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Baling Talks

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119-816: 1950 1951 1954 1956 The Baling Talks were held in northern Malaya on 28 and 29 December 1955 in an attempt to resolve the Malayan Emergency situation. The main participants were Chin Peng (representing the Malayan Communist Party ), David Marshall (representing the Crown Colony of Singapore ), and Tunku Abdul Rahman (representing the Government of the Federation of Malaya ). The talks were unsuccessful because

238-480: A Chinese-language university was turned down by the government. The third Malaysian general elections were held on 10 May 1969. MCA faced strong challenges from the new, mainly Chinese, opposition parties Democratic Action Party and Gerakan . Of the 33 parliamentary seats contested, MCA managed to retain only 13. MCA also lost control of the Penang State Government to Gerakan. The gain by

357-465: A challenge from the opposition Democratic Action Party which taunted the MCA's leadership for not daring to contest a seat with large urban Chinese majority, and contested the parliamentary seat for Seremban against the incumbent DAP Chairman Chen Man Hin. Lee won his challenge, and led his party to a resounding victory, winning 24 out of 28 allocated parliamentary seats and 55 out of 62 state seats. After

476-497: A comment by the then Deputy Prime Minister Dr Ismail that if MCA continue to lose support, UMNO may stop co-operating with it. To regain Chinese support, Tan attempted to broaden the appeal of the party previously seen as a party of the taukeh ( tou jia , rich men), and invited professionals to join the party. However, many of these were later expelled after a dispute involving Lim Keng Yaik who then joined Gerakan. With

595-782: A counter-offer to enter into negotiations for the termination of hostilities. The offer was contained in a letter written in Chinese, copies of which were sent to a number of leading personalities and organisations in the Federation of Malaya and in Singapore. The letter was signed by a representative of the Malayan National Liberation Army and dated 1 May, and had been posted in Haadyai in Southern Thailand. None of these letters were sent direct to

714-514: A democratic government". The judicial system was a typical hierarchical structure consisting of lower courts, a High Court and a Court of Appeal. Successive Chief Justices were Sir Stafford Foster-Sutton (1950–1951) (afterwards Chief Justice of Nigeria , 1955), Sir Charles Mathew (1951–1956) and Sir James Beveridge Thomson (1957–1963). [REDACTED] Malayan Chinese Association The Malaysian Chinese Association ( abbrev : MCA ; Malay : Persatuan Cina Malaysia ), fomerly known as

833-692: A greater degree of mobilisation will not be possible until after that year's elections . He was aware that any direct negotiation with the Communists was out of the question. He stressed that it would not be acceptable for the Communists Party to be allowed to operate legally. The proposal was further discussed on 17 January by the Director of Operations Committee , which comprised not only the Director of Operations and his Service Advisers, but

952-602: A minister at the expense of Chan, causing discontent with members aligned to Lim, which became known as "Team B" among party members. The Ling faction was known as "Team A". Tensions flared further after MCA, through its holding company Huaren, moved to acquire the independent daily Nanyang Siang Pau . This was vehemently opposed by Team B, fearing a complete control of the Chinese media by Team A. They were joined by Chinese journalists and non-governmental organisations, who made their opposition public through demonstrations. The situation turned farcical when chairs were thrown during

1071-601: A number of political leaders. The Alliance was represented by Tunku Abdul Rahman and H.S. Lee. The Tunku was asked by the Committee to clarify his amnesty proposal and the eight-point arrangements for an amnesty as proposed by the UMNO-MCA Alliance meeting at Malacca. After the discussion, it was appreciated by the Tunku and H.S. Lee that an amnesty will not be an armistice - something to be negotiated separately with

1190-573: A positive step to show that the government was doing everything in its power to end the emergency. The Committee, which discussed the matter at a series of meetings held in June and July, decided to offer an amnesty to the Communists. The Committee was of the opinion that such an offer would be a timely counter-move by the Federation Government to offset the propaganda value of the Communists' counter-proposal and to convince fence-sitters that

1309-568: A prominent Johor member, was involved in a sex scandal. DVDs of Chua having sex with a woman were circulated in Johor, prompting Chua to resign all his political positions, including as Member of Parliament. Chua suggested that his political enemies within the party who might have felt threatened by him for plotting his downfall. In the March 2008 general elections , MCA fared badly, winning only 15 parliamentary seats and 32 state seats, less than half

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1428-510: A promise from you that you will not carry on your activities, which we say are not loyal to Malaya and are prejudicial to the interests of Malaya and Malayans. We will want you to sign a declaration to that effect". Chin Peng refused to accept this, declaring that for the "dignity of man" if this principle was insisted upon, then they would have to carry on with the struggle. This brought a question from Marshall, "Forgive me for asking, but what are you struggling for?" Chin Peng solemnly replied, "It

1547-525: A significant influence over the political arena in Malaysia since its independence. Through its holding of companies such as Huaren Holdings, MCA controls The Star , which is Malaysia's best-selling English newspaper. The party was once the largest party representing the Chinese community in Malaysia , and was particularly dominant in the early period until the late 1960s. Its fortunes fluctuated after

1666-424: A united front, easily quashing the challenge by vice-president Chua Jui Meng (for president) and secretary-general Ting Chew Peh (for deputy president). The Ong-Chan leadership continued the soft approach to protecting the Chinese community's interests, although tension with UMNO over racial issues flared up now and again after the 2004 election. In early 2008, vice-president and Health Minister Chua Soi Lek ,

1785-407: Is very simple, just for the dignity of man." Marshall exclaimed that using deed of violence to enforce their views on a population that does not want them was hardly compatible with the dignity of man. Chin Peng admitted that their outlook on this question was quite different and he was prepared to argue on it. It was at this point that the talk really broke down. Chin Peng came back time and again to

1904-685: Is why they wanted the question of the recognition of the MCP to be settled" Then Tunku said that he was not asking Communist to give up their ideology- "one's ideology is what one believes in" - but their activities were something quite different. The Tunku reiterated that the Federal Government was not prepared to recognise the Malayan Communist Party because Communist activities had been associated with murder, with atrocities and with acts of violence of every kind. Furthermore,

2023-625: The 1995 general election , winning 30 of the 34 allocated parliamentary seats and 71 of the 77 state seats, and secured a majority of Chinese votes at the expense of DAP. MCA also performed well in the 1999 general elections , and the successive electoral victory boosted the party's standing within the Barisan Nasional coalition as well as Ling's personal relationship with BN leader and prime minister Mahathir Mohamad . However, internal power struggles persisted. In 1993 Ling's deputy Lee Kim Sai indicated that he would challenge Ling for

2142-528: The Federation of Malaya Executive Council and the Federation of Malaya Legislative Council . The conditions of citizenship of the Federation of Malaya were further tightened using law enforcement and naturalisation by application. Under the laws, the following were automatically granted citizenship: Via naturalisation (by application), one could achieve citizenship, given these criteria: In both cases (via naturalisation), applications must be well-behaved, swear allegiance and clarify their reasons for living in

2261-757: The Kedah / Penang area carried this report together with approval of the Geneva Conference on Indochina as an example of "how disputes can be solved justly by peaceful means". The British in Malaya were specifically urged to follow the French example in Indochina . The MCP's counter-proposal was discussed both by the Executive Council and the Director of Operations Committee. At this meeting, which

2380-879: The Malayan Chinese Association, is an ethnic political party in Malaysia that seeks to represent the Malaysian Chinese ethnicity; it was one of the three original major component parties of the coalition party in Malaysia called the Alliance Party , which later became a broader coalition called Barisan Nasional in Malay, or National Front in English. Along with the largest and third largest component party in BN, i.e. United Malays National Organisation and Malaysian Indian Congress , MCA has

2499-813: The Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) during the period. The state of emergency entailed the revocation of many civil rights, the granting of special powers to the police, and other measures. He then mentioned the High Commissioner's announcement in the Legislative Council on 30 November that the British Government no longer considered "the Continuation of the Emergency" as "an obstacle to

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2618-630: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) from Pahang MCA for allegedly linked to the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) fund scandal, has been forfeited to the Malaysian government. Incumbent leadership of MCA was elected by general assembly delegates in the 2023 Malaysian Chinese Association leadership election. Central Committee Members: Nationalism (Mínzú) Democracy (Mínquán) Socialism (Mínshēng) MCA currently has two MPs in

2737-617: The Perikatan Nasional coalition after the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government. In the 2022 election , the Pakatan Harapan won the most seats but not the majority, and returned to government with the support of Barisan Nasional. MCA won two seats, however, it was not given any government cabinet posts and it stayed as a backbencher of the government. On 8 July 2020, a sum of RM835,258.19 seized by

2856-556: The Pusat Tenaga Rakyat (PUTERA), a conglomeration of radical Malay Political Parties and then merged with the All-Malaya Council of Joint Action (AMCJA) which thoroughly opposed the 1948 Federation Agreement for the foundation of the Federation of Malaya. PKMM accused officials selected in the Federation of Malaya of being "puppets" of the "Colonial Office". For PKMM, there was no basis in "preparing Malaya as

2975-505: The general election , Tan Siew Sin resigned all of his party and government posts for health reasons. Lee San Choon took over as Acting President following Tan's resignation, and was then elected president in 1975. After Tan's resignation, the cabinet posts allocated to MCA declined in importance, and MCA lost both the Finance Ministry and Trade and Industry Ministry posts it once held in 1957. The party performed better in

3094-467: The terrorist leaders in Malaya had their own considerations to call off the war. It was thought that MCP leaders realised that they were slowly and steadily losing ground to the Security Forces and wished to concentrate their main efforts on subversion . For that purpose it was essential to them that the trained cadres should emerge from the jungle and instead organise subversive activities in

3213-525: The 1974 election, but lost ground again in the following 1978 general election , with the MCA winning only 17 of the 28 parliamentary seats and 44 of the 60 state seats. In 1979, Michael Chen stood against Lee San Choon for the MCA Presidency but lost, and later in 1981 led a group of MCA dissidents to join Gerakan. The 1982 general election however saw a shift in fortune for MCA. Lee accepted

3332-554: The 2001 Youth general assembly over the issue. Huaren eventually succeeded in taking over Nanyang Siang Pau . Huaren also controls The Star and China Press , and the domination of media press resulted in strong resentments in the divided party and concerns over press freedom. Mahathir, as BN leader, eventually stepped in to resolve the conflict, suggesting a "peace plan" among the factions. The scheduled 2002 party elections were cancelled, while Ling and Lim stepped down to be replaced by their respective protégés. In May 2003,

3451-480: The Alliance's proposal as a British intrigue, designed to cause dissension in the Malayan Communist Party and to isolate it from public support. The Tunku consented to drop the proposal. Both accordingly welcomed a suggestion that a working party should be set up to examine all the implications of an amnesty. The findings were to be recorded for the information of the Director of Operations Committee. The composition of

3570-466: The Colonies, the High Commissioner, Sir Donald MacGillivray , noted that: On 11 January 1955, Tunku Abdul Rahman met the Director of Operations, Lt. General Sir Geoffrey Bourne , in connection with the amnesty proposal. The Tunku stated that his objective was not so much that the MCP would accept an offer of amnesty, but to convince the people of Malaya that everything possible was being done. For him,

3689-463: The Communist owned their allegiance to Communist China. Chin Peng put one more question before another adjournment. Was it necessary for any decisions made at the meeting to be approved by the British Government? The Tunku replied: "If I decide and Mr. Marshall agrees with me, that will be all." The next session started at 6.30 p.m. and lasted until 8.05 p.m. Chin Peng returned with fresh vigour to

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3808-528: The Communist threat persisted, the Tunku believed that the British government would not grant self-government to Malaya. The Tunku's interpretation was based on the British Government directive to Sir Gerald Templer , on his appointment as the new High Commissioner for Malaya in 1951, which stated that " Her Majesty's Government would not lay aside the responsibility in Malaya until they are satisfied that Communist Terrorism has been defeated ". The termination of

3927-464: The Communists accepted the amnesty "everyone would be pardoned." The Tunku then explained the amnesty terms in full. He added that the Government had carried out its part of the terms with regard to local ceasefires but that the Communists had continued offensive action. As a result, ceasefire arrangements had been suspended by the Government, although the Security Forces would like to know the reason. The Tunku also reminded Chin Peng that he did not come to

4046-534: The Communists at the table to test their sincerity. The other Chinese newspapers, particularly those with a KMT or Chinese Nationalist background, strongly supported the Government's rejection and described the peace offer as a manoeuvre to bring about the relaxation of military pressure which would facilitate the infiltration. Having rejected the Communist's proposal, the Director of the Operations Committee thought that it would be necessary to take

4165-410: The Communists nor recognition of the MCP. The British Ministry of Defence was also involved in drafting the terms. The Ministry considered that the point to be stressed was that Communists who surrendered would not be shot, but that no hope should be held out that they would escape detention. Furthermore, it added that, it was essential that hard core Communists should be detained for some time, as it

4284-455: The Communists' leaders - but will be a standing offer of pardon for each individual terrorist. It was also agreed that the amnesty question should not become a party matter. Further publicity about the amnesty was also considered to be undesirable as it would adversely affect conduct of the campaign to encourage the Communists to surrender to the Government. Furthermore, the Communists leaders themselves, in their clandestine news-letter, condemned

4403-455: The Emergency was the first priority of the Alliance , and it had to attempt every means possible to achieve it. It was to this end that, in early January 1955, the Tunku made a dramatic call for the granting of an amnesty to the Communists as part of a deal to bring to an end the state of emergency in Malaya. The Tunku's proposal envisaged that, since a more truly national form of government

4522-495: The Federation was reconstituted as "Malaysia" when it federated with the British territories of Singapore , Sarawak , and North Borneo ; a claim to the latter territory was maintained by the Philippines . Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent republic on 9 August 1965. The government of the Federation of Malaya was headed by a British High Commissioner with executive powers, assisted and advised by

4641-402: The Federation's advance to self-government" aimed at the suppression of left wing political movements, especially the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). On 8 September 1955, the Government of the Federation of Malaya issued a declaration of amnesty to the Communists.[9] The Government of Singapore issued an identical offer at the same time. However, few Communists surrendered to the authorities. It

4760-576: The Federation, Dato Tan Cheng-Lock, President of the MCA , and David Marshall, Chief Minister of the Colony of Singapore . In his opening remarks, Tunku Abdul Rahman thanked the Communists for the confidence they had shown in coming to the meeting. He reminded them that his task was to explain the amnesty terms but not to stand in judgement over them. He then detailed the political changes which had been taking place in Malaya and explained that his election victory

4879-622: The Government English School (now as Sekolah Kebangsaan Tunku Putera) near Baling town in southeastern Kedah state, in northern Malaya, on 28 December 1955. They lasted more than eight hours, and were spread over two days. The MCP was represented by Chin Peng , the Secretary-General, Rashid Maidin and Chen Tien , head of the MCP's Central Propaganda Department. On the other side were three elected national representatives; Tunku Abdul Rahman , chief minister of

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4998-423: The Government opposed the granting of an amnesty it would play into the hands of the Communists for propaganda purposes. The only objection to granting an amnesty, according to the Committee, was that it would have a deadline. Once the deadline lapsed, the remaining terrorists will be less willing to surrender, until confidence could be built up again. The Director of Operations Committee concluded, however, that

5117-434: The Government was not seeking to prolong the Emergency, but to end it. Even if the hard core leaders do not respond, it was expected that large numbers of the rank-and-file might take advantage of the amnesty to give themselves up and escape from the privations of jungle life, thus inducing a split between the leaders and the rank-and-file. An all-out campaign such as leaflets and loudspeakers was thought to be necessary to bring

5236-586: The High Commissioner or to any of his officers. The letter asked a safe conduct to enable representatives of the Headquarters of the Communists terrorists to come out to negotiate both a ceasefire and the participation of the Communist Party in the future development of the country. The letter also rejected the Alliance's amnesty offer. The imminence of the Federal elections probably explained why

5355-668: The Loan and Debt Bill. In 1950, the Federation of Malaya Government rejected the registration of the Malay Nationalist Party of Malaya ( Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya , PKMM) as a legitimate political party. PKMM had two wings, namely Angkatan Pemuda Insaf and Angkatan Wanita Sedar . Initially, PKMM did not have communist leanings. After Mokhtaruddin Lasso was elected as the first PKMM president in October 1946, this party

5474-548: The MCA at the time of its founding was to manage the specific social and welfare concerns of the populations interned in the so-called New Villages created under the Briggs Plan in response to the Malayan Emergency . The declaration that announced the MCA as a formal political party in 1951 was written by a prominent Straits Chinese businessman, Tan Cheng Lock , its first president. In general, its early members were landowners, businessmen, or otherwise better off, while

5593-581: The MCP chose to make their offer at that particular time. Furthermore, the offer was consistent with the then International Communist policy of turning away from armed struggle to expansion by political means. At the second Conference of the Communist and Workers' Parties of the British Commonwealth , held in London in April 1954, a report entitled Malaya Fights for Freedom had been submitted by

5712-457: The MCP was composed of very few Malayan nationals. Chin Peng then asked whether the difference was because most of the members of the MCP in Malaya were Chinese. David Marshall replied that as far as Singapore was concerned that had nothing to do with it. The point was that the Communists were exercising violence. The Tunku added that in Malaya the situation was different because the Malays felt that

5831-612: The Malayan Union before it, the Federation did not include Singapore, despite its traditional connections with Malaya . The Malaya Agreement was formulated by the British–Malay Pleno Conference between June and December 1946. At the end of the meeting, the Pleno Conference produced a 100-page "Blue Book." It was signed on 21 January 1948 at King House by the Malay rulers, and by Sir Edward Gent as

5950-462: The Rulers and agreement to uphold their dignity. Dato Sir Tan Cheng-Lock added that if a man wanted to live in Malaya, he should assume the responsibilities and duties of a good citizen. David Marshall defined loyalty as "loyalty to the government of the day, and loyalty to the constitutional processes in bringing about such changes for the welfare of the people." The talk then turned to the question of

6069-459: The Tunku that if the MCP stopped the armed struggle, then they could enjoy a status that would enable them to fight for independence by constitutional means. The amnesty terms did not contain such a point. To this the Tunku replied that the amnesty specifically declared that Communists who gave up communism and showed that they genuinely intended to be loyal to the government would be "helped to regain their normal position in society". First, however,

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6188-544: The Tunku's sentiment, and even went so far as to publicly volunteer to go into the jungle to negotiate with the Communists. The public response to the Tunku's proposal was favourable for it gave hope that it would lead to an end of militant communism and relieve the country of the heavy financial commitment of waging the emergency campaign. Moreover, it coincided with the amnesty offered to the Mau Mau terrorists in Kenya , which

6307-478: The UMNO Assembly had passed a very important resolution to the effect that independence for Malaya must be given by 31 August 1957. The Tunku then explained to Chin Peng that the objective of his Party was to bring peace to the country. But, in his opinion, there would be no way of bringing about peace other than to offer suitable amnesty terms for the surrender of the Communists. The Tunku reiterated that if

6426-490: The advantages of offering an amnesty outweighed the possible risks and difficulties, and that the offer would carry particular weight if it were made by the new Government soon after the elections. To this end, the Committee began to draft the wording of the amnesty terms. Malcolm MacDonald , the British Commissioner-General for Southeast Asia, suggested that the terms should be designed to appeal to

6545-505: The alliance won 51 of the 52 seat contested. MCA won all 15 of the seats allocated. Tan Cheng Lock was succeeded by Lim Chong Eu after a successful challenge by Lim for the presidency in 1958. Lim attempted to amend the party's Constitution to consolidate the power of the Central Committee, and although amendment was passed narrowly, it also split the party. Prior to the 1959 General Election , Lim pressed for an increase of

6664-419: The allocated number of seats from 28 to 40, but this was refused by UMNO leader Tunku Abdul Rahman . Lim was forced to back down and later resigned as president, with Cheah Toon Lock taking over as acting president. Other members also resigned from MCA to contest the election as independent candidates, which cost the party some seats. The party only won 19 of the 31 seats eventually allocated. Lim himself left

6783-421: The amnesty only if they felt that afterwards they would be in a stronger position in their struggle against the Government. The form of amnesty which was proposed by the Alliance seemed to envisage that the Communists would maintain their party organisation intact and would turn their acts of guerrilla warfare to electioneering in a constitutional way . The Tunku however was not prepared to give way lightly to

6902-497: The amnesty should be sent back to People's Republic of China or be rehabilitated and allowed to remain good citizens". The Tunku's proposal was looked at askance by the British authorities. The British did not believe that, under the circumstances in January 1955, the offer of an amnesty would be likely to entice the Communists to surrender en-bloc, than their current policy of encouraging the terrorists to surrender individually, in

7021-576: The assets of up to 35 DTCs. The total loss was estimated to be RM3.6 billion, and depositors could only recover 62% of their deposits. Koon Swan was succeeded by his deputy Ling Liong Sik in 1986. He assumed the presidency when the party was still rife with factionalism and faced disillusionment with the Chinese community over the Deposit-Taking Cooperatives scandal. Ling spent his early years as president working to resolve MCA's financial problems, raising funds while restructuring

7140-524: The communists would have to show their loyalty to Malaysia. In his view, simply to be anti-British was not sufficient to show that one was loyal to Malaya. The Tunku pointed out that the Malayan people regarded the Communist activities as something entirely foreign to the Malayan way of life. They regarded the Communist Party as belonging to a power outside the country and considered that its members gave allegiance to that foreign country and not Malaya. During

7259-545: The direction of South Thailand. Federation of Malaya The Federation of Malaya ( Malay : Persekutuan Tanah Melayu ; Jawi : ڤرسكوتوان تانه ملايو ), more commonly known as Malaya , was a country of what previously had been the Malayan Union and, before that, British Malaya . It comprised eleven states – nine Malay states and two of the Straits Settlements , Penang and Malacca . It

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7378-475: The elder brother of Ka Ting. Ong Tee Keat won the presidency comfortably, while Chua edged out Ka Chuan. Following his victory, Tee Keat pledged reform and reaching out to more young voters to revive the party. After the 2008 leadership change, factional infighting continued and the relationship between the Ong Tee Keat and Chua Soi Lek remained tense. Chua was sidelined by Ong from taking an active role in

7497-542: The eleven states formed a single British crown colony known as the Malayan Union . Due to opposition from Malay nationalists, the Union was disbanded and replaced by the Federation of Malaya, which restored the symbolic positions of the rulers of the Malay states. Within the Federation, while the Malay states were protectorates of the United Kingdom, Penang and Malacca remained British colonial territories. Like

7616-419: The emergency could be ended, the Tunku replied that Chin Peng and the members of the Malayan Communist Party must give up their communist activities and prove themselves loyal to the country. Chin Peng stated that he did not see why since they were Communists they should "declare to the people that they were Communist. They did not wish to join other political parties and then do their scheming or intrigues. That

7735-471: The end of the session, Marshall pleaded with them to try to consider the question soberly and to remember that there must be some sacrifice on their part. The Chief Ministers informed Chin Peng that they would be prepared to meet again on the following morning. The delegations met again at 10.30 the next morning, but from the very beginning, Chin Peng continued his cardinal requests for political recognition of his party and freedom for its members. For Chin Peng,

7854-449: The establishment of other political parties in the 1960s that challenged it for the Chinese votes, although it still enjoyed strong support in the mid-1990s to mid-2000s period. However, it has performed poorly in elections since 2008, with the Malaysian Chinese community mostly voting for the Democratic Action Party and People's Justice Party , and in the 2018 Malaysian general election , it lost all but one of its parliamentary seats and

7973-423: The exiled Lim Hong Bee that favoured, among other things, a provisional coalition People's government formed by all patriotic parties to achieve full national independence. In August 1954 a Malayan delegate to the Council of World Democratic Youth in Peking was quoted as saying "... they are willing to undertake peace talks to bring the Malayan war to an end..." By November 1954 a guerrilla newssheet produced in

8092-425: The federation, and are fluent in either the Malay or the English language. The Federation of Malaya, through its constitution, guarantees the rights and special position of the Malay people as well as rights, powers and sovereignty of the Malay rulers in their respective states. The federation agreement (Perjanjian Persekutuan) set the powers of the federal and state governments. Financial matters must be handled by

8211-421: The first meeting that the citizens of the Federation of Malaya did not want the interference of external powers in the affairs of the Federation; the Chinese representative Ong Chong Keng asserted that the Chinese people would be loyal to the Federation of Malaya. At this first Council meeting, several minor committees were formed: The first session passed the Kuala Lumpur City Bill, the Transfer of Power Bill, and

8330-421: The general election. Chua did not enter the following party poll for president, and in December 2013, Liow Tiong Lai was elected the president of MCA. Liow also reversed the resolution not to serve in the government and re-entered the cabinet. In the 2018 election , MCA suffered its worst ever defeat, as it has lost all state seats it has contested, and only managed to retain one elected representative in

8449-449: The last few years, political progress had been made in Malaya and it was because of that he believed that the time had come when the Communist should come to the meeting with sincerity in the hope that they could solve their problems. However, he reiterated that he could not accept the amnesty conditions as they were then, because those conditions required them to dissolve the Malayan Communist Party. When asked by Chin Peng on what other means

8568-633: The leader of the Radical Party and joined the MCA in 1952, was a colonel (medical) doctor in the Kuomintang. In 1952, MCA joined force with United Malays National Organisation on a local level to contest the Kuala Lumpur municipal elections which would lead to the formation of the Alliance Party . The alliance was joined by Malaysian Indian Congress in 1954 and they contested the first Malayan General Election in 1955 as one body, and

8687-433: The leadership transition occurred as planned. Ong Ka Ting, who was then a vice-president succeeded Ling Liong Sik as president, while Chan Kong Choy succeeded Lim Ah Lek as deputy president. The Ong-led MCA contributed to Barisan Nasional 's overwhelming victory in the 2004 general elections . MCA won 31 of the 40 parliamentary seats and 76 of the 90 state seats allocated. During the 2005 party elections, Teams A and B ran on

8806-471: The loss of support for MCA in the 1969 election, and the enlargement of the Alliance party in 1972 (which later became Barisan Nasional ) to include Gerakan, UMNO became even more dominant and MCA suffered a loss of status within the coalition. In 1973, Tan Siew Sin requested a position as Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet reshuffle following the death of Tun Dr. Ismail , but this was refused by Tun Abdul Razak , which angered Tan. On 8 April 1974, prior to

8925-411: The losses of the governing coalition. MCA's poor performance in the two elections, along with continued factionalism, raised concerns over the party's relevance in the Malaysian political arena. Also as a result of its poor performance, there was no MCA representation in the cabinet for the first time since independence due to a resolution that MCA would not accept cabinet posts if it performed badly in

9044-421: The meeting as a spokesman for the British Government, he came "neither as the stooge or running dog of colonialism" but as a "servant of the people". Chin Peng replied that it was because he realised that the Tunku was not "the spokesman of the British Government or the running dog of the British Government" that they were prepared to meet them at a risk to their lives. Chin Peng explained that he had not come to

9163-410: The meeting to argue questions of ideology but to search for peace "so that the misery of the people can be reduced". Chin Peng pointed out the MCP rejected the amnesty offer because it did not permit Communists to "enjoy equal status so that those that genuinely intended to be loyal to the Government would be helped to regain their normal position in society." Chin Peng then mentioned the past statement by

9282-487: The national parliament - Wee Ka Siong , who represents Ayer Hitam constituency in Johor. MCA, as part of the Barisan Nasional coalition, was also relegated to the opposition for the first time since independence. Wee Ka Siong was elected president on 4 November 2018 while Liow decided not to stand for party polls after his defeat. MCA later regained a seat in the 2019 Tanjung Piai by-election . In March 2020, MCA returned to power as part of Barisan Nasional aligned to

9401-460: The number of seats they won in the previous election. Ong decided not to contest the presidency during the party elections later that year, to allow a new leader to take over. The October 2008 party election marked a realignment of the party's factions, with the return of Chua Soi Lek to the fold. Ong Ka Ting's anointed successor was vice-president Ong Tee Keat . Meanwhile, Chua entered the race for deputy president, facing among others, Ong Ka Chuan ,

9520-488: The offer to the attention of the terrorists. The Committee also took into consideration the declaration made by the Alliance in their Election Manifesto that, if they were successful at the Elections, they would declare an amnesty. Since the expectations were that the Alliance would be the major party, it was clearly prudent that some thoughts should be given in advance to the ways to which an amnesty offer might be made. If

9639-544: The opposition parties led to tension between different communities which erupted into the May 13 Riots . Prior to the riots, on 12 May 1969, Tan Siew Sin announced that the party would withdraw from the Alliance, but reconsidered on 20 May and joined the National Operations Council formed in place of the suspended Parliament after the riots. The loss of support for MCA among the Chinese population elicited

9758-459: The party in December 1960, later becoming one of the founding members of the opposition Gerakan in 1968. In 1961 Tan Siew Sin , son of Tan Cheng Lock and favoured by Tunku, became MCA's third President. Tan led the party to a firm victory in the 1964 General Election , winning 27 of the 33 parliamentary seats contested. In 1969, Tan established Tunku Abdul Rahman College after a proposal for

9877-404: The party to non-Chinese. MCA's electoral performance meanwhile continued to deteriorate, as in the 2013 General Election , MCA only managed to score only 7 of the 37 parliamentary seats and 11 of the 90 state seats it contested, leading to calls for Chua's resignation. The so-called "Chinese tsunami" where the great majority of Chinese votes went to the opposition was blamed by Najib Razak for

9996-514: The party's assets. Ling presided over a period of relative peace within the party, and worked to maintain the interests of the Chinese community through a closed-door approach within the government. He expanded the MCA-owned Tunku Abdul Rahman College through fund-raising and government contributions, and in 2001 set up Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman . Ling led MCA to its best electoral performance thus far in

10115-515: The party's leadership, and he was also excluded from government posts. He was then sacked by MCA in August 2009 for damaging the party's image with his sex scandal more than a year prior. In response, Chua's supporters forced an extraordinary general meeting which passed a vote of no confidence against incumbent president Ong and annulled the expulsion of Chua. The EGM, however, failed to reinstate Chua as deputy president. Ong refused to resign despite

10234-417: The people to decide, if that were possible. The Tunku replied that if the Malayan Communist Party was allowed to take part in free election, the people would choose the Alliance. The Tunku continued that the Communist and Malayan ideologies were not the same. The Malayan people preferred their own way of life, and the Communists must accept the way of life accepted by the majority. Chin Peng admitted that during

10353-433: The points on which the Communists insisted: recognition of the MCP, no detention, no investigation and no restriction on their movements after surrender. The Tunku made it clear that after investigations and the removal of restriction on freedom, those Communists who remained in Malaya could join recognised political parties and to take part in politics, but they would not allowed to form a Communist Party under another name. At

10472-482: The presidency, but withdrew at the eleventh hour. Lee eventually retired in 1996 and was replaced as deputy president by Lim Ah Lek . In 1999, the party was again wracked by factionalism. Deputy president Lim Ah Lek announced his intention to retire as a minister and agreed with Ling to nominate his protégé Chan Kong Choy to the Cabinet after the 1999 elections. However, Ling nominated his own protégé Ong Ka Ting as

10591-460: The purpose of investigation implied surrender and was unacceptable. He considered it as a humiliation: "If you demand our surrender we would prefer to fight to the last man". The Tunku replied that some surrender was inevitable. "... if you do not come out to surrender, we would rather not accept you in our society. If you want to have peace in this country, one side must give way. Either we give in to you or you give in to us." The Tunku stressed that he

10710-430: The question of recognition of his party. One of several gambits turned on the question of whether his party would be accepted if its members were confined to federal citizens. "No", answered Tunku. The talk turned to other aspects, such as the detention of surrendered terrorists for purposes of interrogation and investigation . The Tunku explained that investigation would be carried out very speedily. "We want to extract

10829-408: The rank-and-file terrorists who, not being hardcore Communists, had been intimidated by the Communists into taking up arms and having done so, had been forced to stay in the jungle. Though those who surrender would not be prosecuted, they would be required to demonstrate their loyalty to the Government before they would be allowed to return to their families. The amnesty involved neither negotiation with

10948-449: The recognition of the Malayan Communist Party. Chin Peng asked for recognition of the Malayan Communist Party. He asked the Tunku whether the giving up of Communist activities meant the dissolution of the Malayan Communist Party. The Tunku answered that it did. Chin Peng stressed the point that, as a member of the Malayan Communist Party, they were not prepared to be forced by others to give up that ideology, but wished to put their ideology to

11067-526: The representative of the British government. The Agreement superseded the Agreement creating the Malayan Union, and prepared for the establishment of the Federation of Malaya on 1 February 1948. The position of the Malay rulers was also restored. The Federation became independent from British colonial rule and became an independent member of the Commonwealth of Nations on 31 August 1957. In 1963,

11186-467: The resignations of Liow's supporters in the CC, more than two-thirds of the CC had vacated their seats, paving the way for an election per the party constitution. The subsequent election saw Chua defeating incumbent Ong Tee Keat and former leader Ong Ka Ting in the race for president, while Liow defeated Kong Cho Ha in the contest for deputy president. Chua and his deputy Liow pledged to co-operate, and opened

11305-570: The respective states. The Sultan was given full power on religious issues and Malay customs. Foreign policy and defence continued to be administered by the British government. The federation agreement was made the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya and officially declared on 1 February 1948. The Federation of Malaya Legislative Council held its first meeting in the Tuanku Abdul Rahman Hall, Kuala Lumpur in 1948. It

11424-408: The second session, the discussion revolved around the question of loyalty to Malaya and recognition of the Malayan Communist Party. Chin Peng asked the Tunku to explain the actual meaning of "loyalty to Malaya." The Tunku stated that one of the things the Malayan people expected was that the Communist should give up their Communist activities. Loyalty to Malaya would include acceptance of the position of

11543-455: The shelving of his proposals and the Alliance restated its view on the question of an amnesty in its Election Manifesto issues in May 1955. The Manifesto contained an undertaking to offer a general amnesty to the Communists in the following terms: A month before the election, with the country increasingly gripped with political fever, the Malayan Communist Party took the initiative by putting forward

11662-405: The success in the election and at the height of his career, Lee San Choon unexpectedly resigned his presidency and cabinet post for unspecified reason in 1983. Neo Yee Pan then led as Acting President until 1985. In 1985, Tan Koon Swan , who was sacked from the party a year earlier, won the presidential election with the largest majority in the party's history. However, in the following year, he

11781-417: The surrender terms were not acceptable to the Malayan Communist Party. After the talks, Chin Peng retired to Thailand and Ah Hai replaced him as acting Secretary-General in Malaya. The Malayan Emergency refers to a state of emergency declared by the British colonial government of Malaya in 1948 and lasted until 1960. There was an insurrection , and guerrilla war was fought between government forces and

11900-461: The understanding that they would be fairly and humanely treated. There was also the major issue in which any amnesty offer would not be available indefinitely. There was a fear that the ending of the amnesty period would discourage further surrenders, until confidence was again built up in the treatment of surrendered Communists under normal conditions. In a telegram to the Secretary of State for

12019-456: The urban areas. The proposal for amnesty talks put forward by the Alliance in January was hence unacceptable to the Communist leaders because it did not seem to allow them to roam at will in the Federation; instead they were facing prospects of either a long period in detention, or deportation to the People's Republic of China. Reactions to this refusal by the Government were varied. The rejection

12138-464: The vote of no confidence, but pledged with Chua to set aside their differences under the "greater unity plan." However, this was opposed by vice-president Liow Tiong Lai who demanded Ong step down and that new elections be held. This set in motion a new leadership crisis, which lasted almost six months. Finally in March 2010, Chua, along with his supporters in the central committee resigned. Along with

12257-531: The working classes in the New Villages overwhelmingly joined the Socialist Front instead. Many prominent members of the MCA were also Kuomintang members opposed to the Malayan Communist Party . Leong Yew Koh , was a KMT major general who became a cabinet minister and later became governor of Malacca ; Malaysia's first minister of finance, Henry H.S. Lee , was a KMT colonel; and Lim Chong Eu ,

12376-551: The working party was to be as follows: the principal Staff Officer to the Director of Operations, Secretary for Defence, a representative of the Attorney-General, Tunku Abdul Rahman, H.S Lee of the Malayan Chinese Association and V.M. Menon of Party Negara . After the meeting, the following press release was issued: The rejection by the Federal Government of the Alliance's proposal for an amnesty

12495-500: Was about to be introduced into the Federation, the Communists could no longer assert that they were fighting against British Imperialism and would be ready to give up the struggle. His proposal contemplated the granting of amnesty and the intensification of the campaign against the Communists if the amnesty was rejected. Dato' Seri Tan Cheng Lock , then-President of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) echoed

12614-523: Was announced some weeks earlier, which stimulated the public interest in the prospects of a similar amnesty in Malaya. On 12 January 1955, a meeting of the UMNO-MCA Alliance was held in Malacca to discuss the Tunku's amnesty proposal. The meeting decided to "ask the Federation Government to offer amnesty terms to the Communist terrorists". The Committee decision was that "terrorists accepting

12733-417: Was attended by Tunku Abdul Rahman and other leaders, a unanimous decision was made to reject the MCP's proposal. In a statement issued by the Federation Government on 24 June 1955, the Government made it clear that the present surrender terms were a real and continuing measure of amnesty and made adequate provisions for those fighting in the jungle to come out if they wished to do so. The Government believed that

12852-449: Was based on the promise that "colonialism must end and that this country must be given freedom." He then mentioned the High Commissioner's announcement in the Legislative Council on 30 November that the British Government no longer considered "the Continuation of the Emergency" as "an obstacle to the Federation's advance to self-government". The British Government intended to enter the London talks in January "on that understanding". Since then

12971-470: Was believed if they were released into society, they would cause further trouble in Malaya and if they were deported, they would cause trouble in Southeast Asia. The Ministry thought that the amnesty terms should not include any reference to the possibility of helping a Communist who surrendered to leave the country. It was also suggested that the idea of a deadline be dropped. The talks commenced in

13090-537: Was charged with abetting criminal breach of trust relating to his private business dealings in Singapore, and resigned from the presidency. Koon Swan also originated the Deposit-Taking Cooperatives , which sought to accumulate capital for Chinese Malaysians through investments. The mismanagement of the DTCs' funds led to a scandal, with the central bank, Bank Negara Malaysia , stepping in to freeze

13209-462: Was established on 1 February 1948. Initially a self-governing colony , Malaya became sovereign on 31 August 1957, and on 16 September 1963, Malaya was superseded by Malaysia when it united with Singapore , North Borneo (Sabah), and Sarawak . Singapore was expelled on 9 August 1965, leaving the original states of Malaya as well as Sarawak and Sabah – now also known as East Malaysia – making up modern-day Malaysia. From 1946 to 1948,

13328-428: Was evident that the Communists, having had ample warning of its declaration, conducted intensive anti-amnesty propaganda in their ranks; among the mass organisations, discipline was tightened and defectors were threatened with severe punishment. Realizing that his struggles had not come to any fruition, Chin Peng proposed a referendum to the ruling British government alongside many Malayan officials in 1955. The meeting

13447-478: Was influenced with communism. The Young Malays Union ( Kesatuan Melayu Muda , KMM) merged with PKMM, and Burhanuddin al-Helmy became the second PKMM president. Burhanuddin led PKMM toward the formation of Melayu Raya , a merger of Indonesia and Malaya . In December 1947, Ishak Haji Mohamed became the third PKMM president and PKMM switched from communism to nationalism. PKMM tended against United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and colonisation. PKKM established

13566-572: Was intended to pursue a mutual end to the conflict but the Malayan government representatives, led by Tunku Abdul Rahman, dismissed all of Chin Peng's demands. As a result, the conflict heightened and, in response, New Zealand sent NZSAS soldiers, No. 14 Squadron RNZAF and later No. 75 Squadron RNZAF; and other Commonwealth members also sent troops to aid the British. On being elected as the new President of UMNO in 1951, Tunku Abdul Rahman announced to his supporters his determination to achieve very early self-government in Malaya. However, for as long as

13685-645: Was not prepared to allow a situation where Malaya might be divided as had happened in the case of Korea and Vietnam . Malaya was too small and he had, therefore, to be frank with them and say that it was they who must surrender. The Chief Minister, before leaving, then appealed to Chin Peng to think of the general welfare of the people and informed him that if, in the near future, the Communists were prepared to show any change of attitude, they would not consider their pride in coming to meet him again. Within an hour, Chin Peng and his colleagues were returning to Klian Intan. The next day he joined his bodyguard and disappeared in

13804-632: Was opened by the British High Commissioner Sir Edward Gent . Attendees included the British Minister of State for Colonial Affairs , Lord Listowel . The membership of the Council was structured to include: The unofficial members were required to be either Federation citizens or British subjects . In 1948 the ethnic composition of the council was made up as follows: Dato' Onn Jaafar stressed at

13923-419: Was relegated to the opposition. It returned to power in March 2020 as part of the alliance with Perikatan Nasional . After the 2022 election , the party joined the government as a backbencher with Barisan Nasional supporting Pakatan Harapan . The Malayan Chinese Association was formed on 27 February 1949 with the implicit support by the post-World War II British colonial administration. A central purpose of

14042-471: Was strongly supported by the Manchester Guardian , a British newspaper. In its editorial, the newspaper commented that an amnesty was appropriate when rebels had lost the desire to continue the struggle with the Government, and in return for the act of oblivion, were willing to become law-abiding citizens again. However, this was not the case in Malaya. The active members of the MCP would accept

14161-512: Was supported by the Alliance and Parti Negara. The Labour Party of Malaya, however, expressed the view that the rejection was in haste and that the offer should have been more further examined. Among the Chinese newspapers, only the Nanyang Siang Pau had questioned the wisdom of the Government's rejection. This paper argued that the offer was worthy of closer attention than it had received and that nothing would have been lost by meeting

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