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29-507: Several became Radical members of Parliament , and the group as a whole attempted to use the Westminster Review to exert influence on public opinion. They rejected any philosophical or legal naturalism and furthered Jeremy Bentham 's utilitarian philosophy. Utilitarianism as a moral philosophy argues that maximizing happiness should be the moral standard by which our actions should be measured. It thereby stands in contrast to

58-404: A philosophical radical and supporter of universal suffrage . G. M. Trevelyan considered that “Parliamentary, municipal, scholastic, ecclesiastical, economic reform all sprang from the spirit of Bentham’s perpetual enquiry, ‘what is the use of it?’ - his universal shibboleth”. The philosophical radicals, as a group, came to prominence in the 1820s. When radicalism re-emerged from the defeat of

87-713: A slimmed-down executive opposed Benthamite interventionists; universal suffrage men competed for time and resources with free traders – the Manchester men. By 1859, the Radicals had come together with the Whigs and the anti-protectionist Tory Peelites to form the Liberal Party , though with the New Radicalism of figures like Joseph Chamberlain they continued to have a distinctive political influence into

116-611: Is not codified or restricted to particular customs, laws or documents. Radicals inside and outside Parliament were divided over the merits of the Whig Reform Act 1832 . Some continued to press for the ballot and universal suffrage, but the majority (as mobilised in unions like the Birmingham Political Union ) saw abolition of the rotten boroughs as a major step towards the destruction of what they called "Old Corruption" or "The Thing": "In consequence of

145-529: The Representation of the People Act 1884 . Progressive liberals like John Morley and Joseph Chamberlain continued to value radicalism as a unifying bridge between the classes, and a common goal. However, in 1886 Chamberlain helped form the breakaway Liberal Unionist Party that mostly supported Conservative governments. The long career of David Lloyd George saw him moving from radical views in

174-825: The Six Acts , it was (in Elie Halévy ’s words) “the Radicalism – respectable, middle-class, prosaic, and calculating – of Bentham and his followers”. Central to their political aims was the reduction of aristocratic power, privilege and abuse. In his article in the opening number of the Westminster Review, James Mill dissected the aristocratic nature of the British Constitution, the House of Commons largely nominated by some hundred borough-managers,

203-487: The 1835 election, leading many to envisage a House of Commons eventually divided between Radicals on the one side and conservatives (Tories and Whigs) on the other. In fact, the Radicals failed either to take over an existing party, or to create a new, third force and there were three main reasons. The first was the continuing strength of Whig electoral power in the half-century following the 1832 Act. The latter had expressly been designed to preserve Whig landlord influence in

232-593: The 1890s to becoming Prime Minister in a postwar coalition with the Conservatives in 1918. From 1900 and the rise of the Labour Party and the gradual achievement of the majority of the original Radical goals, Parliamentary Radicalism ceased to function as a political force in the early twentieth century. Radicals were absorbed by the Liberal Party by 1859, but did show their presence as a faction of

261-598: The Liberal Party. Philosophical Radicals The Philosophical Radicals were a philosophically minded group of English political radicals in the nineteenth century inspired by Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) and James Mill (1773–1836). Individuals within this group included Francis Place (1771–1854), George Grote (1794–1871), Joseph Parkes (1796–1865), John Arthur Roebuck (1802–1879), Charles Buller (1806–1848), John Stuart Mill (1806–1873), Edward John Trelawny (1792–1881), and William Molesworth (1810–1855). Several became Radical members of Parliament , and

290-562: The aristocratic classes, the noble and the rich, in the English Constitution, an evil worth any struggle to get rid of”. Some of their remedies – universal suffrage and the ballot – would a century later have become taken-for-granted realities of British life; others – abolition of the monarchy and the House of Lords, disestablishment of the Church of England – have not yet materialised. Alongside their political radicalism,

319-419: The boroughs, all our institutions are partial, oppressive, and aristocratic. We have an aristocratic church, an aristocratic bar, an aristocratic game-code , aristocratic taxation....all is privilege". The 1832 parliament elected on the new franchise – which raised the percentage of the adult population eligible to vote from some 3% to 6% – contained some fifty or sixty Radicals. This number shortly doubled in

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348-538: The broader foundations of British liberalism. And a New Liberalism would succeed to the formative role of the philosophical radicals. Radicals (UK) The Radicals were a loose parliamentary political grouping in Great Britain and Ireland in the early to mid-19th century who drew on earlier ideas of radicalism and helped to transform the Whigs into the Liberal Party . The Radical movement arose in

377-528: The closing years of the nineteenth century. Following the First Reform Act, popular demand for wider suffrage was taken up by the mainly working-class movement Chartism . Meanwhile, Radical leaders like Richard Cobden and John Bright in the middle class Anti-Corn Law League emerged to oppose the existing duties on imported grain which helped farmers and landowners by raising the price of food, but which harmed consumers and manufacturers. After

406-563: The convictions of idealism , amongst others. Born in the first half of the eighteenth century, Bentham proved a conduit for Enlightenment ideas to reach nineteenth century Britain. A disciple of Helvetius , who saw all society as based on the wants and desires of the individual, Bentham began with a belief in reform through enlightened despotism , before becoming a philosophical radical and supporter of universal suffrage . G. M. Trevelyan considered that “Parliamentary, municipal, scholastic, ecclesiastical, economic reform all sprang from

435-766: The counties and the remaining small borough – one reason a radical like Henry Hetherington condemned the bill as "an invitation to the shopocrats of the enfranchised towns to join the Whiggocrats of the country". Whigs were also able to profit in two-member constituencies from electoral pacts made with a more reforming candidate. Secondly, there was the widening body of reforming opinion inside (and outside) Parliament concerned with other, unrelated causes, including international liberalism, anti-slavery, educational and pro-temperance reforms, admissibility of non-Anglicans ("nonconformists") to positions of power. The latter expanded later to disestablishmentarianism which replaced

464-677: The government to resign. A Conservative minority government led by the Earl of Derby and Benjamin Disraeli took office and introduced the Reform Act 1867 – which almost doubled the electorate, giving many working men the vote – in a somewhat opportunistic party fashion. Further Radical pressure led to the Ballot Act 1872 and the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Act of 1883, followed by

493-446: The group as a whole attempted to use the Westminster Review to exert influence on public opinion. They rejected any philosophical or legal naturalism and furthered Jeremy Bentham 's utilitarian philosophy. Utilitarianism as a moral philosophy argues that maximizing happiness should be the moral standard by which our actions should be measured. It thereby stands in contrast to the rationalistic ethics of Immanuel Kant as well as to

522-499: The group shared a liberal view of political economy influenced by David Ricardo , and favouring laissez faire ; while codification and centralisation also formed component elements (not always compatible with laissez faire) of the Benthamite creed. By the second half of the 19thC, much of the philosophical radicals’ program had been realised, much had become to be seen as inadequate – aristocratic privilege no longer appearing as

551-510: The landlord culture propped up by the Law and the Church. His son veered in many respects from his views, but never ceased (in his own words) to consider “the predominance of the aristocratic classes, the noble and the rich, in the English Constitution, an evil worth any struggle to get rid of”. Some of their remedies – universal suffrage and the ballot – would a century later have become taken-for-granted realities of British life; others – abolition of

580-463: The late 18th century to support parliamentary reform, with additional aims including lower taxes and the abolition of sinecures . John Wilkes 's reformist efforts in the 1760s, as editor of The North Briton and as an MP, were seen as radical at the time, but support dropped away after the Massacre of St George's Fields in 1768. Working class and middle class "Popular Radicals" agitated to demand

609-406: The monarchy and the House of Lords, disestablishment of the Church of England – have not yet materialised. Alongside their political radicalism, the group shared a liberal view of political economy influenced by David Ricardo , and favouring laissez faire ; while codification and centralisation also formed component elements (not always compatible with laissez faire) of the Benthamite creed. By

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638-498: The old local government units of the simple parish unit vestry by the mid-nineteenth century, devising instead civil (non-religious) parishes for almost all areas. Thirdly, the Radicals were always more a body of opinion than a structured force. They lacked any party organisation, formal leadership, or unified ideology. Instead, humanitarian Radicals opposed philosophic Radicals over the Factory Acts ; political Radicals seeking

667-431: The rationalistic ethics of Immanuel Kant as well as to the convictions of idealism , amongst others. Born in the first half of the eighteenth century, Bentham proved a conduit for Enlightenment ideas to reach nineteenth century Britain. A disciple of Helvetius , who saw all society as based on the wants and desires of the individual, Bentham began with a belief in reform through enlightened despotism , before becoming

696-473: The right to vote and assert other rights, including freedom of the press and relief from economic distress, while " Philosophic Radicals " strongly supported parliamentary reform, but were generally hostile to the arguments and tactics of the Popular Radicals. However, the term "Radical" itself, as opposed to "reformer" or "Radical Reformer", only emerged in 1819 during the upsurge of protest following

725-423: The second half of the 19thC, much of the philosophical radicals’ program had been realised, much had become to be seen as inadequate – aristocratic privilege no longer appearing as the central social problematic. Setting out “to free philosophical radicalism from the reproach of sectarian Benthamism”, J. S. Mill introduced new themes – the dangers of excessive centralisation; of the tyranny of the majority – which laid

754-406: The spirit of Bentham’s perpetual enquiry, ‘what is the use of it?’ - his universal shibboleth”. The philosophical radicals, as a group, came to prominence in the 1820s. When radicalism re-emerged from the defeat of the Six Acts , it was (in Elie Halévy ’s words) “the Radicalism – respectable, middle-class, prosaic, and calculating – of Bentham and his followers”. Central to their political aims

783-651: The success of the League on the one hand and the failure of Chartist mass demonstrations and petitions in 1848 to sway parliament on the other, demand for suffrage and parliamentary reform slowly re-emerged through the parliamentary radicals. By 1866, with agitation from John Bright and the Reform League , the Liberal Prime Minister Earl Russell introduced a modest bill which was defeated by both Tories and reform Liberals, forcing

812-671: The successful conclusion of the Napoleonic War. Henry "Orator" Hunt was the main speaker at the Manchester meeting in 1819 that ended in the Peterloo Massacre ; Hunt was elected MP for the Preston division in 1830–1832. The "root and branch" of the reforms which the adjective radical suggests, and at the time still strongly in concept denoted by reference to all its previous main uses, is the British constitution , which

841-450: Was the reduction of aristocratic power, privilege and abuse. In his article in the opening number of the Westminster Review, James Mill dissected the aristocratic nature of the British Constitution, the House of Commons largely nominated by some hundred borough-managers, the landlord culture propped up by the Law and the Church. His son veered in many respects from his views, but never ceased (in his own words) to consider “the predominance of

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