Proto-Cushitic is the reconstructed proto-language common ancestor of the Cushitic language family . Its words and roots are not directly attested in any written works, but have been reconstructed through the comparative method , which finds regular similarities between languages not explained by coincidence or word-borrowing, and extrapolates ancient forms from these similarities.
61-653: There is no consensus regarding the exact location of the Proto-Cushitic homeland ; Christopher Ehret hypothesizes that it may have originated in the Red Sea Hills . The Cushitic languages are a branch of the broader Afroasiatic macro-family . Christopher Ehret argues for a unified Proto-Cushitic language in the Red Sea Hills as far back as the Early Holocene. Based on onomastic evidence,
122-468: A vowel sound: the corresponding physical measurement is duration . In some languages vowel length is an important phonemic factor, meaning vowel length can change the meaning of the word, for example in Arabic , Czech , Dravidian languages (such as Tamil ), some Finno-Ugric languages (such as Finnish and Estonian ), Japanese , Kyrgyz , Samoan , and Xhosa . Some languages in the past likely had
183-538: A contrast of *ɗ and *tʼ . Bender tentatively supports Ehret's *ts , *dz , *ŋ and labialized velars, but in his survey does not find unambiguous etymologies for these, nor for lateral, velar and pharyngeal fricatives or any ejectives. The following basic correspondences of obstruent consonants follow Sasse (1979), with Beja and Agaw correspondences from Ehret (1987) and Dahalo correspondences from Tosco (2000): The sonorants *m , *n , *l , *r , *j , *w normally continue unchanged in all Cushitic languages, with
244-486: A family tree, and therefore no known Urheimat . An example is the Basque language of Northern Spain and southwest France. Nevertheless, it is a scientific fact that all languages evolve. An unknown Urheimat may still be hypothesized, such as that for a Proto-Basque , and may be supported by archaeological and historical evidence. Sometimes relatives are found for a language originally believed to be an isolate. An example
305-479: A few rhotic dialects, such as Scottish English and Northern Irish English . It also plays a lesser phonetic role in Cantonese , unlike in other varieties of Chinese , which do not have phonemic vowel length distinctions. Many languages do not distinguish vowel length phonemically, meaning that vowel length does not change meaning. However, the amount of time a vowel is uttered can change based on factors such as
366-464: A given language family implies a purely genealogical view of the development of languages. This assumption is often reasonable and useful, but it is by no means a logical necessity, as languages are well known to be susceptible to areal change such as substrate or superstrate influence. Over a sufficient period of time, in the absence of evidence of intermediary steps in the process, it may be impossible to observe linkages between languages that have
427-486: A linguistic homeland (e.g. Isidore Dyen 's proposal for New Guinea as the center of dispersal of the Austronesian languages ). The linguistic migration theory has its limits because it only works when linguistic diversity evolves continuously without major disruptions. Its results can be distorted e.g. when this diversity is wiped out by more recent migrations. The concept of a (single, identifiable) "homeland" of
488-768: A rare phoneme already in Proto-Cushitic. Most other languages show /b/ . Sasse tentatively reconstructs *x as Proto-East Cushitic based on Dullay and Yaaku, but finds correspondences elsewhere to be unclear. Ehret identifies these further with *x , *xʷ occurring in South Cushitic and Agaw, and finds in Beja reflexes as the stops /k/ , /kʷ/ . For corresponding voiced *ɣ , *ɣʷ in Agaw, which occur only word-medially, he proposes correspondences as Beja /g/ , /gʷ/ ; most East Cushitic *g , but implosive /ɠ/ in Yaaku and Dullay;
549-516: A shared Urheimat: given enough time, natural language change will obliterate any meaningful linguistic evidence of a common genetic source. This general concern is a manifestation of the larger issue of "time depth" in historical linguistics. For example, the languages of the New World are believed to be descended from a relatively "rapid" peopling of the Americas (relative to the duration of
610-1065: A shift: /kjauto/ → /kjoːto/ . Another example is shōnen ( boy ): /seuneɴ/ → /sjoːneɴ/ [ɕoːneɴ] . As noted above, only a relatively few of the world's languages make a phonemic distinction between long and short vowels. Some families have many such languages, examples being the Dravidian languages and the Finno-Ugric languages . Other languages have fewer relatives with vowel length, including Arabic , Japanese , Scottish Gaelic . There are also older languages such as Sanskrit , Biblical Hebrew , and Latin which have phonemic vowel length but no descendants that preserve it. In Latin and Hungarian, some long vowels are analyzed as separate phonemes from short vowels: Vowel length contrasts with more than two phonemic levels are rare, and several hypothesized cases of three-level vowel length can be analysed without postulating this typologically unusual configuration. Estonian has three distinctive lengths, but
671-477: A single vowel phoneme, which may have then become split in two phonemes. For example, the Australian English phoneme /æː/ was created by the incomplete application of a rule extending /æ/ before certain voiced consonants, a phenomenon known as the bad–lad split . An alternative pathway to the phonemicization of allophonic vowel length is the shift of a vowel of a formerly-different quality to become
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#1732765747547732-622: A third one was then introduced. For example, the Finnic imperative marker * -k caused the preceding vowels to be articulated shorter. After the deletion of the marker, the allophonic length became phonemic, as shown in the example above. In the International Phonetic Alphabet the sign ː (not a colon, but two triangles facing each other in an hourglass shape ; Unicode U+02D0 ) is used for both vowel and consonant length. This may be doubled for an extra-long sound, or
793-626: Is [poʃ] "guava", [poˑʃ] "spider", [poːʃ] "knot". In Dinka the longest vowels are three moras long, and so are best analyzed as overlong e.g. /oːː/ . Four-way distinctions have been claimed, but these are actually long-short distinctions on adjacent syllables. For example, in Kikamba , there is [ko.ko.na] , [kóó.ma̋] , [ko.óma̋] , [nétónubáné.éetɛ̂] "hit", "dry", "bite", "we have chosen for everyone and are still choosing". In many varieties of English, vowels contrast with each other both in length and in quality, and descriptions differ in
854-526: Is a short vowel found in a syllable immediately preceded by a stressed short vowel: i-s o . Among the languages with distinctive vowel length, there are some in which it may occur only in stressed syllables, such as in Alemannic German , Scottish Gaelic and Egyptian Arabic . In languages such as Czech , Finnish , some Irish dialects and Classical Latin , vowel length is distinctive also in unstressed syllables. In some languages, vowel length
915-455: Is almost completely detached from linguistic reconstruction, instead surrounding questions of phonology and the origin of speech . Time depths involved in the deep prehistory of all the world's extant languages are of the order of at least 100,000 years. The concept of an Urheimat only applies to populations speaking a proto-language defined by the tree model . This is not always the case. For example, in places where language families meet,
976-441: Is contrastive vowel length in closed syllables between long and short /e/ and /ɐ/ . The following are minimal pairs of length: In most varieties of English, for instance Received Pronunciation and General American , there is allophonic variation in vowel length depending on the value of the consonant that follows it: vowels are shorter before voiceless consonants and are longer when they come before voiced consonants. Thus,
1037-408: Is implied. The entire Indo-European family itself is a language isolate: no further connections are known. This lack of information does not prevent some professional linguists from formulating additional hypothetical nodes ( Nostratic ) and additional homelands for the speakers. The Gulf Plains , west of Queensland Vowel length In linguistics , vowel length is the perceived length of
1098-404: Is often reinforced by allophonic vowel length, especially when it is lexical. For example, French long vowels are always in stressed syllables. Finnish , a language with two phonemic lengths, indicates the stress by adding allophonic length, which gives four distinctive lengths and five physical lengths: short and long stressed vowels, short and long unstressed vowels, and a half-long vowel, which
1159-400: Is reconstructed as already Proto-Cushitic by Ehret. Bender does not find the mid vowels *e, *ee, *o, *oo to be supported by clear etymologies outside of East Cushitic. Further instances of long vowels arise in many languages through the vocalization of the laryngeal consonants *ħ, *ʕ, *h, *ʔ and monophthongization of the combinations *ay, *ey, *aw. A rather different vowel system appears in
1220-403: Is sometimes better analyzed as a sequence of two identical vowels. In Finnic languages , such as Finnish, the simplest example follows from consonant gradation : haka → haan . In some cases, it is caused by a following chroneme , which is etymologically a consonant: jää "ice" ← Proto-Uralic * jäŋe . In non-initial syllables, it is ambiguous if long vowels are vowel clusters; poems written in
1281-633: Is the Etruscan language , which, even though only partially understood, is believed to be related to the Rhaetic language and to the Lemnian language . A single family may be an isolate. In the case of the non-Austronesian indigenous languages of Papua New Guinea and the indigenous languages of Australia, there is no published linguistic hypothesis supported by any evidence that these languages have links to any other families. Nevertheless, an unknown Urheimat
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#17327657475471342-533: The THOUGHT vowels can occur, depending on morphology (compare falling [ˈfɔʊlɪn] with aweless [ˈɔəlɪs] ). In Cockney, the main difference between /ɪ/ and /ɪə/ , /e/ and /eə/ as well as /ɒ/ and /ɔə/ is length, not quality, so that his [ɪz] , merry [ˈmɛɹɪi] and Polly [ˈpɒlɪi ~ ˈpɔlɪi] differ from here's [ɪəz ~ ɪːz] , Mary [ˈmɛəɹɪi ~ ˈmɛːɹɪi] and poorly [ˈpɔəlɪi ~ ˈpɔːlɪi] (see cure-force merger ) mainly in length. In broad Cockney,
1403-463: The Agaw languages , which is identical to the neighboring Ethiopian Semitic languages . Ehret proposes the following development: At least the distinction between *i and *u often remains in the appearance of palatalization or labialization on adjacent consonants. A personal pronoun system with six grammatical persons can be reconstructed, with distinct masculine and feminine forms for at least
1464-468: The Kalevala meter often syllabicate between the vowels, and an (etymologically original) intervocalic -h- is seen in that and some modern dialects ( taivaan vs. taivahan "of the sky"). Morphological treatment of diphthongs is essentially similar to long vowels. Some old Finnish long vowels have developed into diphthongs, but successive layers of borrowing have introduced the same long vowels again so
1525-706: The Konsoid languages , the Dullay languages and the Highland East Cushitic languages, and it is likely that more segments than *tʼ must be reconstructed, which have however fallen together as /ɗ/ or /ɖ/ in most Lowland East Cushitic languages. Appleyard does not posit any glottalized consonants for Proto-Agaw, and reconstructs uvular *q, *qʷ for sound correspondences of /kʼ/ , /kʼʷ/ in Bilin , respectively, with e.g. /χ/ , /χʷ/ or /q/ , /qʷ/ in
1586-666: The Medjay and the Blemmyes of northern Nubia are believed to have spoken Cushitic languages related to the modern Beja language . Less certain are hypotheses which propose that Cushitic languages were spoken by the people of the C-Group culture in northern Nubia, or the people of the Kerma culture in southern Nubia. A preliminary phonological reconstruction of Proto-Cushitic was proposed by Ehret (1987). Ehret notes that in particular
1647-415: The homeland or Urheimat ( / ˈ ʊər h aɪ m ɑː t / OOR -hye-maht , from German ur - 'original' and Heimat 'home') of a proto-language is the region in which it was spoken before splitting into different daughter languages . A proto-language is the reconstructed or historically-attested parent language of a group of languages that are genetically related . Depending on
1708-677: The Afroasiatic-speaking Daasanach have been observed to be closely related to each other but genetically distinct from neighboring Afroasiatic-speaking populations. This is a reflection of the fact that the Daasanach, like the Nyangatom, originally spoke a Nilo-Saharan language, with the ancestral Daasanach later adopting an Afroasiatic language around the 19th century. Creole languages are hybrids of languages that are sometimes unrelated. Similarities arise from
1769-614: The Upper Paleolithic) within a few millennia (roughly between 20,000 and 15,000 years ago), but their genetic relationship has become completely obscured over the more than ten millennia which have passed between their separation and their first written record in the early modern period. Similarly, the Australian Aboriginal languages are divided into some 28 families and isolates for which no genetic relationship can be shown. The Urheimaten reconstructed using
1830-509: The affricates *ts, *dz, and the velar nasals *ŋ, *ŋʷ rely on fairly little evidence, and that *p, *pʼ are difficult to distinguish from other consonants in the comparative material; these are shown on a darker background above. Most of the remaining consonants have exact equivalents in reconstructed Proto-East Cushitic, with the exception of those marked here with following question mark. A system given by Appleyard as "widely accepted" excludes these questioned segments, but includes *tʃ , *dʒ and
1891-427: The age of the language family under consideration, its homeland may be known with near-certainty (in the case of historical or near-historical migrations) or it may be very uncertain (in the case of deep prehistory). Next to internal linguistic evidence, the reconstruction of a prehistoric homeland makes use of a variety of disciplines, including archaeology and archaeogenetics . There are several methods to determine
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1952-447: The contrast between /æ/ and /æʊ/ is also mainly one of length; compare hat [æʔ] with out [æəʔ ~ æːʔ] (cf. the near-RP form [æʊʔ] , with a wide closing diphthong). In the teaching of English, vowels are commonly said to have a "short" and a "long" version. The terms "short" and "long" are not accurate from a linguistic point of view—at least in the case of Modern English—as the vowels are not actually short and long versions of
2013-459: The creole formation process, rather than from genetic descent. For example, a creole language may lack significant inflectional morphology, lack tone on monosyllabic words, or lack semantically opaque word formation, even if these features are found in all of the parent languages of the languages from which the creole was formed. Some languages are language isolates . That is to say, they have no well accepted language family connection, no nodes in
2074-412: The diphthong and the long vowel now again contrast ( nuotti "musical note" vs. nootti "diplomatic note"). In Japanese, most long vowels are the results of the phonetic change of diphthongs ; au and ou became ō , iu became yū , eu became yō , and now ei is becoming ē . The change also occurred after the loss of intervocalic phoneme /h/ . For example, modern Kyōto ( Kyoto ) has undergone
2135-480: The distinction even though their descendants do not, with an example being Latin and its descendent Romance languages . Whether vowel length alone changes word-meanings in English depends on the particular dialect; it is able to do so in a few non-rhotic dialects, such as Australian English , Lunenburg English , New Zealand English , South African English , and possibly some Southern British English , and in
2196-478: The distribution of flora and fauna. Another method is based on the linguistic migration theory (first proposed by Edward Sapir ), which states that the most likely candidate for the last homeland of a language family can be located in the area of its highest linguistic diversity. This presupposes an established view about the internal subgrouping of the language family. Different assumptions about high-order subgrouping can thus lead to very divergent proposals for
2257-564: The early 20th century, the Nostratic theory still receives serious consideration, but it is by no means generally accepted. The more recent and more speculative "Borean" hypothesis attempts to unite Nostratic with Dené–Caucasian and Austric , in a "mega-phylum" that would unite most languages of Eurasia, with a time depth going back to the Last Glacial Maximum. The argument surrounding the " Proto-Human language ", finally,
2318-668: The exception of *j , *w > /dʒ/ , /v/ in Dahalo and a merger of *l and *r in the Highland East Cushitic language Hadiyya . Major conditional sound laws involve palatalization , especially in all Somaloid languages as well as Oromo, and several simplifications of consonant clusters . Ejective and implosive consonants show multifarious correspondences between the Cushitic languages, particularly in Oromo,
2379-418: The homeland of a given language family. One method is based on the vocabulary that can be reconstructed for the proto-language. This vocabulary – especially terms for flora and fauna – can provide clues for the geographical and ecological environment in which the proto-language was spoken. An estimate for the time-depth of the proto-language is necessary in order to account for prehistorical changes in climate and
2440-430: The lateral [ l ] than fall [fɔʊː] . The distinction between [ɔʊ] and [ɔʊː] exists only word-internally before consonants other than intervocalic /l/ . In the morpheme-final position only [ɔʊː] occurs (with the THOUGHT vowel being realized as [ɔə ~ ɔː ~ ɔʊə] ), so that all [ɔʊː] is always distinct from or [ɔə] . Before the intervocalic /l/ [ɔʊː] is the banned diphthong, though here either of
2501-419: The long [ɔʊː] corresponds to the non-prevocalic sequence /ɔːl/ (see l-vocalization ). The following are minimal pairs of length: The difference is lost in running speech, so that fault falls together with fort and fought as [ˈfɔʊʔ] or [ˈfoːʔ] . The contrast between the two diphthongs is phonetic rather than phonemic, as the /l/ can be restored in formal speech: [ˈfoːɫt] etc., which suggests that
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2562-526: The methods of comparative linguistics typically estimate separation times dating to the Neolithic or later. It is undisputed that fully developed languages were present throughout the Upper Paleolithic , and possibly into the deep Middle Paleolithic (see origin of language , behavioral modernity ). These languages would have spread with the early human migrations of the first "peopling of
2623-470: The phonetic characteristics of the sounds around it, for instance whether the vowel is followed by a voiced or a voiceless consonant. Languages that do distinguish vowel length phonemically usually only distinguish between short vowels and long vowels . Very few languages distinguish three phonemic vowel lengths; some that do so are Estonian , Luiseño , and Mixe . However, languages with two vowel lengths may permit words in which two adjacent vowels are of
2684-597: The prehistoric spread of the world's major linguistic families seem to reflect the expansion of population cores during the Mesolithic followed by the Neolithic Revolution . The Nostratic theory is the best-known attempt to expand the deep prehistory of the main language families of Eurasia (excepting Sino-Tibetan and the languages of Southeast Asia) to the beginning of the Holocene . First proposed in
2745-535: The presence or absence of phonological length ( chroneme ). The usual long-short pairings for RP are /iː + ɪ/, /ɑː + æ/, /ɜ: + ə/, /ɔː + ɒ/, /u + ʊ/, but Jones omits /ɑː + æ/. This approach is not found in present-day descriptions of English. Vowels show allophonic variation in length and also in other features according to the context in which they occur. The terms tense (corresponding to long ) and lax (corresponding to short ) are alternative terms that do not directly refer to length. In Australian English , there
2806-570: The pronunciation of bared as [beːd] , creating a contrast with the short vowel in bed [bed] . Another common source is the vocalization of a consonant such as the voiced velar fricative [ɣ] or voiced palatal fricative or even an approximant, as the English 'r'. A historically-important example is the laryngeal theory , which states that long vowels in the Indo-European languages were formed from short vowels, followed by any one of
2867-637: The relationship between a group that speaks a language and the Urheimat for that language is complicated by "processes of migration, language shift and group absorption are documented by linguists and ethnographers" in groups that are themselves "transient and plastic." Thus, in the contact area in western Ethiopia between languages belonging to the Nilo-Saharan and Afroasiatic families, the Nilo-Saharan-speaking Nyangatom and
2928-426: The relative importance given to these two features. Some descriptions of Received Pronunciation and more widely some descriptions of English phonology group all non-diphthongal vowels into the categories "long" and "short", convenient terms for grouping the many vowels of English. Daniel Jones proposed that phonetically similar pairs of long and short vowels could be grouped into single phonemes, distinguished by
2989-681: The rest of the subfamily. Fallon (2009) argues that the Bilin value is preserved from Proto-Cushitic and that *kʼ, *kʼʷ should be reconstructed still for Proto-Agaw. The glottalized bilabials / pʼ / , / ɓ / are not common in Cushitic. In Oromo, /pʼ/ seems to arise from *b plus a laryngeal consonant, *ʕ or *ʔ , e.g. Oromo /ɲaːpʼa/ 'enemy' < PEC *neʕb-, akin to Saho-Afar /-nʕeb-/ 'to hate'; Oromo /supʼeː/ 'clay', Rendille /sub/ 'mud' < PEC *subʔ-. Ehret finds /pʼ/ in Dahalo as grounds to reconstruct *pʼ for Proto-South Cushitic, and finding moreover /ɓ/ in Yaaku, proposes that it occurred as
3050-424: The same quality: Japanese ほうおう , hōō , "phoenix", or Ancient Greek ἀάατος [a.áː.a.tos] , "inviolable". Some languages that do not ordinarily have phonemic vowel length but permit vowel hiatus may similarly exhibit sequences of identical vowel phonemes that yield phonetically long vowels, such as Georgian გააადვილებ , gaaadvileb [ɡa.a.ad.vil.eb] , "you will facilitate it". Stress
3111-699: The same sound; the terminology is a historical holdover due to their arising from proper vowel length in Middle English . The phonetic values of these vowels are shown in the table below. In some types of phonetic transcription (e.g. pronunciation respelling ), "long" vowel letters may be marked with a macron; for example, ⟨ā⟩ may be used to represent the IPA sound /eɪ/ . This is sometimes used in dictionaries, most notably in Merriam-Webster (see Pronunciation respelling for English for more). Similarly,
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#17327657475473172-465: The several "laryngeal" sounds of Proto-Indo-European (conventionally written h 1 , h 2 and h 3 ). When a laryngeal sound followed a vowel, it was later lost in most Indo-European languages, and the preceding vowel became long. However, Proto-Indo-European had long vowels of other origins as well, usually as the result of older sound changes, such as Szemerényi's law and Stang's law . Vowel length may also have arisen as an allophonic quality of
3233-458: The short counterpart of a vowel pair. That too is exemplified by Australian English, whose contrast between /a/ (as in duck ) and /aː/ (as in dark ) was brought about by a lowering of the earlier /ʌ/ . Estonian , a Finnic language , has a rare phenomenon in which allophonic length variation has become phonemic after the deletion of the suffixes causing the allophony. Estonian had already inherited two vowel lengths from Proto-Finnic , but
3294-411: The short vowel letters are rarely represented in teaching reading of English in the classroom by the symbols ă, ĕ, ĭ, ŏ, o͝o, and ŭ. The long vowels are more often represented by a horizontal line above the vowel: ā, ē, ī, ō, o͞o, and ū. Vowel length may often be traced to assimilation . In Australian English, the second element [ə] of a diphthong [eə] has assimilated to the preceding vowel, giving
3355-493: The third is suprasegmental , as it has developed from the allophonic variation caused by now-deleted grammatical markers. For example, half-long 'aa' in saada comes from the agglutination * saa+tta+k */sɑːtˑɑk/ "send (saatta-) +(imperative)", and the overlong 'aa' in saada comes from * saa+dak "get+(infinitive)". As for languages that have three lengths, independent of vowel quality or syllable structure, these include Dinka , Mixe , Yavapai and Wichita . An example from Mixe
3416-619: The third person singular, as well as two distinct forms: an "independent" form, normally used in the nominative case, as well as a "dependent" form, often used as an oblique stem e.g. for the accusative case. This distinction appears to be inherited already from Proto-Afro-Asiatic . An exclusive "we" pronoun has developed in a number of East Cushitic languages, but cannot be reconstructed even for their common ancestor. See Proto-Cushitic reconstructions (Appendix in Wiktionary). Linguistic homeland In historical linguistics ,
3477-518: The top half ( ˑ ) may be used to indicate that a sound is "half long". A breve is used to mark an extra-short vowel or consonant. Estonian has a three-way phonemic contrast : Although not phonemic, a half-long distinction can also be illustrated in certain accents of English: Some languages make no distinction in writing. This is particularly the case with ancient languages such as Old English . Modern edited texts often use macrons with long vowels, however. Australian English does not distinguish
3538-425: The underlying form of [ˈfɔʊːʔ] is /ˈfoːlt/ (John Wells says that the vowel is equally correctly transcribed with ⟨ ɔʊ ⟩ or ⟨ oʊ ⟩, not to be confused with GOAT /ʌʊ/, [ɐɤ] ). Furthermore, a vocalized word-final /l/ is often restored before a word-initial vowel, so that fall out [fɔʊl ˈæəʔ] (cf. thaw out [fɔəɹ ˈæəʔ] , with an intrusive /r/ ) is somewhat more likely to contain
3599-431: The voiceless fricatives *x , *xʷ in South Cushitic. A remaining word-initial correspondence of /k-/ , /kʷ-/ in Beja and Agaw but again *x , *xʷ in South Cushitic is then assigned to represent Proto-Cushitic *ɣ , *ɣʷ word-initially. The following are only proposed in detail by Ehret: Most Cushitic languages agree on a simple vowel system of /a/ , /e/ , /i/ , /o/ , /u/ as well as vowel length . This system
3660-537: The vowel in bad /bæd/ is longer than the vowel in bat /bæt/ . Also compare neat / n iː t / with need / n iː d / . The vowel sound in "beat" is generally pronounced for about 190 milliseconds, but the same vowel in "bead" lasts 350 milliseconds in normal speech, the voiced final consonant influencing vowel length. Cockney English features short and long varieties of the closing diphthong [ɔʊ] . The short [ɔʊ] corresponds to RP /ɔː/ in morphologically closed syllables (see thought split ), whereas
3721-508: The world", but they are no longer amenable to linguistic reconstruction. The Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) has imposed linguistic separation lasting several millennia on many Upper Paleolithic populations in Eurasia, as they were forced to retreat into " refugia " before the advancing ice sheets. After the end of the LGM, Mesolithic populations of the Holocene again became more mobile, and most of
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