82-541: The Lakewood Balmoral Historic District is a historic district in the Edgewater community area of Chicago , Illinois . It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on February 12, 1999. The district covers an area of about 63 acres (0.25 km); its boundaries are Magnolia Avenue to the east, Wayne Avenue to the west, Foster Avenue to the south, and Bryn Mawr Avenue to the north. The area
164-514: A tongue-in-cheek , online petition was set up to assess support for the establishment of wind farms on the Manly Beach. In Vancouver , the city hall's licensing department rejected a day care 's expansion from 8 to 16 kids after a small number of neighbors attended public meetings in 2023 to discuss the parking issues, noise, and traffic the additional children would bring to the neighborhood. According to city projections, Vancouver has
246-507: A Certificate of Appropriateness (COA), and the historic commission or architectural review board may decide upon the changes. The COA process is carried out with all aspects of due process, with formal notification, hearings, and fair and informed decision-making. According to the National Park Service, historic districts are one of the oldest forms of protection for historic properties. The city of Charleston, South Carolina
328-444: A State Historic Preservation Office, not all states must have a "state historic district" designation. As of 2004, for example, the state of North Carolina had no such designation. Local historic districts usually enjoy the greatest level of protection legally from any threats that may compromise their historic integrity because many land-use decisions are made at the local level. There are more than 2,300 local historic districts in
410-479: A cellular telephone tower being built. A proposed development of downtown Dartmouth in August 2012 was also contested by residents. In February 2013, some residents of Lunenburg County opposed wind farms being built in the area, saying, "It's health and it's property devaluation" and "This is an industrial facility put in the middle of rural Nova Scotia. It does not belong there." In March 2013, some residents of
492-423: A development, implying that they have narrow, selfish, or myopic views. Its use is often pejorative . The term Not in my neighborhood , or NIMN , is also frequently used. "NIMN" additionally refers to legislative actions or private agreements made with the sole purpose of maintaining racial identity within a particular neighborhood or residential area by forcefully keeping members of other races from moving into
574-580: A federal designation, such as granting qualifications and tax incentives. In addition, the property can become protected under specific state laws. The laws can be similar or different from the federal guidelines that govern the National Register. A state listing of a historic district on a "State Register of Historic Places", usually by the State Historic Preservation Office , can be an "honorary status", much like
656-525: A historian and speaking to the Oxford Mail , she then opposed the third and current location because she believed a monument with a red flag would glorify communism, despite no red flag ever being proposed to appear on the monument. Her rejection of every proposal led to Britain's largest and longest running left-wing newspaper, the Morning Star , labelling her as a NIMBY. In 2007, residents of
738-596: A historic district per U.S. federal law , last revised in 2004. According to the Register definition, a historic district is: a geographically definable area, urban or rural, possessing a significant concentration, linkage, or continuity of sites, buildings, structures, or objects united by past events or aesthetically by plan or physical development. A district may also comprise individual elements separated geographically but linked by association or history. Districts established under U.S. federal guidelines generally begin
820-567: A lawyer to appeal the right way, or might have more immediate troubles than a new nearby construction project. The environmental justice movement has pointed out nimbyism leads to environmental racism . Robert D. Bullard , Director of the Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University, has argued that official responses to NIMBY phenomena have led to the PIBBY principle. Reverse NIMBY
902-514: A local waste management facility as a municipal necessity. Studies show that stricter land use regulation, such as the kind that arises from NIMBY advocacy, raises the price of housing, and consequently increases cost of living . Housing prices are affected by demand and supply of housing. The effect of moving chains is shown for change of housing prices. Homelessness is connected to lower housing supply and higher rents. Strict land use regulations contribute to racial housing segregation in
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#1732798073757984-575: A member of the United States Atomic Energy Commission . The phrase '"not in my back yard" syndrome,' without the acronym, also appeared in an environmental journal in February 1980. The Oxford English Dictionary ' s earliest citation is a Christian Science Monitor article from November 1980, although even there the author indicates the term is already used in the hazardous waste industry. The concept behind
1066-544: A mesh of structures, streets, open space, and landscaping to define a historic district's character. As early as 1981, the National Trust for Historic Preservation identified 882 American cities and towns that had some form of "historic district zoning " in place--local laws meant specifically to protect historic districts. Before 1966, historic preservation in the United States was in its infancy. That year
1148-514: A price per square foot basis increased in value significantly more than non-designated properties. The original concept of an American historic district was a protective area surrounding more important, individual historic sites. As the field of historic preservation progressed, those involved came to realize that the structures acting as "buffer zones" were key elements of the historical integrity of larger landmark sites. Preservationists believed that districts should be more encompassing, blending
1230-456: A separate process unrelated to zoning. Local historic districts are identified by surveying historic resources and delineating appropriate boundaries that comply with all aspects of due process . Depending on local ordinances or state law, property owners' permission may be required; however, all owners are to be notified and allowed to share their opinions. Most local historic districts are constricted by design guidelines that control changes to
1312-691: A series of environmental protests began in Belgrade and other locations in Serbia. Protesters demanded the rejection of Rio Tinto's mine investment and the withdrawal of proposed changes to the Expropriation and Referendum Laws. The Oxford Spanish Civil War memorial , built in 2017, is dedicated to locals who served the International Brigades against Spanish nationalist forces backed by Hitler and Mussolini. The memorial sits outside
1394-600: A shortfall of 14,911 licensed child-care spaces. In July 2012, residents of Kings County rallied against a bylaw, developed over three years of consultation and hearings, allowing wind generators to be constructed nearby. A similar theme arose in September 2009, where residents there rallied against a wind generator in Digby Neck . In January 2011, residents of Lawrencetown in Halifax County openly opposed
1476-530: A smaller area with just one or a few resources. Historic districts can be created by federal, state, or local governments . At the federal level, they are designated by the National Park Service and listed on the National Register of Historic Places ; this is a largely honorary designation that does not restrict what property owners may do with a property. State -level historic districts usually do not include restrictions, though this depends on
1558-423: A specific definition in relation to the National Register. All but the eponymous district category are also applied to historic districts listed on the National Register. A listing on the National Register of Historic Places is a governmental acknowledgment of a historic district. However, the Register is "an honorary status with some federal financial incentives." The National Register of Historic Places defines
1640-494: A spirit of reconciliation and forgiveness", and called the design "aggressive towards the memory of the victims of conflict". Liberal Democrat councillor Elizabeth Wade opposed each proposed location for a monument in Oxford, although she claimed she was never opposed in principle. She described the second proposal on St Giles' near Oxford's First and Second World War memorials as “aggressive and triumphalist”. Describing herself as
1722-519: A variety of books and articles on how to address NIMBY perspectives. One such article discussing NIMBY opposition to affordable housing by the National Low Income Housing Coalition . NIMBY and its derivative terms nimbyism , nimbys , and nimbyists , refer implicitly to debates of development generally or to a specific case. As such, their use is inherently contentious. The term is usually applied to opponents of
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#17327980737571804-414: A variety of motivations and may be unified only because they oppose a particular project. For example, some may oppose any significant change or development, regardless of type, purpose, or origin. Others, if the project is seen as being imposed by outsiders, may hold strong principles of self-governance , local sovereignty , local autonomy, and home rule . These people believe that local people should have
1886-460: Is a phenomenon opposite to the widely known concept of NIMBY. Instead of arguing that it is troublesome that a hazardous facility is located in my backyard, proponents and people who exploit the concept of reverse NIMBY would say that "If it happens in my backyard, it matters more because, well, it's my backyard." It appears within the U.S. Congress where politicians actively use the mentality after major catastrophic events to garner recovery funds from
1968-590: Is a pro-development movement in contrast and opposition to the NIMBY phenomenon. Frequently argued debate points in favor of development include higher employment, tax revenue, marginal cost of remote development, safety, and environmental benefits. Proponents of development may accuse locals of egotism , elitism , parochialism, drawbridge mentality , racism and anti- diversity , the inevitability of criticism, and misguided or unrealistic claims of prevention of urban sprawl . If people who do not want to be disturbed see
2050-423: Is an acronym for "place in blacks' back yard." This principle indicates that the people with perceived social, racial, and economic privileges object to a development in their own back yards, and if the objectionable item must be built, then it should be built so that its perceived harms disproportionately affect poor, socially disadvantaged people. Economically disadvantaged people might not be willing or able to hire
2132-405: Is artificially restricted and the supply of new housing permanently capped in area so designated as 'historic'. Critics of historic districts argue that while these districts may offer an aesthetic or visually pleasing benefit, they increase inequality by restricting access to new and affordable housing for lower and middle class tenants and potential home owners. Housing advocates have argued that
2214-503: Is commonly used within the context of planning in the United Kingdom. Sunderland City Council lists the term in their online dictionary of jargon. In the United States, the related phenomenon CAVE people or "CAVE dwellers" serves as an acronym for "citizens against virtually everything." It is a pejorative term for citizens who regularly oppose any changes in their community, organization or workplace. A reference to
2296-407: Is credited with beginning the modern-day historic districts movement. In 1931, Charleston enacted an ordinance which designated an "Old and Historic District" administered by a Board of Architectural Review. Charleston's early ordinance reflected the strong protection that local historic districts often enjoy under local law. It asserted that no alteration could be made to any architectural features
2378-641: Is easily accessible from the Berwyn station on the Chicago "L" Red Line . John Lewis Cochran , the first major developer in the Edgewater area, purchased the land which makes up the Lakewood Balmoral district in 1890. Known as Cochran's Third Addition to Edgewater, the region was marketed to middle-class families, as opposed to the Edgewater lakefront, which was mostly mansions at the time. Many of
2460-471: Is little more than recognition by the government that the resource is worthy of preservation. Generally, the criteria for acceptance to the National Register are applied consistently, but there are considerations for exceptions to the criteria, and historic districts influence some of those exceptions. Usually, the National Register does not list religious structures, moved structures, reconstructed structures, or properties that have achieved significance within
2542-488: Is not involved, then the listing on the National Register provides the site , property or district no protections. For example, if company A wants to tear down the hypothetical Smith House and company A is under contract with the state government of Illinois, then the federal designation would offer no protections. If, however, company A was under federal contract, the Smith House would be protected. A federal designation
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2624-491: Is seen by some due to spatially concentrated costs and diffuse benefits together with regulatory transaction costs which result in a failure of conflict resolution . As hinted by the list, protests can occur for opposite reasons. A new road or shopping center can cause increased traffic and work opportunities for some, and decreased traffic for others, harming local businesses. People in an area affected by plans sometimes form an organization which can collect money and organize
2706-560: The U.S. Conference of Mayors penned an influential report which concluded, in part, that Americans suffered from a sense of "rootlessness." They recommended historic preservation to help give Americans a sense of orientation. The creation of the National Register of Historic Places in 1966, on the heels of the report, helped instill that sense of orientation the mayors sought. The mayors also recommended that any historic preservation program not focus solely on individual properties but also on "areas and districts which contain special meaning for
2788-520: The Dublin suburb of Raheny . 650 individual objections were received against the planning submission as well as several protests held. Court challenges were taken by residents groups against the permission which was granted on the basis of not adequately addressing the EU habitats directive. Following a revised submission with a report on the effects to light-bellied Brent geese and other protected birds,
2870-470: The National Register of Historic Places. If such an objection occurred, then the nomination would become a determination of National Register eligibility only. This provision is controversial because of the presumption that owners who do not file a formal objection support the designation, placing the burden on opponents. Most U.S. state governments have a listing similar to the National Register of Historic Places. State listings can have similar benefits to
2952-669: The National Register. For example, in Nevada , listing in the State Register places no limits on property owners. In contrast, state law in Tennessee requires that property owners within historic districts follow a strict set of guidelines from the U.S. Department of Interior when altering their properties. Though, according to the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, all states must have
3034-467: The United States are designated historic districts recognizing a group of buildings, archaeological resources, or other properties as historically or architecturally significant. Buildings, structures, objects, and sites within a historic district are normally divided into two categories, contributing and non-contributing. Districts vary greatly in size and composition: a historic district could comprise an entire neighborhood with hundreds of buildings, or
3116-620: The United States . A study by economists Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti estimated that the housing restrictions brought on by NIMBY activists are costing US workers $ 1 trillion in reduced wages (several thousand dollars per worker) by making it unaffordable to relocate to higher-productivity cities. A 1994 paper by Michael Gerrard found that NIMBY movements generally oppose three types of facilities: waste disposal, low-income housing, and social services (such as homeless shelters). While opposition to waste disposal may have community benefits by encouraging recycling, it has also perpetuated
3198-424: The United States is primarily based on arguments that such laws creating such districts restrict the supply of affordable housing, and thus the result of such districts is that of enforcing caste structures and class divisions by region and segments of urban areas. Several historic districts have been proposed not for a true preservation purpose but to prevent development. The issue of local historic districts and
3280-425: The United States. Local historic districts can be administered at the county or the municipal level; both entities are involved in land use decisions. The specific legal mechanism by which historic districts are enacted and regulated varies from one state to the next. In some areas, they are a component of zoning (where they are sometimes referred to as "overlay districts." In other places, they are created under
3362-668: The Vieux Carré Commission and authorizing it to act to maintain the historic character of the city's French Quarter . Other localities picked up on the concept, with the city of Philadelphia enacting its historic preservation ordinance in 1955. The regulatory authority of local commissions and historic districts has been consistently upheld as a legitimate use of government police power, most notably in Penn Central Transportation Co. v. City of New York (1978). The Supreme Court case validated
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3444-427: The affluent English village of Ashtead , Surrey, which lies on the outskirts of London , objected to the conversion of a large, £ 1.7 million residential property into a family support centre for relatives of wounded British service personnel. The house was to be purchased by a registered charity, SSAFA Forces Help . Local residents objected to the proposal out of fear of increased traffic and noise, as well as
3526-499: The airport's short second runway (unusable for anything but short-haul narrow-body aircraft ) until the late 2000s, when cross-town Haneda Airport was opened to international traffic, as additional runways on landfill were completed at an extra cost of billions of dollars; the second runway was extended to 2,500 metres (8,200 ft). Odakyu Electric Railway , now providing transit along a corridor with 5 million people living in walking distance of its rail and feeder bus service area,
3608-602: The area. In that regard, "Not in My Neighborhood," by author and journalist Antero Pietila, describes the toll NIMN politics had on housing conditions in Baltimore throughout the 20th century and the systemic, racially based citywide separation it caused. BANANA is an acronym for "build absolutely nothing anywhere near anything" (or "anyone"). The term is most often used to criticize the ongoing opposition of certain advocacy groups to land development . The term
3690-658: The city centre because all planning proposals to erect the memorial in the centre were rejected for numerous reasons, with Liberal Democrat councillors opposing all the suggested locations. The creation of the monument was also opposed by the Oxford Preservation Trust and the London Place Residents' Association. The current placement of the memorial was the third proposed location, with the previous two having their planning applications rejected by Oxford City Council. The first proposed spot
3772-474: The community of Blockhouse opposed the building and development of a recycling plant, referred to by one business owner as a "dump." The plant would offer 75 jobs to the community of roughly 5,900 people. In the same month, the municipal councilors of Chester approved the building of wind turbines in the area in a 6–1 vote, despite some local opposition. There have been successful NIMBY movements in China over
3854-480: The community." Local, state, and federal historic districts now account for thousands of historical property listings at all levels of government. NIMBY NIMBY ( / ˈ n ɪ m b i / , or nimby ), an acronym for the phrase " not in my back yard ", is a characterization of opposition by residents to proposed real estate development and infrastructure developments in their local area, as well as support for strict land use regulations. It carries
3936-964: The connotation that such residents are only opposing the development because it is close to them and that they would tolerate or support it if it were built farther away. The residents are often called nimbys , and their viewpoint is called nimbyism . The opposite movement is known as YIMBY for "yes in my back yard". Some examples of projects that have been opposed by nimbys include housing development (especially for affordable housing or trailer parks ), high-speed rail lines, homeless shelters , day cares , schools , universities and colleges , bike lanes and transportation planning that promotes pedestrian safety infrastructure, solar farms , wind farms , incinerators , sewage treatment systems, fracking , and nuclear waste repositories . Developments likely to attract local objections include: The claimed reasons against these developments vary, and some are given below. The cause of NIMBYism
4018-645: The construction of the HS1–HS2 link railway. In November 2007, a consultation process began for the building of a new third runway and a sixth terminal and it was controversially approved on 15 January 2009 by UK government ministers. The project was then cancelled on 12 May 2010 by the Cameron Government . The project was adopted by the House of Commons in June 2018. NIMBYs and political protestors appealed to
4100-421: The designation process through a nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. The National Register is the official recognition by the U.S. government of cultural resources worthy of preservation. While designation through the National Register does offer a district or property some protections, it is only in cases where the threatening action involves the federal government . If the federal government
4182-545: The development was finally granted permission in August 2020. The No TAV opposition to the Turin–Lyon high-speed railway is often characterized as a NIMBY movement. Starting in 1966, the Sanrizuka Struggle movement opposed the construction of Narita International Airport . Originally the plan for the airport also included a high speed railway line that was later scrapped. NIMBYs also prevented extension of
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#17327980737574264-445: The early 1980s to describe the resistance of communities to the siting of controversial facilities and land use. The term's connotation has harshened since its introduction in the 1980s. Beyond their impact on any single development or neighborhood, NIMBY organizations and policies are now painted as worsening racial segregation , deepening economic inequality , and limiting the overall supply of affordable housing . There have been
4346-431: The existence of those facilities in minority communities, while opposition to low-income housing and social services facilities has significant negative effects for society at large. An Australian politician, Zali Steggall , representing Sydney Manly Beach , advocates action on climate change , including the installation of wind turbines. Suspecting the political proposal is to install wind turbines, Not In My Backyard,
4428-568: The federal government. This is a viable strategy for members of Congress to garner benefits for their constituents because it is difficult for the federal government to understand needs at the local level. Although often used rather pejoratively, the use of the concept NIMBY and similar terms have been critiqued by those who have been called NIMBYs. For instance, the term is frequently used to dismiss groups as selfish or ill-informed, even though these same groups claim to have virtues that are overlooked. YIMBY , an acronym for "yes, in my back yard",
4510-400: The final choice, and that any project affecting the local people should clearly benefit themselves, rather than corporations with distant investors or central governments. Still others may object to a particular project because of its nature, e.g., opposing a nuclear power plant over fear of radiation, or opposing a local apartment complex due to worries about overcrowding or crime, but accepting
4592-503: The general need of an establishment, such as an airport, they generally suggest another location. But seen from society's perspective, the other location might not be better, since people living there get disturbed instead. Strict land use regulations are an important driver of racial housing segregation in the United States . White communities are more likely to have strict land use regulations (and white people are more likely to support those regulations). Those labeled as NIMBYs may have
4674-528: The historic designation process has in many places been hijacked by NIMBY homeowners to block housing. The first U.S. historic district was established in Charleston, South Carolina in 1931, predating the U.S. federal government designation by more than three decades. Charleston city government designated an "Old and Historic District" by local ordinance and created a board of architectural review to oversee it. New Orleans followed in 1937, establishing
4756-484: The impact of lithium mining on the local environment including water pollution with no regard to the economic and other environmental benefits including battery production reducing reliance on oil, less air pollution and lower CO 2 emissions. . Opposition to lithium mining has been expressed by the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and most Serbian opposition parties and organisations . In September 2021,
4838-627: The impact on property values concerns many homeowners. The effects have been extensively studied using multiple methodologies, including before-and-after analysis and evaluating comparable neighborhoods with and without local designation status. Independent researchers have conducted factual analysis in several states, including New Jersey, Texas, Indiana, Georgia, Colorado, Maryland, North and South Carolina, Kentucky, Virginia, and elsewhere. As stated by economist Donovan Rypkema, "the results of these studies are remarkably consistent: property values in local historic districts appreciate significantly faster than
4920-600: The land. The company's decision began in 1993 and completed in 2004 for one critical section, meanwhile, for the second smaller section, this same decision was made in 2003 with project completion finally approaching fruition in March 2018, nearly six decades later. There is mounting opposition to the exploitation of lithium at the Jadar mine site by Rio Tinto in Western Serbia. The local residents are concerned about
5002-406: The last 50 years. However, if a property falls into one of those categories and are " integral parts of districts that do meet the criteria", then an exception allowing their listing will be made. Historic district listings, like all National Register nominations, can be rejected based on owner disapproval. In the case of historic districts, a majority of owners must object to nullify a nomination to
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#17327980737575084-527: The last few decades. In May 2014, in the city of Yuhang in Zhejiang Province, a NIMBY movement prevented the construction of a giant refuse incinerator. The victory came at enormous costs with many grassroot leaders arrested and many government infrastructures destroyed. However, in the case of China, many socially harmful projects simply continue their operation or relocate once media attention subsides and government authorities start to suppress
5166-654: The line in the Setagaya ward fought attempts by the railway to acquire land; Odakyu attempted to buy each piece of land individually, offering high prices. The Setagaya Residents' opposition established a long-term and remarkable NIMBY case in the courts and legislature. By 1993, after three decades of trying, it was apparent this plan was failing, and the company decided to go for a multi-billion dollar solution: tunneling two lines underground, and then adding back two new lines stacked on top, to make four tracks in each direction for 12 stations and 10.4 km, instead of acquiring
5248-475: The line will pass—offered a "passionate defence of nimbyism" in the House of Commons, with regards to the effects the line would have on home- and business-owning constituents. HS2 has also been opposed by residents of the Chilterns and Camden who argue that there is an insufficient business case for the line. On 17 March 2014, it was announced that Camden residents were successful in their campaign to prevent
5330-429: The local newspaper, or calling in to talk radio shows, similar to NIMBYs. The terms "CAVE people" and "BANANAs" were used in a 2022 op-ed to describe the populace of Stamford , Connecticut. The op-ed was written by a former municipal employee and described CAVE people as seeing "no issue simultaneously arguing conflicting points so long as nothing changes." Similar is "NIABY" or "not in anyone's backyard". PIBBY
5412-545: The market as a whole in the vast majority of cases and appreciate at rates equivalent to the market in the worst case. Simply put – historic districts enhance property values." In a 2011 study Connecticut Local Historic Districts and Property Values , it was found that "property values in every local historic district saw average increases in value ranging from 4% to over 19% per year." Similarly, in New York City between 1980 and 2000, local historic district properties on
5494-455: The objection activities. NIMBYists can hire a lawyer to file formal appeals , and contact media to gain public support for their case. The acronym first appeared in a February 1979 newspaper article in Virginia 's Daily Press . agencies need to be better coordinated and the "nimby" (not in my backyard) syndrome must be eliminated. The article may have been quoting Joseph A. Lieberman,
5576-523: The possibility of an increased threat of terrorism. They also contended that the SSAFA charity is actually a business, thereby setting an unwelcome precedent. British newspapers ran articles titled "No heroes in my backyard". Ex-servicemen and several members of the British general public organised a petition in support of SSAFA, and even auctioned the "Self Respect of Ashtead" on eBay . Particularly in
5658-467: The properties included in the district. Many local commissions adopt specific guidelines for each neighborhood's " tout ensemble " although some smaller commissions rely on the Secretary of Interior Standards. For most minor changes, homeowners can consult with local preservation staff at the municipal office and receive guidance and permission. Significant changes, however, require homeowners to apply for
5740-435: The property owner's consent or compensation for the historic overlay. Historic districts are generally two types of properties, contributing and non-contributing. Broadly defined, a contributing property is any property, structure, or object which adds to the historical integrity or architectural qualities that make a historic district, listed locally or federally, significant. Different entities, usually governmental, at both
5822-516: The protection of historic resources as "an entirely permissible governmental goal." In 1966, the federal government created the National Register of Historic Places, soon after a report from the U.S. Conference of Mayors had stated Americans suffered from "rootlessness." By the 1980s, there were thousands of federally designated historic districts. Some states, such as Arizona, have passed referendums defending property rights that have stopped private property from being designated as historic without
5904-411: The protestors . The Chinese government has also been accused of "weaponizing" NIMBY movements abroad through influence operations that drive opposition against perceived economic threats such as the development projects that compete with the rare earth industry in China . In 2020, there was significant opposition to the development of 650 apartments in the grounds of St Paul's College school in
5986-713: The public could view from the street. Local historic districts, as in New Orleans and Savannah, Georgia , predate the Register by ten years or more as well. Local historic districts are most likely to generate resistance because of the restrictions they tend to place on property owners. Local laws can cause residents "to comply with (local historic district) ordinances." For example, homeowners may be prevented from upgrading poorly insulated windows unless they spend tens of thousands of dollars on identical styles. Criticism of historic districts in Chicago and elsewhere in
6068-525: The state and national level in the United States, have differing definitions of contributing property, but they all retain the same basic characteristics. In general, contributing properties are integral parts of a historic district's historical context and character. In addition to the two types of classification within historic districts, properties listed on the National Register of Historic Places are classified into five broad categories. They are: building, structure, site, district, and object; each one has
6150-442: The state. Historic districts created by local municipalities, however, almost always protect historic properties by regulating alterations, demolition, or new construction within the district. Much criticism has arisen of historic districts and the effect protective zoning and historic designation status laws have on the housing supply. When an area of a city is designated as part of a 'historic district', new housing development
6232-596: The streets in the district were named by Cochran. Berwyn Avenue, Bryn Mawr Avenue and Wayne Avenue were named after stations on the Main Line running north of his native Philadelphia . Catalpa Avenue was named after a street in Philadelphia, Lakewood Avenue after the town of Lakewood, New Jersey , and Balmoral—a nod to Cochran's Scottish ancestry—after Balmoral Castle in Scotland. The Lakewood Balmoral district
6314-704: The term "CAVE dwellers" can be found in the September 30, 1990, edition of the Orlando Sentinel . The term apparently existed before the publication of the article. CAVE/BANANA people are characterized by implacable opposition to change in any form, regardless of what other local residents and stakeholders feel. This attitude is manifested in opposition to changes in public policy as varied as tax levies , sewer rates , public transportation routes, parking regulations and municipal mergers or annexations . CAVE/BANANA people often express their views publicly by attending community meetings , writing letters to
6396-694: The term, that of locally organized resistance to unwanted land uses, is likely to have originated earlier. One suggestion is it emerged in the 1950s. In the 1980s, the term was popularized by British politician Nicholas Ridley , who was the Conservative Secretary of State for the Environment . Comedian George Carlin used the term in 1992 for his Jammin' in New York special, implying that people had already heard of it. The NIMBY acronym has also been used by social scientists since
6478-525: The time period preceding the final decision on the route of the high-speed railway known as High Speed 2 , BBC News Online reported that many residents of conservative constituencies were launching objections to the HS2 route based on the effects it would have on them, whilst also showing concerns that HS2 is unlikely to have a societal benefit at a macro level under the current economic circumstances. Likewise, Labour MP Natascha Engel —through whose constituency
6560-479: Was Bonn Square which was rejected citing that granite was not a stone native to Oxford. The second proposed location was St Giles' which was also rejected by councillors, claiming that the close proximity of an anti-fascist memorial to current war memorials would insult the memory of people who died during the Second World War. Some objected to the memorial because it did not honour "both sides ... in
6642-551: Was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1999. In 1999, it included 490 buildings deemed to contribute to the historic character of the area. This article about a property in Cook County, Illinois on the National Register of Historic Places is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This Chicago geographical article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Historic district (United States) Historic districts in
6724-420: Was originally built in the pre-war era, and as the city of Tokyo's population ballooned, rail demand in suburbs exploded. By the 1960s, oshiya pushers were required to squash people into packed trains, and Odakyu Railway sought to expand its two-track lines to four, thus allowing more passing trains and faster run times as well as less crowding and congestive wait and hold of trains. NIMBY residents living near
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