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116-602: On 12 April 1917 the Russian Provisional Government issued an order on the provisional autonomy of Estonia. The Governorate of Estonia (now northern Estonia) was merged with Estonian-speaking northern part of the Governorate of Livonia (now southern Estonia), to form the autonomous governorate . The Russian Provisional Government decreed that the provincial assembly be created with members elected by indirect universal suffrage . Elections for

232-658: A 'civil war' against the proletariat. Lenin believed that these events were "an episode in the civil war" and described how "all hopes for a peaceful development of the Russian revolution have vanished for good" when writing a few days after his flight. These developments left a new crisis in the Provisional Government. Bourgeois ministers, belonging to the Constitutional Democratic Party resigned, and no cabinet could be formed until

348-504: A better bargaining position with the Germans when peace negotiations started. The government agreed that a 'successful military offensive' was required to unite the people and restore morale to the Russian army. Alexander Kerensky , Minister for War, embarked on a 'whirlwind tour' of the Russian forces at the fronts, giving passionate, 'near-hysterical', speeches where he called on troops to act heroically, stating 'we revolutionaries, have

464-717: A call for a democratic federal republic with equality of nationalities. In 14 electoral districts, 2 or more Jewish lists were in the fray. In Zhitomir, 5 out of 13 parties contesting were Jewish. In Gomel 4 out of 11 parties were Jewish, in Poltava 5 out of 14. Some 80% of the votes cast for Jewish parties went to Jewish national coalition lists. The Folkspartey was the most enthusiastic proponent of Jewish national coalition lists. These coalitions, generally contesting under titles such as 'Jewish National Bloc' or 'Jewish National Election Committee' also gathered Zionists and Orthodox Jews. The candidates on these lists had vowed to form

580-891: A common bloc in the Constituent Assembly and implement decisions of the All-Russian Jewish Congress. The Jewish national lists were confronted by the various Jewish socialist parties; the General Jewish Labour Bund , the Jewish Social Democratic Labour Party (Poalei Zion) and the United Jewish Socialist Workers Party ( Fareynikte ). The Bund carried out 200 electoral meetings in White Russia (with

696-400: A decree awarding voting rights for women aged 20 years and above. In May the political parties agreed on main principles of the election ( proportional representation , universal suffrage and secret ballot). A special electoral commission was set up, composed of multiple lawyers and legal experts. The following month September 17, 1917 was set as the election date. The new Constituent Assembly

812-495: A defender of the revolution against a Napoleon-type figure. However, it had terrible consequences, as Kerensky's move was seen in the army as a betrayal of Kornilov, making them finally disloyal to the Provisional Government. Furthermore, as Kornilov's troops were arrested by the now armed Red Guard, it was the Soviet that was seen to have saved the country from military dictatorship. In order to defend himself and Petrograd, he provided

928-469: A hostage until Trotsky appeared from the Soviet assembly and intervened with a speech praising the "Comrade Kronstadter's, pride and glory of the Russian revolution".   Furthermore, the Menshevik Chairman of the Soviet, Chkheidze, spoke to the demonstrators in an 'imperious tone', calmly handing their leader a Soviet manifesto, and ordered them to return home or be condemned as traitors to

1044-672: A left socialist bloc and invited the Menshevik-Internationalists to attend the upcoming party congress as observers. With the election finally approaching, Lenin took a tough stance towards the Central Committee. He deplored the absence of proletarians from the list of proposed candidates that the Central Committee had adopted, charging the Committee with opening the doors for opportunists. In Lenin's view, only workers would be able to create alliances with

1160-593: A more extensive democracy . The convocation of a Constituent Assembly had been a long-standing demand of the democratic and popular movements in Tsarist Russia. In the later phase of the February Revolution , Tsar Nicolas II abdicated on March 2, 1917. The Russian Provisional Government was formed and pledged to carry through with holding elections for a Constituent Assembly. Consensus emerged between all major political parties to go ahead with

1276-622: A number of reasons. They cited outdated voter-rolls that did not acknowledge the split within the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the assembly's conflict with the elected Russian Congress of the Soviets as an alternative, democratic structure. The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly was also approved by the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists ; both groups were in favour of

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1392-582: A result of events in the February Revolution , the elections took place two months after they had been originally meant to occur. They are generally recognised as the first free elections in Russian history, though they did not produce a democratically elected government, as the Bolsheviks subsequently disbanded the Constituent Assembly and proceeded to rule the country as a one-party state with all opposition parties banned. Various academic studies have given alternative results. However, all indicate that

1508-403: A separate ballot with a list with names of candidates, there was no general ballot. The voter would either have received copies of different party lists in advance or at the polling station. The voter would select one list, place it in an envelope, seal it and place it in the box. If any name was scratched, the vote would be invalid. The voting began on November 12–14, 1917. The election was at

1624-533: A total attendance of about 127,000), and in Ukraine the party held 2-3 electoral meetings weekly. In Odessa confrontations between socialist and non-socialist Jewish parties led to physical violence. Jewish national lists elected Iu. D. Brutskus, A.M. Goldstein, the Moscow rabbi Yaakov Mazeh . V. I. Temkin, D. M. Kogan-Bernsthein, N. S. Syrkin and O. O. Gruzenberg (who was then close to Zionist circles). David Lvovich

1740-851: Is lacked details from the Olonets, Estonian, Kaluga, Bessarabian, Podolsk, Orenburg, Yakutsk, Don governorates, as well as Transcaucasus. All in all, Svyatitsky's account includes 36,257,960 votes. According to Lenin, the actual number from said 54 electoral districts was 36,262,560 votes. But Lenin reaffirms that between Svyatitisky's article and his account, the number of votes cast by party is largely identical. More recent studies often use Svyatitsky's 1918 account as their starting point for further elaboration. L. M. Spirin (1987) uses local newspapers and Russian, Belarusian and Ukrainian archival holdings to supplement Svyatitsky, whereas U.S. historian Oliver Henry Radkey predominately uses local newspapers as sources. According to Rabinovitch (2016), Spirin's account

1856-697: Is the most complete. According to Arato (2017), U.S. scholar Radkey is the most serious historian on the 1917 election. Radkey uses a number of uses broad categories in presenting the result party-wise: SRs (sometimes distinguished between left/right), Bolsheviks, Mensheviks (sometimes divided between Menshevik-Internationalists and Right-wing pro-war Mensheviks), Other Socialists (with subcategories) Kadets, Special interests (including subcategories peasants, landowners, Cossacks, middle-class, others), Religious (Orthodox, Old Believers, others), Ukrainian (with subcategories), Turkic-Tatar (with subcategories), Other Nationalities (with subcategories). Protasov (2004) presents

1972-583: The Bolsheviks gained power in the October Revolution in October [November, N.S.] 1917. According to Harold Whitmore Williams , the history of the eight months during which Russia was ruled by the Provisional Government was the history of the steady and systematic disorganization of the army. The Provisional Government was a caretaker government , with its political system and the status of

2088-671: The Boris Stürmer government in the Duma. Stürmer was succeeded by Alexander Trepov and Nikolai Golitsyn , both Prime Ministers for only a few weeks. During the February Revolution two rival institutions, the imperial State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet , both located in the Tauride Palace , competed for power. Tsar Nicholas II abdicated on 2 March [15 March, N.S. Tooltip New Style ], and Milyukov announced

2204-634: The Kerensky Offensive ) increased opposition to the government. Domestically, the Provisional Government's weaknesses were blatant. The dual power structure was in fact dominated by one side, the Petrograd Soviet. Minister of War Alexander Guchkov stated that "We (the Provisional Government) do not have authority, but only the appearance of authority; the real power lies with the Soviet". Severe limitations existed on

2320-533: The Maapäev proclaimed itself the supreme legal authority of Estonia until the convening of the Constituent Assembly . The Committee of Elders was authorized to issue laws. The council was then dissolved by force on 26 November by the Bolsheviks, compelling leading politicians to go underground. In the Constituent Assembly elections in early 1918, which were organised by the Bolsheviks, two-thirds of

2436-418: The "bourgeois" ministers, tried to base itself on the right-wing of the Soviet. Socialist ministers, coming under fire from their left-wing Soviet associates, were compelled to pursue a double-faced policy. The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures. In the summer of 1917, within the government, the liberals persuaded

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2552-629: The 'liberation of the Kazakh people from colonial yoke'. Ahead of the election, party committees were formed in Semipalatinsk , Omsk , Akmolinsk and Uralsk . In the Semirechie, Syr-Darya and Horde electoral districts Alash did not field lists of their own, but placed candidates of other Muslim lists. Four days ahead of the vote the newspaper Qazaq published the Alash programme, including

2668-661: The 25th; the last holdout of the Provisional Ministers, the Tsar's Winter Palace on the Neva River bank, was captured on the 26th. Kerensky escaped the Winter Palace raid and fled to Pskov , where he rallied some loyal troops for an attempt to retake the capital. His troops managed to capture Tsarskoe Selo but were beaten the next day at Pulkovo . Kerensky spent the next few weeks in hiding before fleeing

2784-567: The 62 deputies of the Maapäev were held in many stages; members representing the rural communities were elected in two-tiered elections in May–June, while the town representatives were elected in July–August 1917. The election process saw the creation and reorganization of Estonian national parties. Six parties were represented at the diet, with three independent deputies and two deputies representing

2900-664: The Baltic Fleet in the Constituent Assembly. In case an elected candidate didn't send in such a statement, the All-Russian Election Commission for the Constituent Assembly would consider the person elected from the district where he obtained the highest number of votes. The All Russian Constituent Assembly (Всероссийское Учредительное собрание, Vserossiyskoye Uchreditelnoye sobraniye) convened only for 13 hours, from 4 p.m. to 5 a.m., 18–19 January [ O.S. 5–6 January] 1918, whereupon it

3016-478: The Bolshevik Headquarters to find Lenin, who addressed the crowd and promised them that, ultimately, all power would go to the Soviets. However, Lenin was rather reluctant about these developments, with his speech uncertain and barely lasting a minute. As violence escalated in the streets with the mob looting shops, houses, and attacking well-dressed civilians, Cossacks and Kadets stationed atop

3132-564: The Bolshevik and Left SR would have won the majority vote. This was despite the Left SR's eventual opposition to the closure of the Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks. Per Serge's account, 40 of 339 elected SR deputies were leftists and 50 belong to Chernov's centrist faction. Smith points out that though the association with Soviet power strengthened the PLSR popularity in the countryside,

3248-589: The Bolshevik vote in the main cities 18 days after the October Revolution broke out shows that there was a popular mandate from the industrial workers for the Revolution. By the time of the election, the Mensheviks had lost most of their influence in the workers' soviets. The election result confirmed the marginalization of the Mensheviks, obtaining a little over a million votes. In a fifth of

3364-408: The Bolsheviks of treason. After the Bolshevik walkout, some of the remaining delegates continued to stress that ending the war as soon as possible was beneficial to the nation. On 24–26 October Red Guard forces under the leadership of Bolshevik commanders launched their final attack on the ineffectual Provisional Government. Most government offices were occupied and controlled by Bolshevik soldiers on

3480-588: The Bolsheviks were clear winners in the urban centres, and also took around two-thirds of the votes of soldiers on the Western Front. Nevertheless, the Socialist-Revolutionary party topped the polls, winning a plurality of seats (no party won a majority) on the strength of support from the country's rural peasantry, who were for the most part one-issue voters , that issue being land reform . Some modern Marxist theoreticians have contested

3596-490: The Bolsheviks with arms as he had little support from the army. When Kornilov did not attack Kerensky, the Bolsheviks did not return their weapons, making them a greater concern to Kerensky and the Provisional Government. Thus far, the status of the monarchy had been unresolved. This was clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic ( Российская республика , Rossiyskaya respublika )

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3712-399: The Central Committee held the opinion that the Constituent Assembly should become the supreme body to decide the future path of Russia. Lenin opposed this line. In an article edited after the elections, he stated that the proletariat cannot achieve victory if it does not win the majority of the population to its side. But to limit that winning to polling a majority of votes in an election under

3828-483: The Central Committee sent out an instruction to local party organizations to build a broad democratic unity ahead of the elections, to reach out to Menshevik-Internationalists, left-wing SRs and trade unions. In the wake of the abortive July uprising (organized by the revolutionary Petrograd Bolshevik Committee and the Military Organization ), the moderates of the Central Committee again appealed to build

3944-558: The Constituent Assembly soon enough. They wasted time fine-tuning details of the election law, while Russia slipped further into anarchy and economic chaos. By the time the Assembly finally met, Riasanovsky noted, "the Bolsheviks had already gained control of Russia." 1917 Russian Constituent Assembly election Elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly were held on 25 November 1917. Organized as

4060-531: The Constituent Assembly would be held on November 28, 1917. Between the finalization of candidate lists and the election, the October Revolution broke out. The October Revolution ended the reign of the Provisional Government. A new Soviet government took charge of the country, the Council of People's Commissars . Nevertheless, the new government pledged to go ahead with the election and that its rule remained provisional until its authority would be confirmed by

4176-506: The Constituent Assembly. 81 electoral districts ( okrugs ) were formed by the Provisional Government. Electoral districts were generally set up on (pre-revolutionary) governorate or ethnic oblast boundaries. Moreover, there were electoral districts for the different army groups and fleets. There were also an electoral district assigned for the workers at the Chinese Eastern Railroad and one electoral district for

4292-559: The Kadets emerged as the main losers in the election, they did take a sizable share of the votes in the largest cities. However the Kadets were hurt by abstention amongst urban intelligentsia voters. They had also lost a large share of their habitual Jewish intelligentsia vote to Jewish national coalition lists. The congress of the Popular Socialists, held on September 26, 1917, rejected the notion of an electoral alliance with

4408-406: The Kadets, into "new conservatives." The Provisional Government was mostly composed of "new conservatives," and the new government faced tremendous opposition from the left. Opposition was most obvious with the development and dominance of the Petrograd Soviet , which represented the socialist views of leftist parties. A dual power structure quickly arose consisting of the Provisional Government and

4524-427: The Kadets. The party congress ordered that joint lists would only be organized with fellow socialist groups. The Popular Socialists condemned Bolsheviks in their campaigning, whilst stressing the defencist line of their own party. The cooperative societies held an emergency congress on October 4, 1917, at which it was decided that they would contest the Constituent Assembly elections directly. The congress discarded

4640-610: The Left SRs. In Petrograd the leftist faction had dominated the SR party branch prior to the October Revolution, but elsewhere the majority in the party organizations remained with the PSR. Notably in some of the locations leftist and rightist SR lists were separately presented (Baltic Fleet, Petrograd, Kazan), the leftists prevailed over the rightists, leading D'Agostino (2011) to argue that had separate right/left SRs lists been presented nationwide

4756-472: The Petrograd Soviet. While the Provisional Government retained the formal authority to rule over Russia, the Petrograd Soviet maintained actual power. With its control over the army and the railroads, the Petrograd Soviet had the means to enforce policies. The Provisional Government lacked the ability to administer its policies. In fact, local soviets, political organizations mostly of socialists, often maintained discretion when deciding whether or not to implement

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4872-515: The Provisional Government's ability to rule. While it was true that the Provisional Government lacked enforcement ability, prominent members within the Government encouraged bottom-up rule. Politicians such as Prime Minister Georgy Lvov favored devolution of power to decentralized organizations. The Provisional Government did not desire the complete decentralization of power, but certain members definitely advocated more political participation by

4988-452: The Provisional Government's laws. Despite its short reign of power and implementation shortcomings, the Provisional Government passed very progressive legislation. The policies enacted by this moderate government (by 1917 Russian standards) represented arguably the most liberal legislation in Europe at the time. The independence of Church from state, the emphasis on rural self-governance, and

5104-486: The Russian Empire. Poland was granted independence and Lithuania and Ukraine became more autonomous. The main obstacle and problem of the Provisional Government was its inability to enforce and administer legislative policies. Foreign policy was the one area in which the Provisional Government was able to exercise its discretion to a great extent. However, the continuation of aggressive foreign policy (for example,

5220-423: The Russian people were able to play a significant part in the shaping of their destinies". While this quote romanticizes Russian society under the Provisional Government, the quote nonetheless shows that important democratic institutions were prominent in 1917 Russia. Special interest groups also developed throughout 1917. Special interest groups play a large role in every society deemed "democratic" today, and such

5336-513: The SR party lists were already set, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries formed a separate party. But whilst by the time of the election the Left SRs had constituted a separate party, the split was not completed in local SR party branches until early 1918. The Kazan, Yaroslavl, Kazan and Kronstadt SR organizations went over to the Left SRs en bloc. In Ufa and Pskov the majority in the SR party organization crossed over to

5452-648: The Socialist Revolutionary Party (see Socialist-Revolutionary Party ). The SRs advocated a form of agrarian socialism and land policy that the peasantry overwhelmingly supported. For the most part, urban workers supported the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks (with greater numbers supporting the Bolsheviks as 1917 progressed), while the peasants supported the Socialist Revolutionaries. The rapid development and popularity of these leftist parties turned moderate-liberal parties, such as

5568-649: The Soviets." On the morning of July 3 (July 16), the machine-gun regiment voted in favour of an armed demonstration, with it agreed that the demonstrators should march peacefully to the front of the Tauride palace and elect delegates to 'present their demands to the executive committee of the Soviet'.   The following day, July 4 (July 17), around 20,000 armed sailors from the Kronstadt naval base arrived in Petrograd . The mass of soldiers and workers then went to

5684-623: The State Duma were appointed. The committee was headed by Mikhail Rodzianko and suspended the activity of the Fourth State Duma . He temporarily took formal state power and announced the creation of a new government on 13 March. The Provisional Government was formed on 15 March 1917 (N.S.) by the Provisional Committee in cooperation with the Petrograd Soviet , despite protests of the Bolsheviks . The government

5800-655: The Ukrainian peasantry. Non-Ukrainian urban populations largely voted for Russian parties. In the city of Kiev, the Ukrainian parties obtained 26% of the vote. Over half a million soldiers and officers in the army and navy voted for Ukrainian parties supporting the Central Rada , making the Ukrainians the third force among military voters. However, in Belarus, Belarusian nationalist groups gathered less than 1% of

5916-663: The above reforms and measures." Initial composition of the Provisional Government: During the April Crisis (1917) Ivan Ilyin agreed with the Kadet Milyukov, who staunchly opposed Petrograd Soviet demands for peace at any cost. On 18 April [1 May, N.S. Tooltip New Style ] 1917, minister of Foreign Affairs Pavel Milyukov sent a note to the Allied governments, promising to continue

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6032-401: The affirmation of fundamental civil rights (such as freedom of speech, press, and assembly) that the tsarist government had periodically restricted shows the progressivism of the Provisional Government. Other policies included the abolition of capital punishment and economic redistribution in the countryside. The Provisional Government also granted more freedoms to previously suppressed regions of

6148-413: The allies of Russia and 'honorable peace'. The Kadets condemned Bolsheviks in election campaign. The Kadets had sought to build a broad democratic coalition, setting up a liaison committee for alliances ( Vladimir Dmitrievich Nabokov , Andrei Ivanovich Shingarev and M. S. Adzhemov) but this effort failed as the Popular Socialists and cooperative movement rejected electoral pacts with the Kadets. Whilst

6264-419: The bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois compromisers over the non-proletarian working people. Thirdly, it must entirely destroy the influence of the bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois compromisers over the majority of the non-proletarian masses by satisfying their economic needs in a revolutionary way at the expense of the exploiters. The party emerged victorious in the two main cities; Petrograd and Moscow, and emerged

6380-458: The buildings of Liteyny Avenue began to fire upon the crowds, causing the marchers to scatter in panic as dozens were killed. At around 7 pm, soldiers and a group of workers from the Putilov iron plant broke into the palace and, flourishing their rifles, demanded full power to the Soviets.   When Socialist Revolutionary Minister Chernov attempted to calm them down, he was taken outside as

6496-490: The committee's decision to offer the Regency to his brother, Grand Duke Michael , as the next tsar. Grand Duke Michael would accept after the decision of the Russian Constituent Assembly . He did not want to take the poisoned chalice and deferred acceptance of imperial power the next day. The Provisional Government was designed to set up elections to the Assembly while maintaining essential government services, but its power

6612-527: The constituencies, pro-war Mensheviks and Internationalists ran on competing slates and in Petrograd and Kharkov the defencists had set up their own local organizations. Nearly half of the Menshevik vote came from Georgia. The Kadet party had changed its name to 'People's Freedom Party' by 1917, but the new name was rarely used. Kadets campaigned for national unity, law and order, honour commitments to

6728-583: The country. He went into exile in France and eventually emigrated to the United States. The Bolsheviks then replaced the government with their own. The Little Council (or Underground Provisional Government ) met at the house of Sofia Panina briefly in an attempt to resist the Bolsheviks. However, this initiative ended on 28 November with the arrest of Panina, Fyodor Kokoshkin , Andrei Ivanovich Shingarev and Prince Pavel Dolgorukov , then Panina being

6844-435: The countryside generally had a higher voter turnout than the cities. 220 cities across the country, with a combined population of seven million, had a voter turnout of 58%. In agrarian provinces turnout generally ranged from 62 to 80%. In Tambov province urban areas had a turnout of 50.2% while rural areas had 74.5%. According to Radkey (1989) national voter turnout stood at around 55%. The Socialist-Revolutionaries emerged as

6960-594: The election result, with varying numbers. Many accounts on the election result originate from N. V. Svyatitsky's account, who was himself elected as an SR deputy to the Constituent Assembly. His article was included in the one-year anniversary symposium of the Russian Revolution organized by the SR party (Moscow, Zemlya i Volya Publishers, 1918). Lenin (1919) describes Svyatitsky's account as extremely interesting. It presented results from 54 electoral districts, covering most of European Russia and Siberia. Notably

7076-481: The election. Nevertheless, the various political parties were divided over many details on the organization of the impending election. The Bolsheviks demanded immediate elections, whilst the Socialist-Revolutionaries wanted to postpone the vote for several months for it not to collide with the harvest season. Right-wing forces also pushed for delay of the election. On March 19, 1917 a mass rally

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7192-400: The end of the month. The party's political fortunes were poor but were revived after an abortive 'coup d'état' by right-wing elements led by General Kornilov. Kerensky became the new Prime Minister of the Provisional Government on the 21st of July. Prince Lvov had resigned along with many Bourgeois ministers from the Provisional Government. He had been considered to be closely associated with

7308-404: The eternal and general interests of the country more important than the short-term and particular needs of certain parties or classes. The Provisional Government has no doubt that it will succeed in this task in the days ahead. On 12 September [25, N.S] an All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened, and its presidium decided to create a Pre-Parliament and a Special Constituent Assembly , which

7424-460: The events known as the " October Revolution ", and placed power in the hands of the soviets , or "workers' councils," which had given their support to the Bolsheviks led by Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky . The weakness of the Provisional Government is perhaps best reflected in the derisive nickname given to Kerensky: "persuader-in-chief." The authority of the Tsar's government began disintegrating on 1 November 1916, when Pavel Milyukov attacked

7540-495: The extreme weakness of the government at this point, there was talk among the elites of bolstering its power by including Kornilov as a military dictator on the side of Kerensky. The extent to which this deal had indeed been accepted by all parties is still unclear. What is clear, however, is that when Kornilov's troops approached Petrograd, Kerensky branded them as counter-revolutionaries and demanded their arrest. This move can be seen as an attempt to bolster his own power by making him

7656-517: The form of an armed uprising known as the 'July Days'. The Provisional Government survived the initial uprising, but their pro-war position meant that moderate socialist government leaders lost their credibility among the soldiers and workers. On July 2 [July 15, N.S.], in response to the government's compromises with Ukrainian nationalists, the Kadet members of the cabinet resigned, leaving Prince Lvov's government in disarray. This prompted further urban demonstrations, as workers demanded "all power to

7772-421: The left was the Petrograd Soviet, a Communist committee then taking over and ruling Russia's most important port city, which tentatively cooperated with the government at first, but then gradually gained control of the Imperial Army , local factories, and the Russian Railway . The period of competition for authority ended in late October 1917, when Bolsheviks routed the ministers of the Provisional Government in

7888-424: The local German and Swedish-speaking minorities. In the wake of the November 1917 Bolshevik coup in Petrograd (Saint Petersburg), when the Bolshevik "Estonian Military Revolutionary Committee" staged a similar coup in the Estonian capital Reval (Tallinn), the Maapäev refused to recognize the new Bolshevik rule. The Bolsheviks then attempted to disband the council. In its last meeting on 15 November 1917,

8004-411: The major party in urban Russia overall. It won an absolute majority of votes in the Baltic Fleet, the Northern Front and the Western Front. The call for immediate peace made the Bolsheviks popular in the military, winning around 42% of the votes from the armed forces. Often the election result is portrayed as an indicator for impopularity of the Bolsheviks, but as per Victor Serge the strong showing of

8120-425: The masses in the form of grassroots mobilization. The rise of local organizations, such as trade unions and rural institutions, and the devolution of power within the Russian government gave rise to democratization. It is difficult to say that the Provisional Government desired the rise of these powerful, local institutions. As stated in the previous section, some politicians within the Provisional Government advocated

8236-428: The monarchy remaining unresolved until the election of the Constituent Assembly . This was finally clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice. On 12 March [27 February, O.S.], after Prime Minister Nikolai Golitsyn was forced to resign, 24 commissars of the Provisional Committee of

8352-441: The more radical Bolshevik Party (see Bolshevik ). The Mensheviks often supported the actions of the Provisional Government and believed that the existence of such a government was a necessary step to achieve Communism. On the other hand, the Bolsheviks violently opposed the Provisional Government and desired a more rapid transition to Communism. In the countryside, political ideology also shifted leftward, with many peasants supporting

8468-456: The most voted party in the election, swaying the broad majority of the peasant vote. The agrarian programmes of the SR and Bolshevik parties were largely similar, but the peasantry were more familiar with the SRs. The Bolsheviks lacked an organizational presence in many rural areas. In areas where the Bolshevik electoral campaign had been active (for example, near to towns or garrisons) the peasant vote

8584-488: The needs of the working classes, professional organizations were also prominent. Professional organizations quickly developed a political side to represent member's interests. The political involvement of these groups represents a form of democratic participation as the government listened to such groups when formulating policy. Such interest groups played a negligible role in politics before February 1917 and after October 1917. While professional special interest groups were on

8700-500: The notion of electoral pacts with non-socialist groups. In the Petrograd election district, the list of cooperative candidates included only one notable figure, Alexander Chayanov . The other six candidates were largely unknown. Most non-Russian voters opted for national minority parties. In the case of Ukraine, the Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionary Party dominated the 4 electoral districts of

8816-568: The over 700 deputies known by name, over 400 participated at first session and only session of the Constituent Assembly (240 of the assembled belonged to the SR bloc). Several prominent politicians had stood as candidates in multiple electoral districts. The Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) had named Lenin as their candidate in 5 districts: Petrograd City, Petrograd Province, Ufa, Baltic Fleet and Northern Front. Lenin

8932-471: The party affiliation of 765 deputies elected from 73 electoral districts: 345 SRs, 47 Ukrainian SRs, 175 Bolsheviks, 17 Mensheviks, 7 Ukrainian Social Democrats, 14 Kadets, 2 Popular Socialists, another 32 Ukrainian socialists (possibly SRs or social democrats), 13 Muslim Socialists, 10 Dashnaks, 68 from other national parties, 16 Cossacks, 10 Christians and one clergyman. Another 55 deputies were supposed to have been elected from another 8 electoral districts. Of

9048-419: The peace talks initiated by the Bolsheviks, but to what extent the SR's were prepared to continue the war was unclear at the time. Along with the Mensheviks, the SRs supported the notion of engaging with other European socialist politicians to find a settlement to the ongoing World War. The filing of nominations for the election took place just as the split in the SR party was taking place. By late October, when

9164-400: The peasantry could have opted for the left (considering that there were no major difference between the factions on their agrarian programmes). A key Bolshevik argument against the legitimacy of the Constituent Assembly once it was elected was the fact that the lists had been finalized before the Left SRs constituted themselves as a separate party, and that if the Left SRs had stood separately

9280-468: The peasantry. Lenin also criticised the list for including many recent arrivals to the party who had not yet been tested in "proletarian work in our Party's spirit." While Lenin believed that some new members of the Bolsheviks, in particular Leon Trotsky (who had fought for the merger of his Mezhraiontsy faction into the Bolshevik Party since his return to Russia and had "proved himself equal to

9396-404: The political democracy advocated by the liberal intellectual elites and moderate socialists of the Provisional Government. Workers established economic democracy, as employees gained managerial power and direct control over their workplace. Worker self-management became a common practice throughout industrial enterprises. As workers became more militant and gained more economic power, they supported

9512-563: The political system, and keeping in mind the unanimous and enthusiastic recognition of Republican ideas, which affected the Moscow State Conference, the Provisional Government announces that the state system of the Russian state is the republican system and proclaims the Russian Republic. Urgent need for immediate and decisive action to restore the shocked state system has prompted the Provisional Government to pass

9628-455: The power in the new Provisional Government, which replaced the tsarist regime. The February Revolution was also accompanied by further politicization of the masses. Politicization of working people led to the leftward shift of the political spectrum. Many urban workers originally supported the socialist Menshevik Party (see Menshevik ), while some, though a small minority in February, favored

9744-624: The power of government to five individuals from its staff, headed by the Prime Minister. The Provisional Government considers its main objective to be the restoration of public order and the fighting efficiency of the armed forces. Believing that only the concentration of all the surviving forces of the country can help the Motherland out of the difficulty in which it now finds itself, the Provisional Government will seek to expand its membership by attracting to its ranks all those who consider

9860-513: The radical Bolshevik party and lifted the Bolsheviks into power in October 1917. In August 1917, Russian socialists assembled for a conference on defense, which resulted in a split between the Bolsheviks, who rejected the continuation of the war, and moderate socialists. The Kornilov affair was an attempted military coup d'état by the then commander-in-chief of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov , in September 1917 [August, O.S.]. Due to

9976-444: The resignation of Foreign Minister Milyukov and War Minister Guchkov and made a proposal to the Petrograd Soviet to form a coalition government. As a result of negotiations, on 22 April 1917, agreement was reached and 6 socialist ministers joined the cabinet. During this period the Provisional Government merely reflected the will of the Soviet, where left tendencies (Bolshevism) were gaining ground. The Government, however, influenced by

10092-582: The revolution, to which the crowd quickly dispersed. The Ministry of Justice released leaflets accusing the Bolsheviks of treason on the charge of inciting armed rebellion with German financial support, and published warrants for the arrest of the party's main leaders. Following this, troops cleared the party's Headquarters in the Kshesinskaya Mansion , and the capital quickly succumbed to anti-Bolshevik hysteria as hundreds of Bolsheviks were arrested and known or suspected Bolsheviks were attacked in

10208-534: The right to death.' This worked for a time until Kerensky left and the effect on the troops waned. The June Offensive, which started on 16 June, lasted for just three days before falling apart.  During the offensive, the rate of desertion was high and soldiers began to mutiny, with some even killing their commanding officers instead of fighting. The offensive resulted in the death of thousands of Russian soldiers and great loss of territory. This failed military offensive produced an immediate effect in Petrograd in

10324-485: The rise of these institutions. Local government bodies had discretionary authority when deciding which Provisional Government laws to implement. For example, institutions that held power in rural areas were quick to implement national laws regarding the peasantry's use of idle land. Real enforcement power was in the hands of these local institutions and the soviets. Russian historian W.E. Mosse points out, this time period represented "the only time in modern Russian history when

10440-494: The rise, so too were worker organizations, especially in the cities. Beyond the formation of trade unions, factory committees of workers rapidly developed on the plant level of industrial centers. The factory committees represented the most radical viewpoints of the time period. The Bolsheviks gained their popularity within these institutions. Nonetheless, these committees represented the most democratic element of 1917 Russia. However, this form of democracy differed from and went beyond

10556-431: The rule of the bourgeoisie, or to make it the condition for it, is crass stupidity, or else sheer deception of the workers. In order to win the majority of the population to its side the proletariat must, in the first place, overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize state power; secondly, it must introduce Soviet power and completely smash the old state apparatus, whereby it immediately undermines the rule, prestige and influence of

10672-508: The schism did not transform the PLSR overnight into a large and well-organized political party, and during the following months of 1918 the PSR managed to regain control over some of the soviets and local branches it lost to the left. In 1917 the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) had begun to allow mass membership, without consulting with Lenin. On July 1, 1917

10788-459: The socialists that the Provisional Government needed to launch an offensive against Germany. This was as a consequence of several factors: a request from Britain and France to help take the pressure off their forces in the West, avoiding the national humiliation of a defeat, to help put the generals and officers back in control of the armed forces so they could control the revolution and to place them in

10904-538: The soldiers of the Russian Expeditionary Corps in France and the Balkans (with some 20,000 voters). No official electoral census exists. The estimated population of eligible voters at the time (excluding occupied territories) has been estimated at around 85 million; the number of eligible voters in the districts where polling took place has been estimated at around 80 million. Each party had

11020-401: The soviets, and in a strong leading position. Finally, on the 24th of July (6 August) 1917, a new coalition cabinet, composed mostly of socialists, was formed with Kerensky at its head. Second coalition: From 25 September [8 October, N.S.] 1917. With the 1917 February Revolution, Tsar Nicholas II's abdication, and the formation of a completely new Russian state, Russia's political spectrum

11136-475: The streets by Black Hundreds elements. The Petrograd Soviet was forced to move from Tauride Palace into the Smolny Institute . Trotsky was captured a few days later and imprisoned, whilst Lenin and Zinoviev went into hiding. Lenin had refused to stand trial for 'treason' as he argued that the state was in the hands of a 'counter-revolutionary military dictatorship', which was already engaged in

11252-429: The subject of a political trial . Some academics, such as Pavel Osinsky, argue that the October Revolution was as much a function of the failures of the Provisional Government as it was of the strength of the Bolsheviks. Osinsky described this as "socialism by default" as opposed to "socialism by design." Riasanovsky argued that the Provisional Government made perhaps its "worst mistake" by not holding elections to

11368-429: The task and a loyal supporter of the party of the revolutionary proletariat"), were acceptable candidates, placing large numbers of untested new members on the Bolshevik ballot opened the party's doors to careerism. The Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) campaigned for bread, peace and a government of Soviets. But the party leadership was divided on the issue of the Constituent Assembly. The moderates in

11484-453: The time the largest election organized in history. However, only in 39 districts did the election take place as scheduled. In many districts the voting occurred in late November or early December, and in some remote places the vote took place only in early January 1918. In spite of war and turmoil, some 47 million voters exercised their franchise, with a national voter turnout of around 64% (per Protasov (2004)). According to Protasov (2004),

11600-589: The view that a one-party state was a natural outgrowth of the Bolsheviks' actions. George Novack stressed the initial efforts by the Bolsheviks to form a government with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and bring other parties such as the Mensheviks into political legality. Tony Cliff argued the Bolshevik-Left Socialist Revolutionary coalition government dissolved the Constituent Assembly due to

11716-481: The voters supported the parties who stood for national statehood. The Bolsheviks then immediately proclaimed the elections null and void. On 19 February 1918, the Committee of Elders of the Land Council decided to proclaim Estonian independence. A Salvation Committee (a three-member committee formed by the Maapäev as executive body for the time when the activities of the Assembly were hindered) with special powers

11832-717: The votes. In Transcaucasus the vote was divided between Georgians (voting for Mensheviks), Armenians (voting for the Armenian Revolutionary Federation , also known as Dashnaksiun ) and Azeris (voting for Musavat and other Muslim groups). Tatar and Bashkir lists gathered 55% of the votes in Ufa. In July 1917 the First All-Kazakh Congress was held, establishing the Alash Party as a national political party. The party called for

11948-470: The war to 'its glorious conclusion'. On 20–21 April 1917, massive demonstrations of workers and soldiers erupted against the continuation of war. Demonstrations demanded resignation of Milyukov. They were soon met by the counter-demonstrations organised in his support. General Lavr Kornilov , commander of the Petrograd military district, wished to suppress the disorders, but premier Georgy Lvov refused to resort to violence. The Provisional Government accepted

12064-604: Was a provisional government of the Russian Empire and Russian Republic , announced two days before and established immediately after the abdication of Nicholas II on 2 March, O.S. [15 March 1917, N.S. ], during the February Revolution . The intention of the provisional government was the organization of elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly and its convention. The provisional government, led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky , lasted approximately eight months, and ceased to exist when

12180-493: Was also nominated from Moscow City. On November 27 (December 10) the All-Russia Committee for Elections to the Constituent Assembly requested members of the Constituent Assembly who had been returned by several areas to present a written statement indicating the electoral district for which they accepted election. Having been elected by several areas, Lenin, too, presented such a statement. Lenin opted to represent

12296-504: Was dramatically altered. The tsarist leadership represented an authoritarian, conservative form of governance. The Kadet Party (see Constitutional Democratic Party ), composed mostly of liberal intellectuals, formed the greatest opposition to the tsarist regime leading up to the February Revolution. The Kadets transformed from an opposition force into a role of established leadership, as the former opposition party held most of

12412-481: Was effectively limited by the Petrograd Soviet's growing authority. Public announcement of the formation of the Provisional Government was made. It was published in Izvestia the day after its formation. The announcement stated the declaration of government It also said, "The provisional government feels obliged to add that it is not intended to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in implementing

12528-580: Was elected on SR-Fareynikte list and the Bundist G.I. Lure was elected on a Menshevik-Bund list. The Buryat National Committee had previously been linked to the SRs, but ahead of the election relation was broken. Buryat SRs were not given prominent places on candidate lists, and the Buryat National Committee ended up contesting on its own. Radical Democrats (rightists) got some 19,000 votes. There are various different accounts of

12644-487: Was held in Petrograd, demanding female suffrage. The march gathered some 40,000 participants. The protest was led by Vera Figner and Poliksena Shishkina-Iavein. It moved from the Petrograd City Duma to the Tauride Palace , and the demonstrators refused to vacate the palace grounds before the Provisional Government and the Soviet committed to female suffrage. On July 20, 1917, the Provisional Government issued

12760-514: Was led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky . It replaced the Council of Ministers of Russia , which presided in the Mariinsky Palace . The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures. This weakness left the government open to strong challenges from both the right and the left. The Provisional Government's chief adversary on

12876-405: Was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice. The Decree read as follows: The Coup of General Kornilov is suppressed. But the turmoil that he spread in the ranks of the army and in the country is great. Once again, a great danger threatens the fate of the country and its freedom. Considering it necessary to put an end to the uncertainty in

12992-662: Was set up for that purpose. On 24 February, after the Bolsheviks abandoned Tallinn and one day before German forces occupied the country's capital city, the Salvation Committee issued a formal declaration of independence of the Republic of Estonia . After the German occupation of Estonia ended, the Maapäev continued as the legislature of Estonia until 1919. Russian Provisional Government Michael II (conditionally) The Russian Provisional Government

13108-500: Was somewhat evenly divided between SRs and Bolsheviks. Moreover, whilst the SRs enjoyed widespread support among the peasantry, the party lacked a strong organizational structure in rural areas. The party was highly dependent on peasant union, zemstvos , cooperatives and soviets. On the issue of war and peace, the SR leadership had vowed not to enter into a separate peace with the Central Powers . The SR leadership condemned

13224-480: Was supposed to have its first meeting on September 30, 1917. In July the left-wing parties increased their pressure on the Provisional Government, reaching a nearly insurrectionist situation. In the end, the following month the left consented to a further postponement. On August 9, 1917 a new date for the election was set by the Provisional Government: voting on November 12 and the first session of

13340-424: Was the case of Russia in 1917. Many on the far left would argue that the presence of special interest groups represent a form of bourgeois democracy, in which the interests of an elite few are represented to a greater extent than the working masses. The rise of special interest organizations gave people the means to mobilize and play a role in the democratic process. While groups such as trade unions formed to represent

13456-475: Was to elaborate the future Constitution of Russia. This Constitutional Assembly was to be chaired by Professor N. I. Lazarev and the historian V. M. Gessen. The Provisional Government was expected to continue to administer Russia until the Constituent Assembly had determined the future form of government. On 16 September 1917, the Duma was dissolved by the newly created Directorate . On October 24, Kerensky accused

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