Supreme Court ruling of 1965. In 1966 Friedan joined other women and men to found the National Organization for Women (NOW); Friedan would be named as the organization's first president. Despite the early successes NOW achieved under Friedan's leadership, her decision to pressure

1000-607: A Central American Studies major, being the first community college to do so. South American departments and majors have to be realized. Scholars have paid some attention to the geography of the movement and situate the Southwest as the epicenter of the struggle. However, in examining the struggle's activism, maps allow us to see that activity was not spread evenly through the region and that certain organizations and types of activism were limited to particular geographies. For instance, in southern Texas where Mexican Americans comprised

1200-567: A Chicana feminist legal organization to defend the legal rights of Mexican American women. It was initiated by Vilma Martinez and addressed issues of employment, health, education, and housing rights for Chicanas. It monitored the implementation of the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA), which successfully led to an increase in Chicana women in San Antonio 's programs. The organization also filed lawsuits for

1400-506: A Place in It?," "Exploitation of Women - The Chicana Perspective," "Women in Politics - Is Anyone There," "Militancy/Conservatism: Which Way Is Forward," and "De Colores y Clases: Class and Ethnic Differences." While the event was the first major gathering of its kind, the conference itself was fraught with discord as Chicanas from geographically and ideologically divergent positions sparred over

1600-662: A celebrated figure in Mexican American history , in Chicano cultural production, or even in Chicana feminist discourse, which has been ascribed to the way Pachucas challenged the role of the woman in the traditional family. Pachucas would often arm themselves with self-defense weapons, prepared to ward off potential attackers. The Pachuca was treated as "dangerously masculine [and] monstrously feminine." Women who reject Chicana identity and prefer to identify themselves as Hispanic may "not see or want to recognize herself" in

1800-512: A concept or spirituality in which multiple realities are experienced at the same time (Duality). As a Chicana, understanding and having indigenous ancestral knowledge of spirituality plays an instrumental role in the path to healing, decolonization, cultural appreciation, self-understanding, and self-love. "Nepantleras are threshold people; they move within and among multiple, often conflicting, worlds and refuse to align themselves exclusively with any single individual, group, or belief system." Nepantla

2000-616: A cosponsor of the Poor People's March on Washington in 1967. In Texas, war veteran Dr. Hector P. Garcia founded the American GI Forum and was later appointed to the United States Commission on Civil Rights . In Denver, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzáles helped define the meaning of being a Chicano through his poem Yo Soy Joaquin ( I am Joaquin ) [1] . In California, César Chávez and the farm workers turned to

2200-413: A counter-stance cannot be a way of life because it depends on hegemonic constructions of domination, in terms of race, nationality, and culture. A counter-stance locks one into a duel of oppressor and oppressed; locked in mortal combat, like the cop and the criminal, both are reduced to a common denominator of violence. Being solely reactionary means nothing is being created, revived, or renewed in place of

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2400-467: A crossroads was important because "language is the vehicle by which we perceive ourselves in relation to the world." The implication is that if we change the language we use to understand ourselves, we can change how we view and act in the world. The goal of Xicanisma for Castillo is not to replace patriarchy with matriarchy , but to create "a nonmaterialistic and nonexploitative society in which feminine principles of nurturing and community prevail" and where

2600-414: A feminist newspaper by 1971. There was a focus on Mexican feminism that would stand for people on either side of the border. The newspaper included topics such as: “gender equality and liberatory ethics to relationships, sexuality, power, women’s status, labor and leadership, familial bonds, and organizational structures.” The Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional (CFMN) was founded in 1973. The concept for

2800-535: A few chapters were created along the East coast at Ivy League Schools. By 2012, MECHA had more than 500 chapters throughout the U.S. Student groups such as these were initially concerned with education issues, but their activities evolved to participation in political campaigns and to various forms of protest against broader issues such as police brutality and the U.S. war in Southeast Asia. The Brown Berets ,

3000-562: A few of the main topics depicted in such art. Artists like Andrew  Zermeño reused certain symbols recognizable from Mexican culture, such as skeletons and the Virgen de Guadalupe, in their own art to create a sense of solidarity between other oppressed groups in the United States and globally. In 1972, the group ASCO, founded by Gronk, Willie Herrón, and Patssi Valdez, created conceptual art forms to engage in Chicano social protests;

3200-612: A group of feminists, chaired by Hilda Tweedy of the Irish Housewives Association , set up the Council for the Status of Women, with the goal of gaining equality for women. It was an umbrella body for women's groups. During the 1990s the council's activities included supporting projects funded by the European Social Fund , and running Women and Leadership Programmes and forums. In 1995, following

3400-418: A group of men, and inevitably rape, Malintzin showed loyalty to Cortés to ensure her survival. La Malinche has become the representative of a female sexuality that is passive, "rape-able," and always guilty of betrayal. Rather than a traitor or a "whore," Chicana feminism calls for an understanding of her as an agent within her limited means, resisting rape and torture (as was common among her peers) by becoming

3600-513: A meeting of the women who had been at the "free school" course and the women's workshop at the conference; this became the first Chicago women's liberation group. It was known as the Westside group because it met weekly in Freeman's apartment on Chicago's west side. After a few months, Freeman started a newsletter which she called Voice of the women's liberation movement. It circulated all over

3800-411: A mother and a wife. Friedan coined the term "Feminine Mystique" to recognize the romanticization of being a "happy housewife" perpetuated by media such as TV and magazines and that women should feel satisfied with housework, marriage, child-rearing, and passivity around the home unit. Women were always seen as relational to the other people in their life and were not encouraged to have their own identity as

4000-561: A multi-state organization , but an examination of the year-by-year expansion shows a continued concentration in California. The Mapping American Social Movements digital project shows maps and charts demonstrating that as the organization added dozens then hundreds of chapters, the vast majority were in California. This should cause scholars to ask what conditions made the state unique, and why Chicano students in other states were less interested in organizing MEChA chapters. In 1949 and 1950,

4200-434: A multitude of women's issues. At the conference, delegates from around the country gathered to create a National Plan of Action , which offered 26 planks on matters such as women's health, women's employment, and child care. By the early 1980s, it was largely perceived that women had met their goals and succeeded in changing social attitudes towards gender roles, repealing oppressive laws that were based on sex, integrating

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4400-634: A new level -- a level that created a greater police problem than had originally existed". At one Chicano Moratorium (also referred to as the National Chicano Moratorium) demonstration as part of the Anti-war activism, popular journalist Ruben Salazar was killed by police after they shot a tear-gas projectile into the Silver Dollar Café where he was after covering the moratorium demonstration and succeeding riots. This

4600-411: A partner and translator to Cortés. Placing the blame for Mexico's conquest on Malintzin creates a foundation for placing upon women the responsibility to be the moral compasses of society and blames them for their sexuality, which is counterintuitive. It is important to understand Malintzin as a victim not of Cortés, but of myth. Chicana feminism calls for an understanding in which she should be praised for

4800-500: A patois, and in a state of perpetual transition, the mestiza faces the dilemma of the mixed breed: which collectivity does the daughter of a dark-skinned mother listen to? [...] Within us and within la Cultura Chicana, commonly held beliefs of the white culture attack commonly held beliefs of the Mexican culture, and both attack commonly held beliefs of the indigenous culture. Subconsciously, we see an attack on ourselves and our beliefs as

5000-425: A person with their own life and interests beyond the home. They are either seen as someone's wife or someone's mother. Women who read her work were able to realize that they were not alone in their feelings. Friedan's work only brought to life a problem experienced by a certain group of women however which left out women of color and who belonged to other marginalized groups since many of these people had to work outside

5200-532: A plan for direct electoral politics. MAPA soon became the primary political voice for the Mexican-American community of California. After World War II, Chicanos began to assert their own views of their own history and status as Mexican Americans in the US and they began to critically analyze what they were being taught in public schools. Many young people, like David Sanchez and Vickie Castro , founders of

5400-404: A response to all the ways that these legacies of oppression have become internalized. Chicana feminists challenged their prescribed role in la familia , and demanded to have the intersectional experiences that they faced recognized. Chicanas identify as being consciously aware, self-determined, and proud of their roots, heritage, and experience while prioritizing La Raza . With the emergence of

5600-792: A seat on the Los Angeles City Council , community activists established the Community Service Organization (CSO). The CSO was effective in registering 15,000 new voters in Latino neighborhoods. With this newfound support, Roybal was able to win the 1949 election race against the incumbent councilman and became the first Mexican American since 1886 to win a seat on the Los Angeles City Council . The Mexican American Political Association (MAPA), founded in Fresno, California , came into being in 1959 and drew up

5800-448: A significant intervention developed by Ana Castillo in 1994 to reinvigorate Chicana feminism and recognize a shift in consciousness that had occurred since the Chicano Movement , as an extension and expansion of Chicanismo . It partly inspired the formation of Xicanx identity. Chicana cultural productions, including Chicana art , literature , poetry, music, and film continue to shape Chicana feminism in new directions. Chicana feminism

6000-655: A significant portion of the population and had a history of electoral participation, the Raza Unida Party started in 1970 by Jose Angel Gutierrez hoped to win elections and mobilize the voting power of Chicanos. RUP thus became the focus of considerable Chicano activism in Texas in the early 1970s. The movement in California took a different shape, less concerned about elections. Chicanos in Los Angeles formed alliances with other oppressed people who identified with

6200-431: A single identity. Mujerismo recognizes how personal experiences are valuable sources of knowledge. The development of all these components form a foundation for collective action in the form of activism. Nepantla is often associated with author Chicana feminist Gloria Anzaldúa, who coined the term, "Nepantlera." Nepantla is a Nahua word which translates to "in the middle of it" or "middle". Nepantla can be described as

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6400-615: A society with equal contribution. On March 1, 1968, approximately 15,000 students participated in what became known as the East Los Angeles School Blowouts . Chicano students across seven high schools in the East Los Angeles marched out of their schools in a coordinated protest. Students organized over shared complaints about racism, inadequate funding, and the neglect of Mexican history and culture within current education systems. Male participants of

6600-674: A source of cultural nationalism and pride. Edward J. Escobar claims the Chicano Movement and its sub-organizations were infiltrated by local law enforcement and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to acquire information and cause destabilization from within the organizations. Methods used by law enforcement included "red-baiting, harassment and arrest of activists, infiltration and disruption of movement organizations, and violence." Agent provocateurs were oftentimes planted in these organizations to disrupt and destabilize

6800-581: A strategic review, it changed its name to the National Women's Council of Ireland . The 1960s in Spain saw a generational shift in Spanish feminist in response to other changes in Spanish society. This included increased emigration and tourism (resulting in the spread of ideas from the rest of the world), greater opportunities in education and employment for women and major economic reforms. Feminism in

7000-539: A target of misunderstanding and fear. Chicano Poetry was a safe way for political messages to spread without fear of being targeted for by speaking out. Politically, the movement was also broken off into sections like chicanismo. "Chicanismo meant to some Chicanos dignity, self respect, pride, uniqueness, and a feeling of a cultural rebirth." Mexican-Americans wanted to embrace the color of their skin instead of it being something to be ashamed of. Many Mexican-Americans unfortunately had it ingrained on them through society that it

7200-487: A threat and we attempt to block with a counterstance." Anzaldúa presents a mode of being for Chicanas that honors their unique standpoint and lived experience. This theory of embodiment offers a mode of being for Chicanas who are constantly negotiating hybridity and cultural collision, and the ways that inform the way they are continuously making new knowledge and understandings of self, often time concerning intersecting and various forms of oppression. This theory discloses how

7400-437: A threat because they challenge a male dominated Chicano movement ; they raise the consciousness of many Chicana women regarding independence. She goes on to say that Chicanas, whether they are lesbian or not, are taught to conform to certain modes of behavior regarding their sexuality: women are "taught to suppress our sexual desires and needs by conceding all pleasures to the male." In 1991, Carla Trujillo edited and compiled,

7600-475: A traitor to her race. By contrast, Chicana feminism calls for a different understanding. Since nationalism was a concept unknown to Indigenous people in the 16th century, Malintzin had no sense of herself as "Indian," making it impossible for her to show ethnic loyalty or conscientiously act as a traitor. Malintzin was one of millions of women who were traded and sold in Mexico pre-colonization . With no way to escape

7800-509: A way to combat discrimination." Marginalized communities began using this public platform to speak against injustices they had been experiencing for centuries at the hands of the U.S. government, perpetuated by police departments and other institutions of power. Like many of the movements during this time, Chicanos took inspiration from the Black Panther Party and used their race, historically manipulated to disenfranchise them, as

8000-412: A woman's caucus was formed (led by Freeman and Shulamith Firestone ), who tried to present their own demands to the plenary session. However, the women were told their resolution was not important enough for a floor discussion, and when through threatening to tie up the convention with procedural motions they succeeded in having their statement tacked to the end of the agenda, it was never discussed. When

8200-514: A workshop was arranged to discuss the role of women in the movement and to address feminist concerns. However, the workshop concluded that, "It was the consensus of the group that the Chicana woman does not want to be liberated." Many scholars such as Anna Nieto-Gómez, find this statement to be one of the decisive actions that sparked the Chicana Feminist Movement. Following this statement, the first National Chicana Conference

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8400-555: A youth group which began in California, took on a more militant and nationalistic ideology. The UMAS movement garnered great attention in Boulder, Colorado after a car bombing killed several UMAS students. In 1972, UMAS students at the University of Colorado Boulder were protesting the university's attitude towards UMAS issues and demands. Over the next two years hostilities had increased and many students were concerned about

8600-529: Is a 263-day parental leave in Finland. It is illegal to discriminate against women in the workforce . Two feminist groups were created to help the movement: The Marxist-Feminists ( Marxist-Feministerna ) and The Red Women ( Rödkäringarna , Puna-akat ). The feminists in Finland were inspired by other European countries such as Sweden and Switzerland . Other important groups for the Finnish women in

8800-417: Is a Latina-oriented " womanist " approach to everyday life and relationships. It emphasizes the need to connect the formal, public life of work and education with the private life of culture and the home by privileging cultural experiences. As such, it differs from Feminista which focuses on the historic context of the feminist movement. To be Mujerista is to integrate body, emotion, spirit and community into

9000-704: Is a mode of being for the Chicana and informs the way she experiences the world and various systems of oppression. Encarnación: Illness and Body Politics in Chicana Feminist Literature by Suzanne Bost discusses how Chicana feminism has changed the way Chicana women look at body politics. Feminism has moved beyond just looking at identity politics, it now looks at how “[...]the intersections between particular bodies, cultural contexts, and political needs”. It now looks beyond just race, and incorporates intersectionality, and how mobility, accessibility, ability, caregivers and their roles in lives, work with

9200-416: Is a movement to expand ChicanX-LatinX departments to include Central American Studies. Cal-State Northridge became the first university to establish a Central American Studies Department in the United States. In 2019, students at University of California, Los Angeles organized for their Chicana/o Studies Department to expand and include Central American Studies. Most recently, East Los Angeles College added

9400-440: Is an example Escobar presents that inspired political consciousness in an even broader base of Mexican-Americans, many considering him a "martyr". Relations between Chicano activists and the police mirrored those with other movements during this time. As Escobar states, Black Civil Rights activists in the 50s and 60s "set the stage by focusing public attention on the issue of racial discrimination and legitimizing public protest as

9600-776: Is an intervention in Chicana feminism proposed by Ana Castillo in Massacre of the Dreamers (1994). The use of the X is a reference to the Spanish colonizers being unable to pronounce the Sh sound in Mesoamerican languages (such as Texcoco , which is pronounced Tesh-KOH-koh ) and so they represented this sound with a letter X in the 16th-century Spanish language. The X in Xicanisma refers to this colonial encounter between

9800-418: Is just manifesting in different ways now. Chicana feminist theory evolved as a theory of embodiment and a theory of flesh due to the canonical works of Gloria Anzaldúa and Cherrie Moraga , both of whom identify as queer. Queer interventions in Chicana feminist thought called for the inclusion and the honoring of the cultures’ jotería . In La Conciencia de la Mestiza , Anzaldúa writes that "the mestizo and

10000-529: Is mostly associated with Group 8 , a feminist organization which was founded by eight women in Stockholm in 1968. The organization took up various feminist issues such as demands for expansions of kindergartens, 6-hour working day, equal pay for equal work and opposition to pornography. Initially based in Stockholm, local groups were founded throughout the country. The influence of Group 8 on feminism in Sweden

10200-414: Is now defined by the experimentation of self-expression, rather than producing art for social protests. Second wave feminist movement Second-wave feminism was a period of feminist activity that began in the early 1960s and lasted roughly two decades, ending with the feminist sex wars in the early 1980s and being replaced by third-wave feminism in the early 1990s. It occurred throughout

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10400-474: Is often placed in conversation with decolonial feminism . Some Mexican American women were involved in the early women's suffrage movement . In the early twentieth century, this included women such as Adelina Otero-Warren and Maria de G.E. Lopez . Otero-Warren was born in an elite Hispano family. Most Mexican Americans, especially of low-income and non-white complexion, who did not grow up in elite families were subject to much different conditions. Prior to

10600-429: Is oppressed by the forces of racism, imperialism , and sexism. This can be said of all non-white women in the United States. Her oppression by the forces of racism and imperialism is similar to that endured by our men. Oppression by sexism, however, is hers alone." Emma Tenayuca was an early Mexican American labor organizer and Dolores Huerta was a major force in the labor organization of farmworkers. The testimony of

10800-477: Is still prevalent. In 1967, "The Discontent of Women", by Joke Kool-Smits , was published; the publication of this essay is often regarded as the start of second-wave feminism in the Netherlands. In this essay, Smit describes the frustration of married women, saying they are fed up being solely mothers and housewives. The beginnings of second-wave feminism can be studied by looking at the two branches that

11000-543: Is to empower Latinos and other minorities by increasing their participation in the American democratic process. Members of the beginning of the Chicano movement, like Faustino Erebia Jr., still speak about their trials and the changes they have seen over the years. The movement started small in Colorado yet spread across the states becoming a worldwide movement for equality. While there are many poets who helped carry out

11200-466: Is usually considered the greatest success of the women's movement. In January 2013, US Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta announced that the longtime ban on women serving in US military combat roles had been lifted. In 2013, the US Department of Defense (DoD) announced their plan to integrate women into all combat positions by 2016. Second-wave feminism also affected other movements, such as

11400-485: Is utilized often as a marketing strategy to sell goods within a capitalist driven society. The report from the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women, along with Friedan's book, spoke to the discontent of many women (especially housewives ) and led to the formation of local, state, and federal government women's groups along with many independent feminist organizations. Friedan was referencing

11600-727: The Brown Berets protested the injustices they saw. In the late 1960s, when the student movement was active around the globe, the Chicano Movement inspired its own organized protests like the East L.A. walkouts in 1968, and the National Chicano Moratorium March in Los Angeles in 1970. The student walkouts occurred in Denver and East LA in 1968. There were also many incidents of walkouts outside of

11800-554: The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to use Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to enforce more job opportunities among American women met with fierce opposition within the organization. Siding with arguments among several of the group's African-American members, many of NOW's leaders were convinced that the vast number of male African-Americans who lived below the poverty line were in need of more job opportunities than women within

12000-515: The Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 , the outlawing of marital rape (although not outlawed in all states until 1993 ), and the legalization of no-fault divorce (although not legalized in all states until 2010 ), a 1975 law requiring the U.S. Military Academies to admit women, and many Supreme Court cases such as Reed v. Reed of 1971 and Roe v. Wade of 1973. However, the changing of social attitudes towards women

12200-455: The Students for a Democratic Society and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and created a platform to speak on the violent and sexist issues women faced while working with the larger Civil Rights Movement . After being removed from the workforce, by either personal or social pressures , many women in the post-war America returned to the home or were placed into female only jobs in

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12400-573: The Western world and aimed to increase women's equality by building on the feminist gains of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Second-wave feminism built on first-wave feminism and broadened the scope of debate to include a wider range of issues: sexuality, family, domesticity, the workplace, reproductive rights , de facto inequalities, and official legal inequalities. First-wave feminism typically advocated for formal equality and second-wave feminism advocated for substantive equality . It

12600-417: The civil rights movement and the student's rights movement , as women sought equality within them. In 1965 in "Sex and Caste", a reworking of a memo they had written as staffers in civil-rights organizations SNCC , Casey Hayden and Mary King proposed that "assumptions of male superiority are as widespread and deep rooted and every much as crippling to the woman as the assumptions of white supremacy are to

12800-408: The combined oral contraceptive pill , which was made available in 1961. This made it easier for women to have careers without having to leave due to unexpectedly becoming pregnant. It also meant young couples would not be routinely forced into unwanted marriages due to accidental pregnancies. Though it is widely accepted that the movement lasted from the 1960s into the early 1980s, the exact years of

13000-589: The sterilization abuses of Latina women in Texas. It made a difference in the lives of thousands of women. The organization came to an end in 1983. From the late 1970s to the early 1990s, Chicana feminism made significant developments in the forging of Chicana critical consciousness via numerous foundational texts covering Chicana lives and experiences. Many of these works covered themes that had not been examined in depth, including sexuality , gender roles , reproductive rights , sexual violence , environmental racism , and queer of color critique . However, despite

13200-693: The "boys' clubs" such as military academies , the United States Armed Forces , NASA , single-sex colleges, men's clubs, and the Supreme Court , and making gender discrimination illegal. However, in 1982, adding the Equal Rights Amendment to the United States Constitution failed, having been ratified by only 35 states, leaving it three states short of ratification. Second-wave feminism

13400-418: The 1950s, chapters were founded across the U.S. Mexican American civil rights activists also achieved several major legal victories including the 1947 Mendez v. Westminster court case ruling which declared that segregating children of "Mexican and Latin descent" was unconstitutional and the 1954 Hernandez v. Texas ruling which declared that Mexican Americans and other historically subordinated groups in

13600-718: The 1970s include Unioni and The Feminists ( Feministit- Feministerna ). During the 1960s several German feminist groups were founded, which were characterized as the second wave. The Irish Women's Liberation Movement was an alliance of a group of Irish women who were concerned about the sexism within Ireland both socially and legally. They first began after a meeting in Dublin's Bewley's Cafe on Grafton Street in 1970. They later had their meetings in Margaret Gaj 's restaurant on Baggot Street every Monday. The group

13800-680: The 1970s. The film No Mas Bebes describes the stories of many of these women who were sterilized without consent. Although Chicanas have contributed significantly to the movement, Chicana feminists have been targeted; they are targeted because they are seen as betraying the movement and being anti-family and anti-men. By creating a platform that was inclusive to various intersectional identities, Chicana theorists who identified as lesbian and heterosexual were in solidarity of both. With their navigation through patriarchal structures, and their intersecting identities, Chicana feminists brought issues such as political economy, imperialism, and class identities to

14000-506: The American G.I. Forum initiated local "pay your poll tax" drives to register Mexican American voters. Although they were unable to repeal the poll tax, their efforts did bring in new Latino voters who would begin to elect Latino representatives to the Texas House of Representatives and to Congress during the late 1950s and early 1960s. In California, a similar phenomenon took place. When World War II veteran Edward R. Roybal ran for

14200-701: The American consciousness. In an article in The Journal of American History , Edward J. Escobar describes some of the negativity of the time: The conflict between Chicanos and the LAPD thus helped Mexican Americans develop a new political consciousness that included a greater sense of ethnic solidarity, an acknowledgment of their subordinated status in American society, and a greater determination to act politically, and perhaps even violently, to end that subordination. While most people of Mexican descent still refused to call themselves Chicanos, many had come to adopt many of

14400-612: The Black Power movement. Chicano organizations like the Brown Berets and Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) were influenced by the political agenda of Black activist organizations such as the Black Panthers . Chicano political demonstrations, such as the East L.A. walkouts and the Chicano Moratorium , occurred in collaboration with Black students and activists. Similar to the Black Power movement,

14600-550: The CFMN originated during the National Chicano Issues Conference when a group of attending Chicanas noticed that their concerns were not adequately addressed at the Chicano conference. The women met outside of the conference and drafted a framework for the CFMN that established them as active and knowledgeable community leaders of a people's movement. The Chicana Rights Project was created in 1974 as

14800-465: The Chicana feminist movement, such as artist Yolanda Lopez , sought to reclaim the image of La Virgen and deconstruct the ideal that virginity is the only measurement for determining a woman's worth and virtue. For women like Lopez, the image of Guadalupe possessed a significance that was not pertinent to religion at all. The figure of La Virgen de Guadalupe is often contrasted with La Malinche , which suppresses Chicana women's sexuality through

15000-538: The Chicano Community Carla Trujillo discusses how being a Chicana lesbian is incredibly difficult due to their culture's expectations on family and heteronormativity . Chicana lesbians who become mothers break this expectation and become liberated from the social norms of their culture. Trujillo argues that the lesbian existence itself disrupts an established norm of patriarchal oppression. She argues that Chicana lesbians are perceived as

15200-607: The Chicano Moratorium became sites of police brutality , which led to the decline of the movement by the mid-1970s. Other reasons for the movement's decline include its centering of the masculine subject, which marginalized and excluded Chicanas, and a growing disinterest in Chicano nationalist constructs such as Aztlán . Before this, Chicano/a had been a term of derision, adopted by some Pachucos as an expression of defiance to Anglo-American society. With

15400-572: The Chicano Movement are still felt by Central Americans in the modern times. For instance, many of the MEChA chapters that were established during the movement have started to rename the organization. The Los Angeles Times reported on leaders in the Garfield High School chapter deciding to avoid mentioning the word " Chicano " or " Aztlán ," since they explained that the names were Mexican-centric and excluded identities. In academia, there

15600-468: The Chicano Movement experienced heavy state surveillance, infiltration, and repression from U.S. government informants and agent provocateurs through organized activities such as COINTELPRO . Movement leaders like Rosalio Muñoz were ousted from their positions of leadership by government agents, organizations such as MAYO and the Brown Berets were infiltrated, and political demonstrations such as

15800-461: The Chicano Movement, the structure of Chicano families saw dramatic changes. Specifically, women began to question the positives and negatives of the established family dynamic and where their place was within the Chicano national struggle. Chicanas were not only experienced the effects of racism and imperialism in white America, but also sexism within their own families. In the seminal text “La Chicana”, Elizabeth Martinez , asserts that: "[La Chicana]

16000-584: The Chicano Movement. Today the Millennial Chicano generation has begun to redefine the Chicano art space with modernized forms of self-expression, although some artists still try to preserve the traditional Chicano art forms. As the community of Chicano artists expands and diversifies, Chicano art can no longer fit under just one aesthetic. The younger generation takes advantage of technology to create art and draws inspiration from other cultural art forms, such as Japanese anime and hip hop. Chicano art

16200-536: The Chicano movement and cause were known as Loyalists. Women also sought to battle the internalized struggles of self-hatred rooted in the colonization of their people . This included breaking the mujer buena/mujer mala myth, in which the domestic Spanish Woman is viewed as good and the Indigenous Woman that is a part of the community is viewed as bad. Chicana feminist thought emerged as a response to patriarchy , racism, classism, and colonialism as well as

16400-643: The Chicano movement felt that members were being too concerned with social issues that affected the Chicano community, instead of addressing problems that affected Chicana women specifically. This led Chicana women to form the Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional . In 1975, it became involved in the case Madrigal v. Quilligan , obtaining a moratorium on the compulsory sterilization of women and adoption of bilingual consent forms. These steps were necessary because many Latina women who did not understand English well were being sterilized in

16600-581: The Latina/o identity. Mujerismo represents the body of knowledge while Mujerista refers to the individual who identifies with these beliefs. The origins of these terms began with Gloria Anzaldúa 's This Bridge We Call Home (1987), Ana Castillo 's Massacre of the Dreamer: Essays in Xicanisma (1994), and Gloria Anzaldúa and Cherríe Moraga's This Bridge Called My Back (1984). Mujerista

16800-470: The Mexican woman's consciousness, often without her awareness. The concept of "The New Mestiza" comes from feminist author Gloria Anzaldúa . In her book, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza , she writes: "In a constant state of mental nepantilism, an Aztec word meaning torn between ways, la mestiza is a product of the transfer of the cultural and spiritual values of one group to another. Being tricultural, monolingual, bilingual or multilingual, speaking

17000-579: The Movement was the burgeoning of Chicano art fueled by heightened political activism and energized cultural pride. Chicano visual art, music, literature, dance, theater and other forms of expression have flourished. During the 20th century, an emergence of Chicano expression developed into a full-scale Chicano Art Movement. Chicanos developed a wealth of cultural expression through such media as painting, drawing, sculpture and printmaking. Similarly, novels, poetry, short stories, essays and plays have flowed from

17200-644: The National Conference for New Politics (NCNP) Director William F. Pepper refused to recognize any of the women waiting to speak and instead called on someone to speak about American Indians , five women, including Firestone, rushed the podium demanding to know why. But Willam F. Pepper allegedly patted Firestone on the head and said, "Move on little girl; we have more important issues to talk about here than women's liberation", or possibly, "Cool down, little girl. We have more important things to talk about than women's problems." Freeman and Firestone called

17400-626: The Negro", and that in the movement, as in society, women can find themselves "caught up in a common-law caste system". In June 1967, Jo Freeman attended a "free school" course on women at the University of Chicago led by Heather Booth and Naomi Weisstein . She invited them to organize a woman's workshop at the then-forthcoming National Conference of New Politics (NCNP), to be held over Labor Day weekend 1967 in Chicago . At that conference,

17600-614: The Pachuca figure. Unlike women of color , white women rarely had to deal with racism . European-American or white women combated sexism in the white community through waves of feminism; the first wave addressing women's suffrage , and the second wave addressing issues of sexuality, public vs. private spheres, reproductive rights, and marital rape. However, women of color were largely excluded from these movements. This urged Chicanas who were feminists and sought to empower women to offer critiques and responses to their exclusion from both

17800-526: The Playboy Bunnies as symbols of male chauvinism, noting that the club's manual instructed the Bunnies that "there are many pleasing ways they can employ to stimulate the club's liquor volume". By 1968, Steinem had become arguably the most influential figure in the movement and support for legalized abortion and federally funded day-cares had become the two leading objectives for feminists. Among

18000-706: The Southwest and other Mexican American communities from November 1969 through August 1971. The movement focused on the disproportionately high death rate of Mexican American soldiers in Vietnam as well as the discrimination faced at home. After months of demonstrations and conferences, it was decided to hold a National Chicano Moratorium demonstration against the war on August 29, 1970. The march began at Belvedere Park in LA and headed towards Laguna Park alongside 20,000 to 30,000 people. The Committee members included Rosalio Muñoz and Corky Gonzales and only lasted one more year, but

18200-447: The Spanish and Indigenous peoples by reclaiming the X as a literal symbol of being at a crossroads or otherwise embodying hybridity . This crossroads or X is a reference to Indigenous survival after hundreds of years of colonization . It acknowledges the moment "where the creative power of woman became deliberately appropriated by the male society" through the coloniality of gender being imposed onto women. Xicanisma speaks to

18400-682: The TB-1 building east of Macky Auditorium on the CU-Boulder campus. Baetz, a Canadian, had by chance seen the film Symbols of Resistance , a documentary about Los Seis de Boulder , in 2017. She became inspired to create a piece of art to honor the activists. She invited community participation in the project; over 200 people worked on it in some capacity. The base of the sculpture states, “Dedicated in 2019 to Los Seis de Boulder & Chicana and Chicano students who occupied TB-1 in 1974 & everyone who fights for equity in education at CU Boulder &

18600-875: The Third World Left and were committed to toppling U.S. imperialism and fighting racism. The Brown Berets , with links to the Black Panther Party, was one manifestation of the multiracial context in Los Angeles. The Chicano Moratorium antiwar protests of 1970 and 1971 also reflected the vibrant collaboration between African Americans, Japanese Americans, American Indians, and white antiwar activists that had developed in Southern California. Chicano student activism also followed particular geographies. MEChA established in Santa Barbara, California, in 1969, united many university and college Mexican American groups under one umbrella organization. MEChA became

18800-752: The United States Cesar Chavez Reies López Tijerina Héctor P. García Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzáles Dolores Huerta Rosalio Muñoz Government Leaders ( President of the United States ) The Chicano Movement , also referred to as El Movimiento (Spanish for "the Movement"), was a social and political movement in the United States that worked to embrace a Chicano/a identity and worldview that combated structural racism , encouraged cultural revitalization , and achieved community empowerment by rejecting assimilation . Chicanos also expressed solidarity and defined their culture through

19000-622: The United States at the time, without proper consent. While the widespread immigration marches flourished throughout the U.S. in the Spring of 2006, the Chicano Movement continued to expand in its focus and its active participants. As of the 21st Century, a major focus of the Chicano Movement has been to increase the (intelligent) representation of Chicanos in mainstream American media and entertainment. There are also many community education projects to educate Latinos about their voice and power like South Texas Voter Registration Project. SVREP's mission

19200-429: The United States such as discrimination, lack of access to education and healthcare, and low-wage jobs. The difference is that Central American activists have called for the inclusion of Central American issues and experiences within the broader movement. The Central American diaspora have faced discrimination and mistreatment in the United States, particularly from other Latinos because of their identity. The effects of

19400-424: The United States were entitled to equal protection under the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution . Throughout the country, the Chicano Movement was defined by several different leaders. In New Mexico, there was Reies López Tijerina who worked on the land grant movement. He fought to regain control of what he considered ancestral lands. He became involved in civil rights causes within six years and also became

19600-427: The adaptive resistance she exhibited that ultimately led to her survival. By challenging patriarchal and colonial representations, Chicana writers re-construct their relationship to the figure of La Malinche and these other powerful archetypes, and reclaim them in order to re-frame a spirituality and identity that is both decolonizing and empowering. La Malinche is a victim of centuries of patriarchal myths that permeate

19800-560: The adoption of a/o or o/a as a way of acknowledging both genders when discussing the community. Alma Garcia wrote that the Chicana feminist movement was created to adhere to the specific issues which have affected Chicana women, and originated from their treatment in the Chicano Movement and second-wave feminist movements. They sought to be treated equally and be respected. The Chicana feminist movement influenced many Chicanas to be more active and to defend their rights not just as single women, but as women in solidarity who come together forming

20000-551: The anthology Chicana Lesbians: The Girls Our Mothers Warned Us About (1991), published by Third Woman Press. This anthology featured cover art by Ester Hernandez titled "La Ofrenda." Vincent Carillo argued that the piece challenged conventional depictions of Chicanas and gendered dynamics. This anthology included poetry and essays by Chicana women creating new understandings of self through their sexuality and race. Chicano Movement Chicano organizations Chicano paramilitaries Chicano subcultures Government of

20200-418: The back of trucks. The group ASCO also participated in the performing art form by having “guerrilla” performances in the streets. This art form spread to the spoken word in 1992 when a collection of Chicana spoken word was recorded on compact disc. Chicano comedians have also been publicly known since the 1980s, and in 1995, the first televised Chicano comedy series was produced by Culture Clash . Photography

20400-573: The body of Chicanas. Examples of Frida Kahlo and her abilities are discussed, as well as Gloria Anzaldúa's diabetes, to illustrated how ability must be discussed when talking about identity. Bost writes that “Since there is no single or constant locus of identification, our analyses must adapt to different cultural frameworks, shifting feelings, and matter that is fluid.[...] our thinking about bodies, identities, and politics must keep moving.” Bost uses examples of contemporary Chicana artists and literature to illustrate this: Chicana feminism has not ended; it

20600-482: The broader group as a whole, allowing them to live lives as they desire – commanding cultural respect and equality. Resilience is an overarching theme of Chicana feminism: the strength it takes to not only divide but bring forth a new mindset of equality. Central to much of Chicana feminism is a reclaiming of the female archetypes La Virgen de Guadalupe , La Llorona , and La Malinche . These archetypes have prevented Chicanas from achieving sexual and bodily agency due to

20800-631: The city of Los Angeles , as far as Kingsville, Tx in South Texas, where many students were jailed by the county and protests ensued. In the LA County high schools of El Monte , Alhambra , and Covina (particularly Northview), the students marched to fight for their rights. Similar walkouts took place in 1978 in Houston high schools to protest the discrepant academic quality for Latino students. There were also several student sit-ins which objected

21000-462: The conquest of the Aztec Empire . She bore Cortés a son, Martín, who is considered to be the first mestizo and the beginning of the "Mexican" race. After Mexico gained independence from Spain in 1821, a scapegoat was needed to justify centuries of colonial rule. Because of Malintzin's relationship with Cortés and her role as translator and informant in Spain's conquest of Mexico, she was seen as

21200-490: The construction of Chicano identity in relation with queerness. Offering a critique of the exclusion of people of color from mainstream gay movements as well as the homophobia rampant in Chicano nationalist movements. Moraga also discusses Aztlán , the metaphysical land and nation that belongs to Chicano ideologies, as well as how the ideas within the communidad need to move forward into making new forms of culture and community in order to survive. "Feminist critics are committed to

21400-494: The country (and in a few foreign countries), giving the new movement of women's liberation its name. Many of the women in the Westside group went on to start other feminist organizations, including the Chicago Women's Liberation Union . In 1968, an SDS organizer at the University of Washington told a meeting about white college men working with poor white men, and "[h]e noted that sometimes after analyzing societal ills,

21600-431: The critical importance of these texts, many continued to be left out of critical discourse in Chicana/o studies for decades, and are still often ignored. This indicated a lagging refusal of masculine-focused Chicanismo to shift its views and grant serious attention to Chicana discourses. Major texts associated with this period that are foundational to Chicana/o studies, despite not always acknowledged, include: Xicanisma

21800-678: The decreasing funding of Chicano courses. Chicano student groups such as the United Mexican American Students (UMAS), the Mexican American Youth Association (MAYA) in California, and the Mexican American Youth Organization in Texas, developed in universities and colleges in the mid-1960s. South Texas had a local chapter of MAYO that also made significant changes to the racial tension in this area at

22000-498: The development of Chicano art during El Movimiento, and stood firm in preserving their religion. The Chicano Movement was influenced by and entwined with the Black power movement , and both movements held similar objectives of community empowerment and liberation while also calling for Black–Brown unity . Leaders such as César Chávez , Reies Tijerina , and Rodolfo Gonzales learned strategies of resistance and worked with leaders of

22200-569: The different beliefs that feminists hold. Some black feminists who were active in the early second-wave feminism include civil rights lawyer and author Florynce Kennedy , who co-authored one of the first books on abortion, 1971's Abortion Rap ; Cellestine Ware, of New York's Stanton-Anthony Brigade ; and Patricia Robinson. These women "tried to show the connections between racism and male dominance" in society. The Indochinese Women's Conferences (IWC) in Vancouver and Toronto in 1971, demonstrated

22400-443: The discourse of the Chicano movement that disregard them, as well as oppose the hegemonic feminism that neglects race and class. Through the Chicano movement, Chicanas felt that the movement was not addressing certain issues that women faced under a patriarchal society, specifically addressing material conditions. Within the feminist discourse, Chicanas wanted to bring awareness to the forced sterilization many Mexican women faced during

22600-655: The dominant culture and that the dominant culture must remain dominant for counterstance to exist. For Anzaldua and this theory of embodiment, there must be space to create something new. The “new mestiza” was a canonical text that redefined what it meant to be Chicana. In this theory, being Chicana entails hybridity, contradictions, tolerance for ambiguity, and plurality, nothing is rejected or excluded from histories and legacies of oppression. Further, this theory of embodiment calls for synthesizing all aspects of identity and creating new meanings, not simply balancing or coming together of different aspects of identity. The term mujerista

22800-505: The dominant group or elite that holds power or authority in a nation. Many successful organizations were formed, such as the Mexican American Youth Organization, to fight for civil rights of Mexican Americans. During the early 1960s in Texas many Mexican-Americans were treated like second class citizens and discriminated against. While progress has been made for equality, immigrants even to this day are still

23000-435: The era of third-wave feminism in the early 1990s. In 1963, Betty Friedan published her book The Feminine Mystique addressing the issues that many white-middle class housewives were facing at the time. Friedan's work catalyzed the second wave, and in particular the liberal feminist sector of the movement. Her work gave these women the language to be able to articulate the dissatisfaction they felt in their role of being

23200-503: The feminine is recovered from its current place of subordination enforced through the coloniality of gender . There are many central themes of Chicana feminism that have been developed by Chicanas. Chicana feminism serves to highlight a much greater movement than generally perceived; a variety of minority groups are given a platform to confront their oppressors whether that be racism, homophobia, and multiple other forms of social injustice. Chicana liberation unshackles individuals, as well as

23400-542: The first Chicana organizations was the East Los Angeles Chicana Welfare Rights Organization, founded by Alicia Escalante in 1967. She became a vocal representative of East Los Angeles at campaign meetings where no one else from the neighborhood was present. She spoke out against the dehumanization of welfare recipients, particularly of Chicana and Black women. In a 1968 article for La Raza newspaper , she wrote that

23600-492: The forefront of the movement's discourses. Enriqueta Longeaux and Vasquez discussed in the Third World Women's Conference, "There is a need for world unity of all peoples suffering exploitation and colonial oppression here in the U.S., the most wealthy, powerful, expansionist country in the world, to identify ourselves as third world peoples in order to end this economic and political expansion." The Chicano Movement

23800-405: The generation of suffragettes who fought for legal rights to the feminists of the 1960s and '70s. It is now used to not only distinguish the different priorities in feminism throughout the years but to establish an overarching fight for equity and equality as a way of understanding its history. This metaphor however is critiqued by feminists as it generalizes the contradictions within the movement and

24000-491: The groundwork for the second wave, specifically the work of French writer Simone de Beauvoir in the 1940s where she examined the notion of women being perceived as "other" in the patriarchal society. Simone de Beauvoir was an existentialist, meaning she believed in the existence of the individual person as a free and responsible agent determining their own development through acts of the will. She went on to conclude in her 1949 treatise The Second Sex that male-centered ideology

24200-423: The group utilized the streets of California to display their bodies as murals to draw attention from different audiences. Chicano artists created a bi-cultural style that included US and Mexican influences. The Mexican style can be found by their use of bright colors and expressionism. The art has a very powerful regionalist factor that influences its work. Examples of Chicano muralism can be found in California at

24400-533: The historic Estrada Courts Housing Projects in Boyle Heights. Another example is La Marcha Por La Humanidad , which is housed at the University of Houston. Chicano performing arts also began developing in the 1960s with the creation of bilingual Chicano theater, playwriting, comedy, and dance. Recreating Mexican performances and staying in line with the “rasquachismo” concept, Chicanos performed skits about inequalities faced by people within their culture on

24600-701: The home for a source of income. In 1967, at the International Alliance of Women Congress held in London, delegates were made aware of an initiative by the UN Commission on the Status of Women to study and evaluate the situation of women in their countries. Many organizations and NGOs like the Association of Business and Professional Women, Soroptimists Clubs , as well as teaching and nursing associations developed committees in response to

24800-502: The idea that they should not have any ambitions outside their home. Friedan described this as "The Problem That Has No Name". The perfect nuclear family image depicted and strongly marketed at the time, she wrote, did not reflect happiness and was rather degrading for women. This book is widely credited with having begun second-wave feminism in the United States. The problems of the nuclear family in America are also heteronormative and

25000-504: The importance of connecting issues of gender with the other liberatory aims of the Chicano Movement. Chicanas also renounced the mainstream second-wave feminist movement for its inability to include racism and classism in their politics. Chicanas during this time felt excluded from mainstream feminist movements because they had different needs, concerns, and demands. Through persistent objections to their exclusions, women have gone from being called Chicano women to Chicanas to introducing

25200-600: The initiative to prepare evaluations on the conditions of women and urge their governments to establish National Commissions on the Status of Women. In Turkey and Israel , second-wave feminism began in the 1980s. The Regatta Hotel protest in 1965 that challenged the ban on women being served drinks in public bars in Queensland marked the beginning of second wave feminist action in Brisbane and gained significant media coverage. Kay Saunders notes, "when you use

25400-571: The interest of a multitude of women's groups in the Vietnam Antiwar movement. Lesbian groups, women of color, and Vietnamese groups saw their interests mirrored in the anti-imperialist spirit of the conference. Although the IWC used a Canadian venue, membership was primarily composed of American groups. The ideals of liberal feminism worked towards the idea of women's equality with that of men because liberal feminists felt that women and men have

25600-625: The involvement of various movements, the main goal of these Chicanas was to include their intersecting identities within these movements, specifically choosing to add women's issues, racial issues, and LGBTQ issues within movements that ignored such identities. One of the biggest women's issues that the Chicanas faced was that Mexican men drew their masculinity from forcing traditional female roles on women and expecting women to bear as many children as they could. Sociologist Teresa Cordova, when discussing Chicana feminism, has stated that Chicanas change

25800-458: The key meeting spaces and economic engines of the movement. Because white feminists' voices have dominated the narrative from the early days of the movement, typical narratives of second-wave feminism focus on the sexism encountered by white middle- and upper-class women, with the absence of black and other women of color and the experience of working-class women, although women of color wrote and founded feminist political activist groups throughout

26000-514: The late 1940s, Mexican American children often grew up in segregated colonias in company towns for the agricultural industry. Mexican children, especially of darker skin, were only allowed by the U.S. government to attend segregated "Mexican schools." While white schools taught academic preparation, girls at "Mexican schools" were only permitted to be taught homemaking and sewing, while boys were taught gardening and bootmaking. This maintained class and income divisions. De jure racial segregation

26200-424: The late Franco period and early transition period was not unified. It had many different political dimensions, however, they all shared a belief in the need for greater equality for women in Spain and a desire to defend the rights of women. Feminism moved from being about the individual to being about the collective. It was during this period that second-wave feminism arrived in Spain. Second-wave Spanish feminism

26400-568: The law shall not be denied because of sex, and most of these provisions mirror the broad language of the Equal Rights Amendment. Furthermore, many women's groups are still active and are major political forces. As of 2011 , more women earn bachelor's degrees than men, half of the Ivy League presidents are women, the numbers of women in government and traditionally male-dominated fields have dramatically increased, and in 2009

26600-811: The leadership of the UMAS and Chicano movements on the CU Boulder Campus. On May 27, 1974, Reyes Martinez, an attorney from Alamosa, Colorado, Martinez's girlfriend, Una Jaakola, CU Boulder alumna University of Colorado Boulder , and Neva Romero, an UMAS student attending CU Boulder , were killed in a car bombing at Boulder's Chautauqua Park. Two days later another car bomb exploded in the Burger King parking lot at 1728 28th St. in Boulder, killing Francisco Dougherty, 20, Florencio Grenado, 31, and Heriberto Teran, 24, and seriously injuring Antonio Alcantar. It

26800-631: The location of the first car bomb explosion exactly 46 years ago. The City of Boulder provided a $ 5000 grant for the memorial which the Colorado Chautauqua Association's Buildings and Grounds Committee and the City of Boulder Landmarks Review Committee approved. Family members of the deceased gathered to watch as the stone monument was put in place. The Chicano Moratorium was a movement by Chicano activists that organized anti-Vietnam War demonstrations and activities throughout

27000-458: The mainstream Chicano nationalist movement and the second wave feminist movement , which formed the basis of Chicana feminism by the 1960s. Although the Chicano Movement was organized toward empowering the greater Mexican American community, the narratives and focus of the Movement largely ignored the women that were involved with organizing during this period of civil disobedience. Throughout these events, Chicana feminists collectively realized

27200-548: The mainstream media but the main points of the movement are: self-respect, pride, and cultural rebirth. This is a list of the major epicenters of the Chicano Movement. While Chicanas are typically not covered as heavily in literature about the Chicano movement, Chicana feminists have begun to re-write the history of women in the movement. Chicanas who were actively involved within the movement have come to realize that their intersecting identities of being both Chicanas and women were more complex than their male counterparts. Through

27400-531: The mainstream media, and how placing them at home (as 'housewives') limited their possibilities and wasted potential. She had helped conduct a very important survey using her old classmates from Smith College . This survey revealed that the women who work in the workforce while also playing a role in the home were more satisfied with their life compared with the women who stayed home. The women who stayed home showed feelings of agitation and sadness. She concluded that many of these unhappy women had immersed themselves in

27600-458: The men shared leisure time by 'balling a chick together.' He pointed out that such activities did much to enhance the political consciousness of poor white youth. A woman in the audience asked, 'And what did it do for the consciousness of the chick? ' " (Hole, Judith, and Ellen Levine, Rebirth of Feminism , 1971, pg. 120). After the meeting, a handful of women formed Seattle 's first women's liberation group. The term "second-wave feminism" itself

27800-524: The mid-1990s, Dolores Delgado Bernal interviewed eight significant female walkout participants or leaders, bringing attention to the women the media had ignored: Celeste Baca, Vickie Castro, Paula Crisostomo, Mita Cuaron, Tanya Luna Mount, Rosalinda M. González, Rachael Ochoa Cervera, and Cassandra Zacarías. The oral histories of these women revealed that they organized community meetings, established connections, between students across various schools and organizations, and published underground newspapers to spread

28000-572: The middle and upper class. Friedan stepped down as president in 1969. In 1963, freelance journalist Gloria Steinem gained widespread popularity among feminists after a diary she authored while working undercover as a Playboy Bunny waitress at the Playboy Club was published as a two-part feature in the May and June issues of Show . In her diary, Steinem alleged the club was mistreating its waitresses in order to gain male customers and exploited

28200-544: The migrant farm worker activist Maria Elena Lucas reveals the enormous difficulties of organizing farmworkers. The Farah Strike , 1972–1974, labeled the "strike of the century," was organized and led by Mexican American women predominantly in El Paso, Texas . Employees of the Farah Manufacturing Company went on strike to stand for job security and their right to establish and join a union. One of

28400-555: The most significant legal victories of the movement after the formation of NOW were a 1967 Executive Order extending full affirmative action rights to women, a 1968 EEOC decision ruling illegal sex-segregated help wanted ads, Title IX and the Women's Educational Equity Act (1972 and 1974, respectively, educational equality), Title X (1970, health and family planning), the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (1974),

28600-583: The movement are more difficult to pinpoint and are often disputed. The movement is usually believed to have begun in 1963, when Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique , and President John F. Kennedy 's Presidential Commission on the Status of Women released its report on gender inequality. The administration of President Kennedy made women's rights a key issue of the New Frontier , and named women (such as Esther Peterson ) to many high-ranking posts in his administration. Kennedy also established

28800-458: The movement formed in: the liberal feminists and the radical feminists. The liberal feminists, led by figures such as Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem advocated for federal legislation to be passed that would promote and enhance the personal and professional lives of women. On the other hand, radical feminists, such as Casey Hayden and Mary King, adopted the skills and lessons that they had learned from their work with student organizations such as

29000-634: The movement, Corky Gonzales was able to spread the Chicano issues worldwide through "The Plan Espiritual de Aztlán." This manifesto advocated Chicano nationalism and self-determination for Mexican Americans. In March 1969 it was adopted by the First National Chicano Liberation Youth Conference based in Colorado. Adolfo Ortega says, "In its core as well as its fringes, the Chicano Movement verged on strivings for economic, social, and political equality." This

29200-421: The movement, especially in the 1970s. At the same time some narratives present a perspective that focuses on events in the United States to the exclusion of the experiences of other countries. Writers like Audre Lorde argued that this homogenized vision of "sisterhood" could not lead to real change because it ignored factors of one's identity such as race, sexuality, age, and class. The term " intersectionality "

29400-545: The movement. America was a land of immigrants not just for the social and economically accepted people. The movement made it a point not to exclude others of other cultures but to bring them into the fold to make everyone understanding of one another. While America was new for many people of Latin descent it was important to celebrate what made them who they were as a culture. Entertainment was powerful tool to spread their political message inside and out of their social circles in America. Chicanismo might not be discussed frequently in

29600-550: The movements from within. Repression from law enforcement broadened Chicano political consciousness, their identities in relation to the larger society, and encouraged them to focus their efforts in politics. There are also cases involving Central American activists and the police that sparked activism within the greater Chicano Movement. One case is that of Los Siete de la Raza and their altercation with two policemen in San Francisco's Mission District in 1969. Art of

29800-406: The need for free abortions. In 1970 there was a brief but strong women's movement belonging to second wave feminism. Rape in marriage was not considered a crime at the time, and victims of domestic violence had few places to go. Feminists also fought for a day-care system that would be open to the public, and for the right for not only paid maternity leave but also paternity leave. Today there

30000-399: The need to not only reclaim one's Indigenous roots and spirituality, but to "reinsert the forsaken feminine into our consciousness" that was subordinated through colonization . It therefore challenges the masculine-focused aspects of the movement and the patriarchal bias of the Spanish language : being Xicanisma rather than Chicanismo . Castillo argued that using this X as a symbol of

30200-407: The organization as hermanas en la lucha and encouraging them to stand together. Membership in the Brown Berets helped to give Chicanas autonomy, and the ability to express their own political views without fear. An important Chicana in the Brown Berets was Gloria Arellanes , the only female minister of the Brown Berets. The Hijas de Cuauhtémoc began as an activist rap group and would later become

30400-507: The original stewards of this land who were forcibly removed & all who remain.” It also states, “Por Todxs Quienes Luchan Por La Justicia” (for all those who fight for justice). CU students have protested a campus decision not to make the art exhibit permanent. CU announced the exhibit would be made permanent in September 2020. A memorial in honor of Los Seis de Boulder was installed at Chautauqua Park in Boulder on May 27, 2020, at

30600-601: The patriarchal dichotomy of puta/virgin : the positive role model and the negative one. These figures are historically and continuously held up before Mexican women and Chicanas as icons and mirrors in which to examine their own self-image and define their self-esteem. Malintzin (also known as Doña Marina by the Spaniards or "La Malinche" post- Mexican independence from Spain ) was born around 1505 to noble indigenous parents in rural Mexico. Since Indigenous women were often used as pawns for political alliances at this time, she

30800-522: The pens of contemporary Chicano writers. Operating within the Chicano art movement is the concept “rasquachismo,” which comes from the Spanish term “rasquache.” This term is used to describe something that is of lower quality or status and is often correlated with groups in a society that fit this description and have to become resourceful to get by. Chicano artists being resourceful can be seen when artists cut up tin cans and flatten them out into rectangles to use as canvases. In addition to its influence in

31000-432: The percentage of women in the American workforce temporarily surpassed that of men. The salary of the average American woman has also increased over time, although as of 2008 it is only 77% of the average man's salary, a phenomenon often referred to as the gender pay gap . Whether this is due to discrimination is very hotly disputed, however economists and sociologists have provided evidence to that effect. The movement

31200-660: The political momentum generated by the Moratorium led many of its activists to continue their activism in other groups. The rally became violent when there was a disturbance in Laguna Park. There were people of all ages at the rally because it was intended to be a peaceful event. The sheriffs who were there later claimed that they were responding to an incident at a nearby liquor store that involved Chicanos who had allegedly stolen some drinks. The sheriffs also added that upon their arrival they were hit with cans and stones. Once

31400-445: The preservation of Chicano culture, but we know that our culture will not survive marital rape, battering, incest, drug and alcohol abuse, AIDS, and the marginalization of lesbian daughters and gay sons." Moraga brings up criticisms of the Chicano Movement and how it has been ignoring the issues within the movement itself, and that needs to be addressed in order for the culture to be preserved. In Chicana Lesbians: Fear and Loathing in

31600-522: The principles intrinsic in the concept of chicanismo . Early in the twentieth century, Mexican Americans formed organizations to protect themselves from discrimination. One of those organizations, the League of United Latin American Citizens , was formed in 1929 and remains active today. The movement gained momentum after World War II when groups such as the American G.I. Forum (AGIF), which

31800-405: The problem at hand. The second wave of the feminist movement also marks the emergence of women's studies as a legitimate field of study. In 1970, San Diego State University was the first university in the United States to offer a selection of women's studies courses. The 1977 National Women's Conference in Houston , Texas, presented an opportunity for women's liberation groups to address

32000-467: The queer exist at this time and point on the evolutionary continuum for a purpose. We are blending that proves that all blood is intricately woven together and that we are spawned out of similar souls." This intervention centers queerness as a focal part of liberation, a lived experience that cannot be ignored or excluded. In Queer Aztlán: the Reformation of Chicano Tribe , Cherríe Moraga questions

32200-460: The right women had to equality was one small part of the nationwide civil rights revolution that was happening during the 1960s. Women who favoured radical feminism collectively spoke of being forced to remain silent and obedient to male leaders in New Left organizations. They spoke out about how they were not only told to do clerical work such as stuffing envelopes and typing speeches, but there

32400-484: The rise of Chicanismo , Chicano/a became a reclaimed term in the 1960s and 1970s, used to express political autonomy, ethnic and cultural solidarity , and pride in being of Indigenous descent, diverging from the assimilationist Mexican-American identity. The Chicano Movement encompassed a broad list of issues—from restoration of land grants, to farm workers' rights, to enhanced education, to voting and political ethnic stereotypes of Mexicans in mass media and

32600-567: The role of feminism within the Chicano movement. These conflicts led to a walkout on the final day of the conference. According to Anna Nieto-Gómez, "the walkout distinguished the conflict between Chicana feminists and loyalists." Described as "vendida logic" by scholar Maylei Blackwell, Chicana feminists were often accused of being "vendidas" or traitors to the Chicano movement, described as anti-family, anti-man, and anti-Chicano movement. Alongside vendida, Chicana feminists were called "women's libber," "agringadas," or lesbians. Chicanas who prioritized

32800-445: The same intrinsic capabilities and that society has socialized certain skills out. This elimination of difference works to erase sexism by working within a pre-existing system of oppression rather than challenging the system itself. Working towards equality preserves a system by giving everyone the same opportunities regardless of their privilege whereas the framework of equity would address problems in society and find solutions to target

33000-404: The second wave. In 1961, 50,000 women in 60 cities, mobilized by Women Strike for Peace , protested above ground testing of nuclear bombs and tainted milk. In 1963, Betty Friedan, influenced by Simone de Beauvoir's ground-breaking, feminist The Second Sex , wrote the bestselling book The Feminine Mystique . Discussing primarily white women, she explicitly objected to how women were depicted in

33200-474: The service sector. After the publication of Friedan's The Feminine Mystique in 1963, many women connected to the feeling of isolation and dissatisfaction that the book detailed. The book itself, however, was not a call to action, but rather a plea for self-realization and consciousness raising among middle-class women throughout America. Many of these women organized to form the National Organization for Women in 1966, whose "Statement of Purpose" declared that

33400-535: The sheriff arrived, they claimed the rally to be an "unlawful assembly" which turned violent. Tear gas and mace were everywhere, demonstrators were hit by billy clubs and arrested as well. The event that took place was being referred to as a riot, some have gone as far to call it a "Police Riot" to emphasize that the police were the ones who initiated it. The LA Protest brought many chicanos together and got support from other areas like Denver, Colorado who brought one hundred members and affiliates. On August 29, 1970, this

33600-487: The state believed that welfare recipients "should be ashamed of yourselves for living." She organized to protest the slashing of welfare funds for essential needs that were labeled as "special needs" by the state. The Brown Berets were a youth group that took on a more militant approach to organizing for the Mexican-American community formed in California in the late 1960s. They heavily valued strong bonds between women, stating that women Berets must acknowledge other women in

33800-728: The struggle of urban youth, and created political awareness and participated in La Raza Unida Party. The most prominent civil rights organization in the Mexican-American community is the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF), founded in 1968. Although modeled after the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund , MALDEF has also taken on many of the functions of other organizations, including political advocacy and training of local leaders. Some women who worked for

34000-548: The subversive power of reclaiming Indigenous spirituality to unlearn colonial and patriarchal constructions and restrictions on women, their sexuality, and their understandings of motherhood: "I will no longer be made to feel ashamed of existing. I will have my voice: Indian, Spanish, white." La Virgen de Guadalupe , in the Catholic faith , has long been looked to as an exemplary figure of female sexual purity and motherhood, especially in Mexican and Chicano culture . Members of

34200-570: The term ‘‘second wave’’ it actually started in Brisbane." In 1970 the law was changed to allow women to be served drinks in public bars in Queensland. In the 1960s, feminism again became a part of debate in Finland after the publication of Anna-Liisa Sysiharjun 's Home, Equality and Work (1960) and Elina Haavio-Mannilan 's Suomalainen nainen ja mies (1968), and the student feminist group Yhystis 9 (1966–1970) addressed issues such as

34400-556: The time. Members included Faustino Erebia Jr, local politician and activist, who has been a keynote speaker at Texas A&M University at the annual Cesar Chavez walk. At the historic meeting at the University of California, Santa Barbara in April 1969, the diverse student organizations came together under the new name Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MECHA). Between 1969 and 1971, MECHA grew rapidly in California with major centers of activism on campuses in southern California, and

34600-528: The visual arts, the concept “rasquachismo” informs Chicano performing arts. El Teatro Campesino's La Carpa de los Rasquachis is a play written by Luis Valdez in 1972, which tells the story of a farmworker that has migrated to the United States from Mexico; this play teaches the audience to look for ways to be resourceful. Chicano Art developed around the 1960s during the Chicano Liberation Movement. In its beginning stages, Chicano art

34800-406: The walkouts received most of the media attention, primarily the thirteen male student organizers who were detained and imprisoned on conspiracy accusations. Dolores Delgado Bernal, a Chicana researcher, claims that by concentrating only on male students, the participation and leadership of girls and women were severely reduced and the efforts required to organize the walkouts were minimized. Later in

35000-497: The ways they have been historically constructed as negative categories through the lenses of patriarchy and colonialism . Shifting the discourse from a traditional (patriarchal) representation of these archetypes to a decolonial feminist understanding of them is a crucial element of contemporary Chicana feminism, and represents the starting point for a reclamation of Chicana female power, sexuality, and spirituality. Gloria Anzaldúa 's canonical text Borderlands/La Frontera addresses

35200-502: The word of the movement and recruit more student participation and support. A year after the walkouts, the Chicano Youth Liberation Conference was held in 1969. About 1,500 Mexican American teenagers from throughout the country attended the conference, which led to the branding of the words "Chicanismo," "El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán," and MEChA , the nationwide student organization. At the conference,

35400-460: Was coined in 1989 by Kimberlé Crenshaw at the end of the second wave. Many scholars believe that the beginning of third wave feminism was due to the problems of the second wave, rather than just another movement. The second wave of feminism in the United States came as a delayed reaction against the renewed domesticity of women after World War II : the late 1940s post-war boom , which was an era characterized by an unprecedented economic growth,

35600-403: Was a movement focused on critiquing patriarchal or male-dominated institutions and cultural practices throughout society. Second-wave feminism also brought attention to issues of domestic violence and marital rape , created rape crisis centers and women's shelters , and brought about changes in custody law and divorce law. Feminist-owned bookstores , credit unions, and restaurants were among

35800-481: Was a simple message that any ordinary person could relate to and want to strive for in their daily lives. Whether someone was talented or not they wanted to help spread the political message in their own way. While majority of the group consisted of Mexican-Americans many people of other nationalities wanted to help the movement. This help moved the movement from the fringes into the more mainstream political establishment. The "Political Establishment" typically consisted of

36000-554: Was about the struggle for the rights of women in the context of the dictatorship. PCE would start in 1965 to promote this movement with MDM, creating a feminist political orientation around building solidarity for women and assisting imprisoned political figures. MDM launched its movement in Madrid by establishing associations among the housewives of the Tetuán and Getafe in 1969. In 1972, Asociación Castellana de Amas de Casa y Consumidora

36200-404: Was also an expectation for them to sleep with the male activists that they worked with. While these acts of sexual harassment took place, the young women were neglected their right to have their own needs and desires recognized by their male cohorts. Many radical feminists had learned from these organizations how to think radically about their self-worth and importance, and applied these lessons in

36400-423: Was also fought alongside the civil rights , Black power , Chicano and gay liberation movements, where many feminists were active participants throughout these fights for a voice in the United States. Many historians view the second-wave feminist era in America as ending in the early 1980s with intra-feminism disputes of the feminist sex wars over issues such as sexuality and pornography , which ushered in

36600-474: Was another form of art that aided in the Chicano Movement's progress. About 20 years after the Chicano Movement, Chicano artists were affected by political priorities and societal values, and they were also becoming more accepted by society. They were becoming more interested making pieces for the museums and such, which caused Chicano art to become more commercialized, and less concerned with political protest. Chicano art has continued to expand and adapt since

36800-466: Was being accepted as a norm and enforced by the ongoing development of myths, and that the fact that women are capable of getting pregnant, lactating, and menstruating is in no way a valid cause or explanation to place them as the "second sex". This book was translated from French to English (with some of its text excised) and published in America in 1953. In 1960, the Food and Drug Administration approved

37000-547: Was betrayed by her mother and her mother's second husband and sold into slavery to the Mayans to save the inheritance for her newborn brother. Between the ages of 12–14, traded to Hernan Cortés as a concubine, and because of her intelligence and fluency in multiple languages, was promoted to his "wife" and diplomat. She served as Cortés's translator, playing a key role in the Spaniard's conquest of Tenochtitlan and, by extension,

37200-462: Was better socially and economically to act "White" or "Normal." The movement wanted to break that mindset and embrace who they were and be loud and proud of it. A lot of people in the movement thought it was acceptable to speak Spanish to one another and not be ashamed of not being fluent in English. The movement encouraged to not only discuss tradition with other Mexican-Americans but others not within

37400-472: Was brought into common parlance by American journalist Martha Lear in a March 1968 New York Times Magazine article titled "The Second Feminist Wave: What Do These Women Want?". She wrote, "Proponents call it the Second Feminist Wave, the first having ebbed after the glorious victory of suffrage and disappeared, finally, into the great sandbar of Togetherness." The term wave helped link

37600-468: Was created to widen the group's ability to attract members. Second-wave feminism entered the Spanish comic community by the early 1970s. It was manifested in Spanish comics in two ways. The first was that it increased the number of women involved in comics production as writers and artists. The second was it transformed how female characters were portrayed, making women less passive and less likely to be purely sexual beings. In Sweden, second-wave feminism

37800-496: Was defined by Ada María Isasi-Díaz in 1996 and was largely influenced by the African American women's " Womanist " approach proposed by Alice Walker . This Latina feminist identity draws from the main ideas of womanism by combating inequality and oppression through participation in social justice movements within the Latina/o community. Mujerismo is rooted in the relationships built with the community and emphasizes individual experiences in relation to "communal struggles" to redefine

38000-413: Was distinguished by the expression through public art forms. Many artists saw the need for self-representation because the media was trying to suppress their voices. Chicano artists during this time used visual arts, such as posters and murals in the streets, as a form of communication to spread the word of political events affecting Chicano culture; UFW strikes, student walkouts, and anti-war rallies were

38200-437: Was founded by returning Mexican American veteran Dr. Hector P. Garcia, joined in the efforts by other civil rights organizations. The AGIF first received national exposure when it took on the cause of Felix Longoria , a Mexican American serviceman who was denied a funeral service in his hometown of Three Rivers, Texas after being killed during WWII. After the Longoria incident, the AGIF quickly expanded throughout Texas, and by

38400-451: Was held in Houston, Texas in May 1971. The conference attracted over 600 women from all over the United States to discuss issues regarding equal access to education, reproductive justice, formation of childcare centers, and more. The conference was organized into nine different workshops: "Sex and the Chicana: Noun and Verb," "Choices for Chicanas: Education and Occupation," "Marriage: Chicana-Style," "Religion," "Feminist Movement - Do We Have

38600-436: Was largely successful, with the failure of the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment and Nixon 's veto of the Comprehensive Child Development Bill of 1972 (which would have provided a multibillion-dollar national day care system) the only major legislative defeats. Efforts to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment have continued. Ten states have adopted constitutions or constitutional amendments providing that equal rights under

38800-411: Was later determined both explosions were caused by homemade bombs composed of up to nine dynamite sticks. Most of the victims were involved in the UMAS movement in Boulder, Colorado . They came to be known as Los Seis de Boulder . Many students in the UMAS and Chicano movement believed the bombing was directly correlated to the students' demands and rising attention on the Chicano movement. An arrest

39000-406: Was never made in connection with the car bombing. A University of Colorado Boulder Master of Fine Arts student, Jasmine Baetz, created an art exhibit in 2019 dedicated to Los Seis de Boulder . The art exhibit is a seven-foot-tall rectangular sculpture that includes six mosaic tile portraits. The depiction of each activist faces the direction in which he or she died. It currently sits in front of

39200-434: Was not only limited to Mexican-American individuals. Central Americans also participated in the movement, often identifying themselves as Chicano. In the 1960s, the Central American population comprised approximately 50,000 across the United States. In California, Central Americans migrated and concentrated in cities like San Jose, San Francisco, and Los Angeles . Similar to Mexican Americans, Central Americans faced issues in

39400-405: Was overturned in 1947 with Mendez vs. Westminster , yet segregation still continued in practice in many areas because of continuing racist attitudes and anti-Mexican sentiment . Pachucas , who were the counterpart to Pachucos in the 1940s, have sometimes been reframed through a feminist lens because of their challenge to gender norms , especially during World War II . The Pachuca is often not

39600-489: Was pictured being carried away from the scene by several brothers and was later announced dead at the scene. Montag was a Sephardic Jew who supported the movement. Edward J. Escobar details in his work the relationship between various movements and demonstrations within the Chicano Movement and the Los Angeles Police Department between the years 1968–1971. His main argument explores how "police violence, rather than subduing Chicano movement activism, propelled that activism to

39800-495: Was short-lived, but influential. It was initially started with twelve women, most of whom were journalists . One of the co-founders was June Levine . In 1971, a group of Irish feminists (including June Levine , Mary Kenny , Nell McCafferty , Máirín Johnston , and other members of the Irish Women's Liberation Movement ) travelled to Belfast , Northern Ireland , on the so-called " Contraceptive Train " and returned with condoms , which were then illegal in Ireland. In 1973,

40000-472: Was the largest rebellious movement of minorities since Watts uprising of (1965). More than 150 people were arrested and four were killed some accidental. A report from the Los Angeles Times stated, Gustav Montag got in direct contact with the police when they began opening fire in an alley and Gustav's defense was to throw broken pieces of concrete at the officers. The article stated the police officers were aiming over his head in attempts to scare him off. Montag

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