Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution ( 日本国憲法第9条 , Nihon koku kenpō dai kyū-jō ) is a clause in the Constitution of Japan outlawing war as a means to settle international disputes involving the state. The Constitution was drafted following the surrender of Japan in World War II . It came into effect on 3 May 1947 during the occupation of Japan by the Allies , which lasted until 28 April 1952. In its text, the state formally renounces the sovereign right of belligerency and aims at an international peace based on justice and order. The article also states that, to accomplish these aims, armed forces with war potential will not be maintained. The Constitution was imposed by U.S. military occupation ( Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers ) to prevent rearmament of Japan in the post–World War II period. This condition was a similar prohibition placed on post-war Germany, to be overseen by England, after World War I. However, Axis Germany re-weaponized in the decades following. This was a leading call for the Allied mandate, and the continuing US defense agreements that would render aid in maintaining Japanese sovereignty in the event of a foreign attack.
80-636: Komeito ( 公明党 , Kōmeitō ) , formerly New Komeito ( NKP ) and commonly referred to as simply Komei , is a political party in Japan founded by members of the Buddhist movement Soka Gakkai in 1964. It is generally considered centrist and conservative . Since 2012, it has served in government as the junior coalition partner of the nationalist and conservative governments led by the Liberal Democratic Party . Keiichi Ishii has been
160-629: A "secular orientation". Observers continue to describe Komeito as the Soka Gakkai's "political arm", however, and critics contend the relationship violates the separation of religion and politics enshrined in Article 20 of the Japanese Constitution . The leadership and financing of the two groups are currently said to be independent. Both groups report having occasional liaison meetings, characterizing them as informational and "open to
240-565: A 2020 deadline for revising Article 9, which would legitimize the JSDF in the Constitution. Abe retired in 2020 due to health problems without revising Article 9. Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan is best understood as having three distinct elements: (1) a provision that prohibits the use of force (paragraph one); (2) a provision that prohibits the maintenance of armed forces or "other war potential" (paragraph two, clause one); and (3)
320-402: A bilateral agreement governing how Japanese and United States forces work together, which was signed by the two nations" earlier in 2015. On March 11, 2019, a project team of Komeito submitted proposals to Foreign Minister Taro Kono for an international agreement to regulate robotic weapons , calling on Japan to build global consensus for a "political declaration or a code of conduct, within
400-635: A coalition government with the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) if the DPJ gained a majority in the House of Representatives. On 8 August 2005, then- Prime Minister and the president of LDP Junichiro Koizumi dissolved the Lower House and called for a general election, due to the rejection on some of the members of LDP for efforts to privatize Japan Post . The incumbent LDP-New Komeito coalition won
480-456: A constitutional amendment to reduce or abolish restrictions imposed by Article 9. On 7 September 2018, candidate in the 2018 LDP Leadership Election , Shigeru Ishiba criticized Shinzo Abe for shifting his stance on Article 9 revision. Ishiba advocates the removal of Paragraph 2 of Article 9 which denies Japan's "right of belligerency." This is based on a LDP draft of changes for the law in 2012. In May 2017, Abe changed his stance to keep both
560-473: A denial of the rights of belligerency. It is helpful to keep these distinct elements in mind in considering the operation and effect of Article 9. Paragraph one, which prohibits the use of force has been highly effective in constraining Japanese foreign policy, with the result that Japan has not used force or been engaged in armed conflict since the promulgation of the Constitution. During the Gulf War of 1991,
640-576: A few weeks later in January 1998. Finally, in November 1998, Kōmei and New Peace Party merged to re-establish Kōmeitō (referred to in English now as "New Komeito" – the party's name is just Kōmeitō as before the 1994 split). The Japan Echo alleged in 1999 that Soka Gakkai distributed fliers to local branches describing how to abuse the jūminhyō residence registration system in order to generate
720-471: A large majority in the 2005 general election . Natsuo Yamaguchi became the party's leader on 8 September 2009 after the party and their coalition partner LDP suffered a major defeat in the 2009 general election , become part of the opposition for the first time since 1999. New Komeito lost ten seats, including that of party leader Akihiro Ota and general secretary Kazuo Kitagawa . On 8 September 2009, Yamaguchi replaced Ota as president of New Komeito. In
800-599: A large number of votes for Komeito candidates in specific districts. The current conservative, more moderate, and centrist party was formed in 1998, in a merger of Kōmei and the New Peace Party. Since then it has joined coalition with the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which needs Komeito to maintain a majority in the Diet (especially in the House of Councillors which the LDP lost majority since 1989), and did well in
880-408: A larger share of the burden of defense of the western Pacific . (Japan has a guideline of a limit of 1% of GDP on defense spending; Japan defines a number of activities as non-defense spending.) Given these circumstances, some have viewed Article 9 as increasingly irrelevant. It has remained an important brake on the growth of Japan's military capabilities. Despite the fading of bitter wartime memories,
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#1732771891109960-708: A military ally against communism in the Pacific. There was a desire on the part of the United States occupation forces for Japan to take a more active military role in the struggle against communism during the Cold War . If Article 9 is looked upon as a motion to abolish war as an institution—as envisaged in the 1961 McCloy–Zorin Accords —then the Korean crisis was the first opportunity for another country to second
1040-435: A permanent institution is abolished. There shall be the necessary police forces for surveillance and the preservation of the public order. Military forces may only be organized under a continental agreement or for the national defense; in either case, they shall always be subordinate to the civil power: they may not deliberate or make statements or representations individually or collectively. The German Constitution emphasizes
1120-574: A separate party. After the dissolution of the NFP in December 1997, former Kōmeitō members from the NFP founded two new groups: the "New Peace Party" ( 新党平和 , Shintō Heiwa ) and the "Dawn Club" ( 黎明クラブ , Reimei Club ) in the House of Councillors, but some ex-Kōmeitō politicians such as Shōzō Azuma followed Ichirō Ozawa into the Liberal Party . The Reimei Club merged into the New Peace Party
1200-504: A speech, he called for abolishing Article 9, saying if Japan were to become a: "respectable member (of) the community of nations it would first have to revise its constitution and rearm: If Japan is alone in renouncing war ... she will not be able to prevent others from invading her land. If, on the other hand, Japan could defend herself, there would be no further need of keeping United States garrison forces in Japan. ... Japan should be strong enough to defend herself." In May 2007,
1280-449: A tale scopo. English translation: Italy repudiates war as an instrument offending the liberty of the peoples and as a means for settling international disputes; it agrees to limitations of sovereignty where they are necessary to allow for a legal system of peace and justice between nations, provided the principle of reciprocity is guaranteed; it promotes and encourages international organizations furthering such ends. The Article 12 of
1360-403: Is no longer acceptable." The officer stated that Japan needs to rethink its rejection of offensive weapons and that the government should discuss it with the public. The officer said that the government of Japan should inform the public about the threats of China and North Korea. A constitutional amendment would require a two-thirds majority and pass referendum to effect it (as per Article 96 of
1440-563: Is published by the Komei Organ Paper Committee, and has also published a regional Hokkaido edition in the past. Leadership as of 9 November 2024: Political party in Japan In Japan , any organization that supports a candidate needs to register itself as a political party. Each of these parties have some local or national influence. This article lists political parties in Japan with representation in
1520-591: Is usually taken to mean "justice". Komeito's predecessor party, Kōmeitō , was formed in 1962, but it had begun in 1954 as the Kōmei Political League. It lasted until it merged with the NKP in 1998. In 1957, a group of Young Men's Division members campaigning for a Soka Gakkai candidate in an Osaka Upper House by-election were arrested for distributing money, cigarettes, and caramels at supporters' residences, in violation of election law, and on July 3 of that year, at
1600-415: Is within the nation's right to have the capacity to defend itself. Scholars have also discussed "constitutional transformation ... [which] occurs when a constitutional provision has lost its effectiveness but has been replaced by a new meaning". The use of private military companies is also ambiguous in nature and subjected to various interpretations. The Liberal Democratic Party has advocated changing
1680-475: The 2003 invasion of Iraq . In the 2003 Japanese general election and 2004 Japanese House of Councillors election , the NKP did well, thanks to an extremely committed and well-organized voter base coming from Soka Gakkai. The party shares its support base with the LDP, made up of white-collar bureaucrats and rural populations, but also gained support from religious leaders. However, on 27 July 2005, NKP's Secretary-General said that his party would consider forming
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#17327718911091760-578: The Government of Japan does not renounce the right (to have power) of self-defence because of this amendment. The article was endorsed by the Imperial Diet of Japan on 3 November 1946. Kades later made statements, like MacArthur at a time when the U.S. was trying to get Japan to rearm, that suggested he had initially rejected the proposed language that prohibited Japan's use of force "for its own security", believing that self-preservation
1840-594: The Gulf War of 1990, or lack of involvement, has provoked significant criticism. Despite U.S. pressure on Japan to assist America in Iraq, Japan limited their involvement in the war to financial contribution primarily because of domestic opposition to the deployment of troops. As a result of the painfully ardent disapproval from the U.S. during the Gulf War, Japan was quick to act after the September 11 attacks in 2001. It
1920-611: The Japan Socialist Party largely advocating the interests of trade unions and the working class. There was no single party that represented people who belonged to neither, such as shop owners and housewives, among others. Komeito was thus able to capture the support of this constituency. Komeito regards the Soka Gakkai as a "major electoral constituency", having formally separated from the religious group and revised both its platform and regulations in 1970 to reflect
2000-722: The Liberal Democratic and Komeito Party) approved a reinterpretation of Article 9. This reinterpretation allows Japan to exercise the right of "collective self-defense" in some instances and to engage in military action if one of its allies were to be attacked. The Japanese National Diet made the reinterpretation official in September 2015 by enacting a series of laws allowing the Japan Self-Defense Forces to provide material support to allies engaged in combat internationally. The stated justification
2080-555: The National Diet to change the Constitution, despite it having a supermajority with Komeito from 2005 to 2009 and from 2012 to the present day. The opposing party, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan , tends to concur with the LDP's interpretation. At the same time, both parties have advocated the revision of Article 9 by adding an extra clause explicitly authorizing the use of force for
2160-510: The National Diet , either in the House of Representatives ( lower house ) or in the House of Councillors ( upper house ). The article also mentions political parties within the nation that either used to be within representation, or parties that currently are. Legal status as a political party ( seitō ) is tied to having five members in the Diet or one member and at least two percent nationally of either proportional or majoritarian vote in one of
2240-525: The general election on 16 December 2012, the LDP/Komeito coalition secured a supermajority and came back into government. The former party chief Akihiro Ota (Ohta) is currently Minister of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism. The party also gained seats in the general election in 2014 . In September 2014 the party changed its English name from New Komeito back to Komeito. In July 2015, Komeito backed Prime Minister Shinzō Abe 's push to revise
2320-582: The 1960s it was widely criticized for violating the separation of church and state , and in February 1970 all three major Japanese newspapers printed editorials demanding that the party reorganize. It eventually broke apart based on promises to segregate from Soka Gakkai. In the 1980s, Shimbun Akahata discovered that many Soka Gakkai members were rewarding acquaintances with presents in return for Komeito votes and that Okinawa residents had changed their addresses to elect Komeito politicians. Kōmeitō joined
2400-541: The 1970s played a critical role in the eventual normalization of relations between the People's Republic of China and Japan in 1972. The party has advocated for friendlier policies towards China, and has maintained communications with the country even during moments when the relationships between the two countries have been strained. The party reportedly advocates for improved ties with China and South Korea in light of Japan's historical war crimes in both territories. In 2013,
2480-587: The 1990s, there has been a shift away from a stance that would tolerate no alteration of the article to allowing a revision that would resolve the discord between the JSDF and Article 9. Additionally, quite a few citizens consider that Japan should allow itself to commit the Japan Self-Defense Forces to collective defense efforts, like those agreed to on the UN Security Council in the Gulf War , for instance. Japan's ability to "engage in collective defense" has been argued. The involvement of Japan in
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2560-689: The 2000 and 2001 parliamentary elections. The LDP-Liberal coalition expanded to include the New Komeito Party in October 1999. New Komeito has been (and continues to be) a coalition partner in the Government of Japan since 1999 (excluding 2009–2011 when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power). As such, New Komeito supported a (temporary) change to Japan's " no-war constitution " in order for Japan to deploy troops in support of
2640-461: The 5 October 2016 Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly Session. In response, the newly appointed Tokyo Governor, Yuriko Koike , cited possible disciplinary action towards those responsible for the Toyosu project. In contrast with the LDP, Komeito has generally been more cautious about efforts to expand the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF). At its founding, the party adhered to absolute pacifism, rejecting both
2720-557: The Allied Supreme Commander Douglas MacArthur (in statements made at a time when the U.S. was trying to get Japan to re-arm), the provision was suggested by Prime Minister Kijūrō Shidehara , who "wanted it to prohibit any military establishment for Japan—any military establishment whatsoever". Shidehara's perspective was that retention of arms would be "meaningless" for the Japanese in
2800-467: The Constitution in order to "give Japan's military limited powers to fight in foreign conflicts for the first time since World War II ". This legislation, supported by the United States , would allow the " Self-Defense Forces to cooperate more closely with the U.S. by providing logistical support and, in certain circumstances, armed backup in international conflicts" and "complements guidelines in
2880-495: The Constitution of Costa Rica enacted in 1949 establishes: Se proscribe el Ejército como institución permanente. Para la vigilancia y conservación del orden público, habrá las fuerzas de policía necesarias. Sólo por convenio continental o para la defensa nacional podrán organizarse fuerzas militares; unas y otras estarán siempre subordinadas al poder civil; no podrán deliberar, ni hacer manifestaciones o declaraciones en forma individual o colectiva. English translation: The Army as
2960-818: The Constitution". He later responded to the JSP's constitutionality claims by stating that the NSF had no true war potential in the modern era. In 1954, the National Safety Agency became the Japan Defense Agency (now Ministry of Defense ), and the National Police Reserve became the Japan Self-Defense Forces ( 自衛隊 , Jieitai ) . In practice, the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) are very well equipped and
3040-525: The German Article 24, which was incorporated in the post-war German Constitution , and which provides for delegating or limiting sovereign powers in favor of collective security, Article 9 was added to the 1947 constitution during the occupation that lasted until 28 April 1952 following the defeat of Japan in the World War II . The source of the pacifist clause is disputed. According to
3120-624: The Hosokawa and Hata anti-LDP coalition cabinets in 1993 and 1994. After the collapse of the anti-LDP and anti- JCP governments ( 非自民・非共産連立政権 ) and the electoral and campaign finance reforms of 1994, the Kōmeitō split in December 1994: The "New Kōmei Party" ( 公明新党 , Kōmei Shintō ) joined the New Frontier Party (NFP) a few days later in an attempt to unify the splintered opposition. The other group, Kōmei ( 公明 ) , continued to exist as
3200-587: The House of Representatives in an electoral district and on a proportional list, may take political donations from legal persons, i.e. corporations, and other benefits such as air time on public broadcaster NHK. Naruhito [REDACTED] Fumihito [REDACTED] Shigeru Ishiba ( LDP ) Second Ishiba Cabinet ( LDP – Komeito coalition ) [REDACTED] [REDACTED] Fukushiro Nukaga Kōichirō Genba [REDACTED] Masakazu Sekiguchi Hiroyuki Nagahama Saburo Tokura Kazuo Ueda Under Japanese law, all of
3280-464: The JSDF was created, "since the capability of the JSDF was inadequate to sustain a modern war, it was not war potential". Seemingly, the Japanese government has looked for loopholes in the wording of the peace clause and the "constitutionality of the Japanese military has been challenged numerous times". Some Japanese people believe that Japan should be truly pacifist and claim that the JSDF is unconstitutional. The Supreme Court, however, has ruled that it
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3360-1139: The Japanese Constitution ). Despite numerous attempts by the LDP to change Article 9, they have never been able to achieve the large majority required, as revision is opposed by a number of Japanese political parties, including the DPJ and the Japanese Communist Party . In the Italian Constitution Article 11 is similar to the Japanese analogue, but the use of military forces is permitted for self-defense (articles 52 and 78) and also for peace-keeping purposes, if agreed with international organizations: Italian: L'Italia ripudia la guerra come strumento di offesa alla libertà degli altri popoli e come mezzo di risoluzione delle controversie internazionali; consente, in condizioni di parità con gli altri Stati, alle limitazioni di sovranità necessarie ad un ordinamento che assicuri la pace e la giustizia fra le Nazioni; promuove e favorisce le organizzazioni internazionali rivolte
3440-715: The Japanese motion and embark on the transition toward a true system of collective security under the United Nations . In fact, however, in 1950, following the outbreak of the Korean War , the U.S. 24th Infantry Division was pulled out of Japan and sent to fight on the front lines in Korea, and so Japan was left without any armed protection. MacArthur ordered the creation of a 75,000-strong National Police Reserve ( 警察予備隊 , Keisatsu yobitai ) to maintain order in Japan and repel any possible invasion from outside. The NPR
3520-605: The Komeito wishes to eliminate nuclear arms and Japanese involvement in armed conflict in general. Komeito supports maintaining the Japan's military alliance with the United States . The party promotes closer relations between China and Japan . According to a Foreign Policy article in 2021, "Of all parties in the Diet, Komeito enjoys the strongest and most stable relationship with China." Komeito's then leader Yoshikatsu Takeiri 's held negotiations Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in
3600-431: The article is: Article 9. Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of
3680-643: The beginning of an event memorialized as the "Osaka Incident," Daisaku Ikeda was arrested in Osaka. He was taken into custody in his capacity as Soka Gakkai's Youth Division Chief of Staff for overseeing activities that constituted violations of election law. He spent two weeks in jail and appeared in court forty-eight times before he was cleared of all charges in January 1962. In 1968, fourteen of its members were convicted of forging absentee ballots in Shinjuku, and eight were sentenced to prison for electoral fraud . In
3760-429: The coalition government issue a formal apology to sterilization victims of the defunct Eugenic Protection Act , thus to advance human rights awareness in the wake of lawsuits related to the history of eugenics in Japan . Religious scholar and political analyst Masaru Satō explains that in postwar Japan there were two major parties, the Liberal Democratic Party representing financial interests and large corporations and
3840-588: The constitutionality of the JSDF and the military alliance with the US. Later softening its views, Komeito later backed LDP proposals such as a 2004 vote to dispatch the JSDF to support allied operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, and prime minister's Shinzo Abe 's revision of the security laws to expand military powers in July 2015, although it did manage to moderate the policy on the latter. With regard to foreign policy,
3920-399: The consumption tax rate, reducing school fees and offering child allowances. In accordance with its public affairs transparency platform, it was reported that since September 2016, the Komeito conducted independent analyses for possible environmental contamination of the proposed Toyosu market site. The Komeito officially raised its environmental concerns later regarding Toyosu market during
4000-399: The context of Article 9 since 1955, when Article 9 was interpreted as renouncing the use of warfare in international disputes but not the internal use of force for the purpose of maintaining law and order. The LDP's longtime coalition partner Komeito have long opposed changing the context of Article 9. The LDP have never had the necessary supermajority (two-thirds of votes in both Houses) in
4080-505: The dispatch of JSDF troops to Iraq and to confirm the unconstitutionality of such a dispatch", though the troops sent to Iraq were not sent for combat but for humanitarian aid. Japan has actively built U.S.-Japan relations precisely because of Article 9 and Japan's inability to engage in an offensive war. It has been debated that, "when [Koizumi] declared support for the U.S.-led war on Iraq in March 2003, and when he sent Japanese forces to aid
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#17327718911094160-693: The exception of the Tōhōkai became part of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association or were banned. Note: Postwar parties often give themselves "English" names which sometimes differ significantly from translations of their Japanese names. Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution There are the post-occupation U.S. military stationed in Japan under the U.S.-Japan Mutual Cooperation and Security Treaty and Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) which
4240-453: The first and second paragraph of article 9 while adding a reference to the Japan Self-Defense Forces. In January 2019, then-Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said in the National Diet that long-range cruise missiles are not banned under Article 9 of the Constitution. On 21 October 2019 a senior U.S. military officer in Tokyo said that "Japan’s avoidance of offensive weaponry under its constitution
4320-556: The framework of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons ". A self-proclaimed party of "humanitarian socialism," Komeito's declared mission is to pioneer "people-centered politics, a politics based on a humanitarianism , that treats human life with the utmost respect and care". On 24 April 2019, joint task force efforts with its coalition partner resulted in the passing of a bill mandating reparations and having
4400-427: The general public, according to opinion polls, continued to show strong support for this constitutional provision. The different views can be clearly organized into four categories: Evidently, opinions range from one extreme of pacifism, to the other extreme of nationalism and complete remilitarization. The majority of Japanese citizens approve the spirit of Article 9 and consider it personally important. But since
4480-669: The government of Japan sought to join the U.S. coalition formed to drive Iraq out of Kuwait, but was informed by the Director of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau that doing so would constitute a use of force in violation of Article 9 paragraph one - so Japan was limited to providing financial assistance. The second element of Article 9, which prohibits Japan from maintaining an army , navy or air force , has been highly controversial, and arguably less effective in shaping policy. From one perspective, one implication of
4560-633: The inclusion of Article 9 was mainly brought about by the members of the Government Section of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers , especially Charles Kades , one of Douglas MacArthur 's closest associates. There is, however, another theory by constitutional scholar Toshiyoshi Miyazawa, which is supported by significant evidence provided by other historians, that the idea came from MacArthur himself and that Shidehara
4640-418: The late 1990s, Article 9 has been the central feature of a dispute over the ability of Japan to undertake multilateral military commitments overseas. During the late 1980s, increases in government appropriations for the JSDF averaged more than 5% per year. By 1990 Japan was ranked third, behind the then- Soviet Union and the United States, in total defense expenditures, and the United States urged Japan to assume
4720-463: The maritime forces are considered to be stronger than the navies of some of Japan's neighbors. The Supreme Court of Japan has reinforced the constitutionality of armed self-defense in several major rulings, most notably the Sunakawa Case of 1959, which upheld the legality of the then-current U.S.–Japan Security Treaty . In July 2014, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe ( coalition government of
4800-473: The media". Numerous Japanese religious groups have established political parties in Japan, but statistics scholar Petter Lindgren states that "None have, however, been more successful than Soka Gakkai." Domestically, the party proposals include reduction of the central government and bureaucracy , increased transparency in public affairs, and increased local ( prefectural ) autonomy with the private sector playing an increased role. Komeito also supports reducing
4880-607: The obligations of International Law as being part of the federal law and taking precedence above subconstitutional law - although not above constitutional law (Art. 25 GG ). It also forbids international acts of aggression, including offensive wars, stating in Article 26, Section 1: Handlungen, die geeignet sind und in der Absicht vorgenommen werden, das friedliche Zusammenleben der Völker zu stören, insbesondere die Führung eines Angriffskrieges vorzubereiten, sind verfassungswidrig. Sie sind unter Strafe zu stellen. English Translation: Acts tending to and undertaken with intent to disturb
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#17327718911094960-428: The occupation in January 2004, it was not Iraq that was in the Japanese sights so much as North Korea". Japan's unstable relations with North Korea , as well as other neighboring Asian countries has forced Japan to batter and bend Article 9 to "permit an increasingly expansive interpretation" of the constitution in the hopes of guaranteeing U.S. support in these relations. Former Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi said in
5040-563: The parties below are "political organizations" ( seiji dantai ), not "political parties" ( seitō , see above). Current political parties that used to be in the Diet but are not currently represented: Japan has other minor parties not represented in Parliament (which have never been represented before), some are new, others with communist and socialist ideologies, as well as a few nationalist, reformist, and far-right parties. Some of them include: In 1940, all remaining political parties with
5120-477: The party's chief representative Natsuo Yamaguchi praised Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's decision not to visit Yasukuni Shrine , where Japanese war criminals are enshrined. On the comfort women issue, in 2016 the party reportedly advocated for removing Yoshitaka Sakurada from a leadership position after Sakurada denied that the women were forced to work. The party organ of Komeito is the Komei Shinbun . It
5200-523: The post-war era, because any substandard post-war military would no longer gain the respect of the people, and would actually cause people to obsess with the subject of rearming Japan. Shidehara admitted to his authorship in his memoirs Gaikō Gojū-Nen ( Fifty Years' Diplomacy ), published in 1951, where he described how the idea came to him on a train journey to Tokyo; MacArthur himself confirmed Shidehara's authorship on several occasions. However, according to some interpretations, he denied having done so, and
5280-586: The president of the party since 28 September 2024. Komeito currently has 24 elected Deputies in the Japanese House of Representatives . Komeito began as the Political Federation for Clean Government in 1961, but held its inaugural convention as Komeito on 17 November 1964. The three characters 公明党 have the approximate meanings of "public/government" (公 kō), "light/brightness" (明 mei), and "political party" (党 tō). The combination "kōmei" (公明)
5360-459: The provision is that in strictly legal terms, the Japan Self-Defense Forces are not land, sea or air forces, but are extensions of the national police force. This has had broad implications for foreign, security and defense policy. According to the Japanese government, " 'war potential' in paragraph two means force exceeding a minimum level necessary for self-defense. Anything at or below that level does not constitute war potential." Apparently when
5440-402: The purpose of self-defense against aggression directed against the Japanese nation. The Japan Socialist Party , on the other hand, had considered the JSDF as unconstitutional and advocated the full implementation of Article 9 through the demilitarization of Japan. When the party joined with the LDP to form a coalition government, it reversed its position and recognized the JSDF as a structure that
5520-617: The state will not be recognized . The failure of the collective security of the League of Nations led to the realization that a universal system of security could only be effective if nations agreed to some limitation of their national sovereignty with regard to their right to belligerency, and if the Security Council which had been a "closed shop" during League of Nations times, would open itself up to UN Members who would cede constitutional powers in favor of collective security. Like
5600-521: The then Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe (Nobusuke Kishi's grandson) marked the 60th anniversary of the Japanese Constitution by calling for a "bold review" of the document to allow the country to take a larger role in global security and foster a revival of national pride. Aside from Abe's Liberal Democratic Party , as of 2012, the Japan Restoration Party , Democratic Party of Japan , People's New Party , and Your Party support
5680-495: The three elections of the current members of the National Diet, i.e. the last House of Representatives general election and the last two House of Councillors regular elections. Political parties receive public party funding (¥ 250 per citizen, about ¥ 32 bill. in total per fiscal year, distributed according to recent national elections results – last HR general and last two HC regular elections – and Diet strength on January 1), are allowed to concurrently nominate candidates for
5760-514: Was clear that "the 11 September attacks led to increased U.S. demands for Japanese security cooperation". On October 29, 2001, the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law was passed, which "further broadened the definition of Japan's self-defense". The law allowed Japan to support the U.S. military on foreign territory. This law provoked "citizen groups [to] file lawsuits against the Japanese government in order to stop
5840-635: Was constitutional. The Japanese Communist Party considers the JSDF unconstitutional and has called for reorganization of Japanese defense policy to feature an armed militia. At present, the government interprets Article 9 to mean that Japan cannot possess offensive military weapons ; this has been interpreted to mean that Japan cannot have: This has not inhibited the deployment of: all of which have substantial, and multi-mission, combat potential. Offensive cyberwarfare operations has been ambiguous in nature and subjected to various interpretations. Since
5920-568: Was dismissed by the Grand Bench for lack of relevance. On 1 August 1952, a new National Safety Agency ( 保安庁 , Hoancho ) was formed to supervise the NPR and its maritime component. The new agency was directly headed by Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida . Yoshida supported its constitutionality: although he stated in a 1952 Diet committee session that "to maintain war potential, even for the purpose of self-defense, [would] necessitate revision of
6000-494: Was founded in 1954 as de facto postwar Japanese military. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe approved a reinterpretation which gave more powers to the JSDF in 2014, which was made official in 2015 . The full text of the article in Japanese: 第二章 戦争の放棄 第九条 日本国民は、正義と秩序を基調とする国際平和を誠実に希求し、国権の発動たる戦争と、武力による威嚇又は武力の行使は、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、永久にこれを放棄する。 ② 前項の目的を達するため、陸海空軍その他の戦力は、これを保持しない。国の交戦権は、これを認めない。 The official English translation of
6080-451: Was merely a pawn in his plans. Most recent research, however, has conclusively corroborated Shidehara's authorship. The House of Representatives amended the Article and added “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order,” to Paragraph 1 and “In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph,” to Paragraph 2. Hitoshi Ashida made this tenor. SCAP did not object to this amendment. Many scholars think
6160-535: Was mixed. China expressed a negative view of this reinterpretation, while the US, the Philippines , Vietnam , and Indonesia reacted positively. The government of South Korea did not oppose the reinterpretation, but noted that it would not approve of JSDF operations in and around the Korean peninsula without its request or approval, and called upon Japan to act in a way that would win the trust of neighboring states. In May 2017, Japanese Prime Minister Abe set
6240-485: Was organized by United States Army Col. Frank Kowalski (later a U.S. congressman) using Army surplus equipment. To avoid possible constitutional violations, military items were given civilian names: tanks, for instance, were named "special vehicles". Shigesaburo Suzuki, a leader of the Japan Socialist Party , brought suit in the Supreme Court of Japan to have the NPR declared unconstitutional: however, his case
6320-478: Was that failing to defend or support an ally would weaken alliances and endanger Japan. It is considered by some parties as illegitimate since the Prime Minister circumvented the constitutional amendment procedure, dictating a radical change to the meaning of fundamental principles in the Constitution by way of Cabinet fiat without Diet debate, vote, or public approval. International reaction to this move
6400-747: Was the right of every nation. The historical record, however, casts doubt on this revisionist interpretation. Soon after the adoption of the Constitution of Japan on 3 May 1947, the Chinese Civil War ended in victory for the Chinese Communist Party in 1949 and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC). As a consequence, the United States was left without the Republic of China (ROC) on Mainland China as
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