107-580: The UDA South East Antrim Brigade was previously one of the six brigades of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and are heavily involved in the drug trade . It is claimed they control "100%" of an illegal drugs network in south-east County Antrim , Northern Ireland . A mural in support of the group lists its areas of activity as being Rathcoole (the mural's location), Rathfern, Monkstown , Glengormley and Whitewell, all of which are part of Newtownabbey , as well as Carrickfergus ,
214-416: A "power trip" by the brigade, and suggested that it was an attempt by the group to assert their dominance over the local community. The targets of the attack were reported locally as being two brothers who had been involved in a scuffle with three UDA members the night before. Both men, who lived on Ferris Avenue, had their houses burnt out during the attack. Three arrests were made in the days immediately after
321-729: A 20-year-old Greenisland native subjected to a vicious beating at his home, claimed that the attack had been carried out by the South East Antrim Brigade, although they denied any involvement in the attack. In 2010, the Independent Monitoring Commission confirmed that the split between the Fisher faction of the brigade and the wider UDA had not ended. As of 2014 Fisher was still identified by the Irish Independent as Brigadier, with
428-488: A UVF-affiliated band. Brawls between the two had been frequent and tensions had been growing between the UDA and UVF, leading to a drink-fuelled pitched battle between the two groups at the train station. During the course of the melee a Shankill Protestant Boys member managed to gouge out Gregg's eye. Although the UDA was officially on ceasefire, the South East Antrim Brigade remained active in late 1998 and early 1999, undertaking
535-503: A collective leadership of the movement's six brigadiers, including English. As the oldest member, English usually chaired the meetings of this Inner Council, although he often struggled to control UDA West Belfast Brigade brigadier Johnny Adair . The two clashed frequently and, in 1993, Adair even threatened to kill English after English had suggested that the UDA should not claim the murder of Marie Teresa Dowds de Mogollon, which Adair's top hitman Stephen McKeag had perpetrated. Later in
642-542: A document entitled Common Sense , which promoted a consensual end to the conflict in Northern Ireland, while maintaining the Union. The document advocated a power-sharing assembly involving both nationalists and unionists, an agreed constitution and new Bill of Rights. It is not clear, however, whether this programme was adopted by the UDA as their official policy. However, the killing of McMichael that same year and
749-436: A fierce power struggle ensued after Harding Smith declared to his associates: "I'm the boss. I take orders from no one". Fogel was promptly ousted from the B Company command, while the formidable East Belfast brigadier, Tommy Herron , appeared on the scene to challenge Harding Smith's leadership. Anderson became joint chairman of the UDA with Harding Smith. The struggle that ensued between Harding Smith and Herron overshadowed
856-568: A leading role in the illicit trade. In late August 1997, the brigade became involved in simmering tensions with fellow loyalist paramilitaries in the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Cloughfern Young Conquerors, a flute band attached to the brigade, had been to Derry for the annual Apprentice Boys of Derry march through the city centre when at the train station they met members of the Shankill Protestant Boys,
963-613: A loyalist feud may have been destined for use by the South East Antrim UDA. On 3 January 2019 police reported a baby in a pram narrowly escaped injury after homes were attacked in Co Down by South East Antrim UDA members. On 4 January police investigated SEA UDA graffiti sprayed on eleven properties. On 8 May 2020 a number of journalists working for the Sunday Life and Sunday World newspapers were warned by
1070-538: A loyalist hero and he quickly took over from English as brigadier. According to the Workers' Party (Ireland) , English was stood down by the UDA after he had expressed willingness to enter into dialogue with them. English would soon re-emerge as part of the Ulster Democratic Party . Under Gregg, drug-dealing became a major problem in brigade areas, particularly Rathcoole, with Gregg himself said to have
1177-580: A member of the Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG), although they were not named. This came within a few days of a £1m allocation to a conflict transformation project in loyalist areas. The Belfast Telegraph called the move "a familiar loyalist pattern of events." The dissident branch was also revealed to have contained an informer after Jon McDowell, Tommy Kirkham's assistant, told the Belfast Telegraph that he
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#17327879313781284-655: A new Northern Ireland which would have been wholly Protestant. The plan was to be implemented should the British Army withdraw from Northern Ireland. Areas in the south and west with strong Catholic/nationalist majorities would be handed over to the Republic, and those Catholics left stranded in the "Protestant state" would be "expelled, nullified, or interned". The story was printed in The Sunday Independent newspaper on 16 January. The "doomsday plan"
1391-555: A reaction to a Provisional IRA bomb the previous month at the Balmoral furniture showroom on the Shankill which killed four people including two infants. By this point, Charles Harding Smith had become the group's leader, with former Royal Army Ordnance Corps soldier Davy Fogel as his second-in-command, who trained the new recruits in military tactics, the use of guns, and unarmed combat. Its most prominent early spokesperson
1498-487: A rival UDA faction in an internal dispute. Moore was succeeded by Hester Dunn of east Belfast, who also ran the public relations and administration section at the UDA headquarters. Wendy Millar's Shankill Road group was a particularly active women's unit, and another was based in Sandy Row , south Belfast, a traditional UDA stronghold. The latter was commanded by Elizabeth "Lily" Douglas. Her teenaged daughter, Elizabeth
1605-475: A role in the loyalist ceasefire of 1994 and contested the 1996 election to the Northern Ireland Forum . Although it failed to win any constituency seats, as one of the ten most successful parties it was awarded two "top-up" seats; these were taken by Gary McMichael and John White . This entitled the party to a place in the all-party talks that led to the 1998 Belfast Agreement . In January 1998
1712-402: A rumour that he was about to be replaced as brigadier. This briefly occurred in late August when one of Adair's allies took command of the brigade, although this proved short-lived. Gregg was back in command by October, at which point he was one of the brigadiers who passed the resolution expelling Adair from the UDA for his involvement in the attempted murder of Jim Gray . On 8 December, a bomb
1819-547: A seat on Derry City Council , in the Waterside area. Around that time, the UDP dropped the "Loyalist" part of its name. Although Kerr lost his council seat in 1993 , Gary McMichael —son of the late John McMichael, who had been assassinated in 1987—won a seat on Lisburn City Council for the party. It increased its number of council seats to four in 1997 . This was due in part to the UDP's increased public profile, after it played
1926-656: A series of pipe bomb attacks on Catholic properties. These were carried out under the Red Hand Defenders cover name, with some attacks also blamed on the Orange Volunteers who were active in similar attacks at the time. Gregg, who was noted for his sectarian beliefs, insisted that such attacks were necessary in order to prevent the "greening" of places such as Carrickfergus and Antrim , a process he claimed had already happened in Glengormley where
2033-399: A sign that the UDA was slowly coming away from crime. The move did see the southeast Antrim brigade of the UDA, which had been at loggerheads with the leadership for some time, support Shoukri and break away under former UPRG spokesman Tommy Kirkham . Other senior members met with Taoiseach Bertie Ahern for talks on 13 July in the same year. On 11 November 2007 the UDA announced that
2140-540: A warning during a rally at Ormeau Park the next month, where thousands of UDA men were present: "If the politicians fail us, it might become our responsibility to eliminate the enemy." However, by 1979 the UDA had turned on Craig over his increasingly conciliatory approach to Nationalists and condemnation of the 1977 loyalist strike , leading the UDA to instead back Peter Robinson in that year's general election . At its peak of strength it held around forty thousand members, mostly part-time. During this period of legality,
2247-712: A year." Protestants in Canada also supported the loyalist paramilitaries in the conflict. Sociologist Steven Bruce described the support networks in Canada as "the main source of support for loyalism outside the United Kingdom ... Ontario is to Ulster Protestants what Boston is to Irish Catholics ." After the Troubles began, an Orange-Canadian loyalist organization known as the Canadian Ulster Loyalist Association (CULA) provided
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#17327879313782354-409: Is Quis Separabit , which is Latin for "Who will separate [us]?". The UDA had several women's units, which were independent of each other. Although they occasionally helped staff roadblocks, the women's units were typically involved in local community work and responsible for the assembly and delivery of food parcels to UDA prisoners. This was a source of pride for the UDA. The first women's unit
2461-491: Is not prevalent among its members, some who were arrested for illegal drug sales and "extortion" were exiled by the Brigade. A clear distinction between the factions was not available in the 20th IMC report, as this was the first report to differentiate between the two. In the 1970s the group favoured Northern Ireland independence , but they have retreated from this position. The New Ulster Political Research Group (NUPRG)
2568-606: The 1998 Assembly election . It lost a council seat in the 2001 local elections and saw its support reduce. (The party's candidates had been forced to run as independents, after the party forgot to register its name with the Electoral Commission .) Disagreement over the Belfast Agreement continued between the UDP leadership and the UDA, and within the UDP itself. Gary McMichael declared in July 2001, after
2675-633: The British National Socialist Movement (formed in 1985). Members of these groups helped to smuggle weapons for the UDA. The UDA has received backing from Combat 18, the National Front and the British National Party . The links may not have been politically motivated, but for mutually beneficial arms deals. On one occasion the UDA sent Louis Scott, one of a few black members of the UDA, to make
2782-509: The Force Research Unit (FRU), an undercover Intelligence Corps unit. Over a period of two months, Nelson dictated a police statement covering 650 pages. He claimed that he had been tasked by his FRU handlers with transforming the UDA into a more effective force, particularly at carrying out killings. Using information supplied by his handlers, Nelson produced dossiers on proposed targets, which were passed on to UDA hitmen. Nelson
2889-684: The Greysteel massacre . The "UFF" claimed the attack was in retaliation to the IRA's Shankill Road bombing , which killed nine people seven days earlier. According to the Sutton database of deaths at the University of Ulster 's CAIN project , the UDA was responsible for 259 killings during the Troubles. 220 of its victims were civilians (predominantly Catholics), 37 were other loyalist paramilitaries (including 30 of its own members), three were members of
2996-559: The PSNI about imminent attacks against journalists by the South East Antrim UDA. At least one journalist was warned of a possible under car booby trap . The threats were condemned by Peter Vandermeersch of Independent News & Media and Seamus Dooley, assistant General Secretary of the National Union of Journalists , and by Amnesty International UK . Patsy McGlone , Stephen Farry , Steve Aiken and Doug Beattie also condemned
3103-610: The Shore Road , Greenisland , Ballymena , Whitehead , Antrim and Larne . A newer mural in the Cloughfern area of Newtownabbey and flags have updated the areas to include Ballycarry , Ballyclare , the rural hinterland of Ballymena called 'Braidside' and despite not being in County Antrim, the town of Newtownards . The Guardian has identified it as "one of the most dangerous factions". The Irish News described
3210-487: The decommissioning of weapons was rejected. Trevor Lowry (aged 49) was beaten to death in Glengormley by UDA members under Gregg's command on 11 April 2001 after he was mistaken for a Catholic. Gregg was not close to Johnny Adair but sympathised with his uncompromising attitudes and his anti-UVF views. Under Gregg, the South East Antrim Brigade was linked to the killing of UVF member Mark Quail during Adair's feud with
3317-549: The "UFF". Its first public statements came one month later. The UDA's official position during the Troubles was that if the Provisional Irish Republican Army (Provisional IRA) called off its campaign of violence, then it would do the same. However, if the British government announced that it was withdrawing from Northern Ireland, then the UDA would act as "the IRA in reverse." Active throughout
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3424-534: The 'besieged' Protestants with the resources to arm themselves. A Canadian branch of the UDA also existed and sent $ 30,000 to the UDA's headquarters in Belfast by 1975. In 1972, five Toronto businessmen shipped weapons in grain container ships out of Halifax , bound for ports in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland which were destined for loyalist militants. Between 1979 and 1986, Canadian supporters supplied
3531-652: The 1930s by an unrelated party, which on one occasion contested Belfast Central . The party's roots were firmly in the Protestant community of Northern Ireland, but its initial political stance was not the traditional unionist one favoured by that section of society. Instead, it supported independence for Northern Ireland within the European Economic Community and the Commonwealth . These policies had been set out by its predecessors in
3638-477: The Brigade had completed decommissioning. The process was confirmed as complete by the IICD and came in the last 24 hours of the commission's existence. The decommissioning was completed at the same time as that of the republican Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) and Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA). Accusations that the brigade has remained active continued, however, and in 2009, the mother of Jason Ballard,
3745-636: The Catholic population had experienced significant growth. Around this time Gregg spearheaded an initiative to significantly increase recruitment into the South East Antrim Brigade. He told author Ian S. Wood that he had only supported the Combined Loyalist Military Command ceasefire in an effort to ensure the release of imprisoned friends. In 2000, he helped to ensure that a proposal before the Inner Council to initiate
3852-562: The Government and its institutions where legitimacy resides". UDA representative Frankie Gallagher also stated that the group now regretted being responsible for the killing of more than 400 people. Shaun Woodward , the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland , stated that this "is a major act of leadership by the UDA and further comprehensive evidence of the success of politics over violence in Northern Ireland" and
3959-608: The Inner Council and during the height of the feud Anderson often had to call a register at its meetings, so poor were the turnouts. Herron and Anderson became linked and the East Belfast brigadier took to styling himself as deputy leader to Anderson, whom he treated as sole chairman. By spring 1973, however, Fogel had already returned to his native England, and Anderson decided to stand down. He publicly announced his resignation as joint chairman in March 1973, in part because he
4066-596: The LVF had broken away. It was perceived that any open co-operation between the UDA and the LVF would anger the UVF, something which proved to be the case in following years and resulted in a loyalist feud . There has been debate as to whether or not the Red Hand Defenders have become an entity in their own right made up of dissident factions from both the UDA and the LVF (both of which have now declared ceasefires whilst
4173-561: The New Ulster Political Research Group, in their Beyond the Religious Divide policy document. However, this position did not capture the electorate's imagination, and the UDP switched to supporting the UDA's Common Sense position, which suggested an assembly and executive for the region, elected by proportional representation . It also supported a written Bill of Rights and Constitution. In
4280-469: The Provisional IRA and Loyalist Volunteer Force . In February 2006, the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC) reported UDA involvement in organised crime, drug trafficking, counterfeiting, extortion, money laundering and robbery. On 20 June 2006, the UDA expelled Andre Shoukri and his brother Ihab , two of its senior members who were heavily involved in organised crime . Some saw this as
4387-567: The RHD has not), although much intelligence has been based on the claims of responsibility which, as has been suggested, are frequently misleading. A 1985 MI5 assessment reported that 85% of the UDA's "targeting material" came from security force records. Scotland was a source of fundraising and other types of aid. Former MI5 agent Willie Carlin said: "There were safe houses in Glasgow and Stirling. The ferry [between Scotland and Northern Ireland]
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4494-566: The South East Antrim Brigade became close to the Shoukri brothers , who commanded the neighbouring North Belfast Brigade before being expelled from the UDA in June 2006. In a move that was not universally popular in the region, Fisher allowed the Shoukris and their ally Alan McClean to live under South East Antrim Brigade protection and even attend meetings of the brigade's commanders. In response to
4601-498: The Troubles, its armed campaign gained prominence in the early 1990s through Johnny Adair 's ruthless leadership of the Lower Shankill 2nd Battalion, C. Company, which resulted in a greater degree of tactical independence for individual brigades. C. Company's hit squad, led by Stephen McKeag , became notorious for a campaign of random murders of Catholic civilians in the first half of the 1990s. They benefited, along with
4708-458: The UDA (specifically Adair's West Belfast Brigade, not the wider leadership of the UDA) was initially formed after the death of Billy Wright , the previous leader of the LVF, and grew from Adair's personal friendship with Mark 'Swinger' Fulton , the organisation's new chief. The necessity for a cover name resulted from the need to avoid tensions between the UDA and the UVF, the organisation from which
4815-448: The UDA announced a "12-month period of military inactivity". It said it would review its ceasefire every three months. The UPRG 's Frankie Gallagher has since taken a leading role in ending the association between the UDA and drug dealing. Following an August 2005 Sunday World article that poked fun at the gambling losses of one of its leaders, the UDA banned the sale of the newspaper from shops in areas it controls. Shops that defy
4922-651: The UDA committed a large number of attacks using the name Ulster Freedom Fighters, including the murder of Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) politician Paddy Wilson and his companion Irene Andrews in 1973. The UDA was involved in the successful Ulster Workers Council Strike in 1974, which brought down the Sunningdale Agreement : a power-sharing agreement for Northern Ireland, which some unionists thought conceded too much to nationalist demands. The UDA enforced this general strike through widespread intimidation across Northern Ireland. The strike
5029-477: The UDA than their female counterparts. Starting in 1972 the UDA along with the other main Loyalist paramilitary group the Ulster Volunteer Force , undertook an armed campaign against the Catholic population of Northern Ireland that would last until the end of the troubles. In May 1972, the UDA's pressured leader Tommy Herron decided that responsibility for acts of violence committed by the UDA would be claimed by
5136-544: The UDA would not be outlawed. The British government proscribed the UFF as a terrorist group in November 1973, but the UDA itself was not proscribed until August 1992. The UDA/UFF were responsible for more than 400 deaths. The vast majority of its victims were Irish Catholic civilians, killed at random, in what the group called retaliation for IRA actions or attacks on Protestants. High-profile attacks carried out by
5243-506: The UDP voluntarily withdrew from the peace talks, before it could be expelled in response to a number of murders committed by the Ulster Freedom Fighters , a cover name for the UDA. The party officially supported devolution for Northern Ireland and the creation of an assembly , but in this it was at odds with the UDA and much of the party's membership; this led to a split in the party. The UDP failed to win any seats at
5350-552: The UDP, which supported the signing of the Good Friday Agreement . The Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG) was subsequently formed to give political analysis to the UDA and act as community workers in loyalist areas. It is currently represented on the Belfast City Council . In early January 1994, the UDA released a document calling for ethnic cleansing and repartition , with the goal of making
5457-549: The UVF in 2000 although according to the BBC the killing was not directly connected to Adair's issues with the UVF but rather stemmed from a pub dispute in north Belfast between members of the two paramilitary groups. However, in late 2002 a UDA member originally from the Woodvale Road who had moved to Rathcoole was attacked after it emerged that he was a friend of Joe English, the former brigadier who had since been exiled from
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#17327879313785564-416: The UVF, which led to many killings. The UDA has also been riddled by its own internecine warfare, with self-styled "brigadiers" and former figures of power and influence, such as Johnny Adair and Jim Gray (themselves bitter rivals), falling rapidly in and out of favour with the rest of the leadership. Gray and John Gregg are amongst those to have been killed during the internal strife. On 22 February 2003,
5671-592: The UVF/UDA with 100 machine guns and thousands of rifles, grenade launchers, magnum revolvers, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition. These shipments were considered enough for the UVF/UDA to wage its campaign, most of which were used to kill its victims. On 10 February 1976, following the sudden uptick of violence against Catholic civilians by loyalist militants, Irish cardinal William Conway and nine other Catholic bishops met with British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and his cabinet, asking them as to where
5778-524: The Ulster Freedom Fighters would be stood down from midnight of the same day, with its weapons "being put beyond use" although it stressed that these would not be decommissioned. Although the group expressed a willingness to move from criminal activity to "community development", the IMC said it saw little evidence of this move because of the views of its members and the lack of coherence in
5885-732: The Ulster Volunteer Force, and a group called Ulster Resistance (set up by the Democratic Unionist Party ), from a shipment of arms imported from Lebanon in 1988. The weapons landed included rocket launchers, 200 rifles, 90 pistols and over 400 grenades. Although almost two–thirds of these weapons were later recovered by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), they enabled the UDA to launch an assassination campaign against their perceived enemies. North Belfast UDA brigadier Davy Payne
5992-488: The act was also welcomed by Sinn Féin and DUP politicians. The President of the Republic of Ireland, Mary McAleese , described the decommissioning as "a very positive milestone on the journey of peace". US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also welcomed the move as a step towards lasting peace in Northern Ireland. This area also continues to use the "UDA" title in its name, although it too expressed willingness to move towards "community development". Although serious crime
6099-545: The area by Gregg for his anti-drugs stance. In response, three Woodvale UDA members went to Gregg and complained about the attack in a move Gregg saw as a threat. He complained to senior figures in West Belfast before ordering that the three men be kneecapped. The shootings raised some anger on the Shankill, where the three were well-liked figures, and Adair sought to exploit this as a method of getting rid of Gregg. He sought to portray Gregg as unstable and thuggish and spread
6206-474: The area, where a stand-off with the UDA ensued. Leading UDA figures eventually entered into street negotiations with senior Army officers, where it was eventually agreed that the UDA could erect small temporary barriers in Loyalist neighbourhoods. That summer, the UDA marched through the streets of central Belfast in a massive demonstration of strength. In December 1972, Harding Smith and White were acquitted and returned to Belfast. Immediately after their return,
6313-465: The attack. On 13 March 2017 Geordie Gilmore, formerly a commander in the brigade until being stood down in 2016 following a dispute over drug money, was shot in the neck in Carrickfergus. Gilmore died the following day, with the incident described as part of an ongoing feud in the town. Two men were subsequently charged with the murder. Gilmore had been targeted in an unsuccessful crossbow attack
6420-597: The attacks and were subsequently warned by the PSNI of threats from the South East Antrim UDA. According to the Irish Times there are suspicions that the threats are in response to coverage of the murder of Glenn Quinn in Carrickfergus in January 2020. On 25 November 2020 the Belfast Telegraph reported that the South East Antrim UDA had passed on a threat against one of their journalists. In July 2021, Doug Beattie ,
6527-463: The ban have suffered arson attacks, and at least one newsagent was threatened with death. The Police Service of Northern Ireland began accompanying the paper's delivery vans. The UDA was also considered to have played an instrumental role in loyalist riots in Belfast in September 2005. On 13 November 2005 the UDA announced that it would "consider its future", in the wake of the standing down of
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#17327879313786634-401: The brigade and its leading members. In the later 1980s Snoddy took ill with cancer and many of his duties as brigadier were filled by his ally Joe English . Snoddy died from the illness in September 1988 and English immediately succeeded him. As brigadier Joe English enjoyed, theoretically, more power than his predecessor, as Andy Tyrie had been removed from the UDA leadership and replaced by
6741-430: The brigade as 'powerful' and at one time being 'the most bloody and murderous gang operating within the paramilitary organisation'. Since 2007 the South East Antrim Brigade has operated independently of the UDA following a fall-out. It is unclear when South East Antrim (SEA) was first designated as a brigade area although its first recognised leader was Alan Snoddy and he held the title of Brigadier by at least 1979. Snoddy
6848-440: The brigade claimed to have decommissioned a substantial quantity of guns and explosives in a single day in the presence of the chairman of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD). The brigade representatives refused to give any details about how many weapons or how much commercial explosives were destroyed during the day-long exercise. On 8 February 2010, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown announced that
6955-413: The brigade reported as being in the process of rearming. In March 2014 the South East Antrim Brigade was widely reported as being behind a "rampage" in which up to 100 people, some of them wearing masks, attacked a number of residential properties in Larne . A Police Service of Northern Ireland officer was injured during the disturbance. Assistant Chief Constable George Hamilton described the incident as
7062-507: The conflict was the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). All three groups are proscribed organisations in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000 . The Ulster Defence Association emerged from a series of meetings during the middle of 1971 of loyalist " vigilante " groups called "defence associations". The largest of these were the Shankill and Woodvale Defence Associations , with other groups based in East Belfast, Lower Shankill and Roden Street. The first meeting, in September 1971,
7169-487: The criticism from the rest of the UDA leadership, Fisher withdrew the South East Antrim brigade from the UDA and reconstituted it as a separate movement. In 2007, the UDA's inner council expelled the Brigadier in the South East Antrim area and his political adviser after a long-running stand-off between the mainstream UDA and the South East Antrim Brigade. The council released a statement expelling two figures within it, believed to be senior UDA figures Fisher and Kirkham, once
7276-438: The decommissioning included arms, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices and the UDA stated that the arms "constitute the totality of those under their control". Following the decommissioning the Ulster Political Research Group , the UDA's political representatives, stated that the "Ulster Defence Association was formed to defend our communities; we state quite clearly and categorically that this responsibility now rests with
7383-461: The early years the party's electoral support was limited. Its first foray into electoral politics was deeply disappointing, with the party leader John McMichael polling only 576 votes (1.3%) in the 1982 Belfast South by-election . The party's two candidates in the 1982 Assembly election in Belfast North similarly failed to make an impact. It was not until the 1989 local elections that the party made its electoral breakthrough, when Ken Kerr won
7490-412: The end of May 1972, Fogel, by then the leader of B Company and Harding Smith's second-in-command, erected the first UDA roadblocks and street barricades, making Woodvale, the area under Fogel's command, a no-go area . The operation attracted a great deal of media and press coverage, resulting in much publicity for the UDA. British Army troops under the command of Major-General Robert Ford were sent to
7597-419: The feud two months earlier. Two men from the Newtownards area were arrested in connection with the killing. Fisher was subsequently identified by the Sunday Life as brigadier, with the paper accusing him of ordering the shooting of Horner. On 16 January 2019 four men were jailed for life for their involvement in the murder. On 11 December 2018 handguns bought on the ' dark net ' by two Co Antrim men linked to
7704-574: The first floor of a disused bakery in Sandy Row that had been converted into a UDA club. Two teenage girls, Henrietta Cowan and Christine Smith, acting under Elizabeth Douglas' orders to give Ogilby a "good rompering", punched, kicked, then battered her to death with bricks and sticks; the autopsy later revealed that Ogilby had suffered 24 blows to the head and body. The killing, which was carried out within earshot of Ogilby's six-year-old daughter, caused widespread revulsion throughout Northern Ireland and
7811-419: The following month. His deputy Rab Carson was killed in the same attack, with both men having just returned from Scotland where they were attending a Rangers F.C. match. Adair would be removed from his position of power soon afterwards in a show of strength by the mainstream UDA under the command of Jackie McDonald . Gary Fisher, a close associate of Tommy Kirkham, succeeded Gregg as brigadier. Under Fisher,
7918-884: The group include the Top of the Hill bar shooting , the Milltown massacre , the Sean Graham's and James Murray's bookmakers' shootings , the Castlerock killings , killings of Paddy Wilson and Irene Andrews and the Greysteel massacre . Most of its attacks were in Northern Ireland, but from 1972 onward it also carried out bombings in the Republic of Ireland . The UDA/UFF declared a ceasefire in 1994 and ended its campaign in 2007, but some of its members have continued to engage in violence. The other main Loyalist paramilitary group during
8025-404: The group's leadership as a result of its decentralised structure. While the report indicated the leadership intends to move towards its stated goals, factionalism hindered this change and was the strongest hindrance to progress. Although most loyalist actions were curtailed since the IMC's previous report, most of loyalist paramilitary activity was coming from the UDA. The IMC report concluded that
8132-464: The largest loyalist paramilitary organisation in Northern Ireland. Unlike its principal rival, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), the UDA was legal. In April 1972, the organisation's leader, Charles Harding Smith and leading UDA member John White were arrested in London for gun-trafficking. A temporary de facto leadership assumed control and Anderson became the acting chairman of the UDA. At
8239-597: The leader of the Ulster Unionist Party , told the BBC that the South East Antrim UDA had threatened to kill him twice. South East Antrim UDA, now under the name "Real UFF" (not to be confused with the dissident group RUFF) issued threats to loyalist Jamie Bryson. In July 2024, the Irish Independent reported that the South East Antrim UDA had made death threats against a Mediahuis journalist and this
8346-428: The leadership's willingness to change has resulted in community tension and the group would continue to be monitored, although "the mainstream UDA still has some way to go." Furthermore, the IMC warned the group to "recognise that the organisation's time as a paramilitary group has passed and that decommissioning is inevitable." Decommissioning was said to be the "biggest outstanding issue for loyalist leaders, although not
8453-461: The links between Orange Lodges in Scotland and loyalist paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland and that membership of the Orange Order in Scotland at the time was 80,000, and was concentrated in Glasgow, Lanarkshire and Inverness. The Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee noted in its report that "in 1992 it was estimated that Scottish support for the UDA and UVF might amount to £100,000
8560-648: The loyalist militants had acquired guns, to which Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Merlyn Rees replied "Canada". Ulster Democratic Party The Ulster Democratic Party ( UDP ) was a small loyalist political party in Northern Ireland. It was established in June 1981 as the Ulster Loyalist Democratic Party by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), to replace the New Ulster Political Research Group . The UDP name had previously been used in
8667-408: The murder. The UDA "romper rooms", named after the children's television programme , were places where victims were beaten and tortured prior to being killed. This was known as a "rompering". The "romper rooms" were normally located in disused buildings, lock-up garages, warehouses, and rooms above pubs and drinking clubs. The use of the "romper rooms" was a more common practice among male members of
8774-648: The only one." On 6 January 2010, the UDA announced that it had put its weapons "verifiably beyond use". The decommissioning was completed five weeks before a government amnesty deadline beyond which any weapons found could have been used as evidence for a prosecution. The decommissioning was confirmed by Canadian General John de Chastelain , chairman of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning , as well as Lord Eames , former Archbishop of Armagh and Sir George Quigley, former top civil servant. Chastelain stated that
8881-599: The previous August. The South-east Antrim brigadier, who was not named in reports, stated that any brigade members attending Gilmore's funeral would be expelled. On 29 May 2017 Colin Horner, a friend of Gilmore and former UDA member, was fatally shot in front of his three-year-old son at a busy shopping centre in Bangor, County Down . Police confirmed that they were treating it as part of the existing feud. Horner's friend, Carrickfergus loyalist Geordie Gilmore, had been killed during
8988-663: The security forces and 11 were republican paramilitaries. According to the Stevens Enquiry , a number of these attacks were carried out with the assistance or complicity of elements of the British security forces. The preferred modus operandi of the UDA was individual killings of civilian targets in nationalist areas, rather than large-scale bomb or mortar attacks. The UDA employed various codewords whenever they claimed their attacks. These included: "The Crucible", "Titanic", "Ulster Troubles" and "Captain Black". Its ceasefire
9095-466: The subsequent removal of Tyrie from the leadership and his replacement with an Inner Council saw the UDA concentrate on stockpiling weapons rather than political ideas. In 1989, the ULDP changed its name to the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP). It finally dissolved itself in 2001 following very limited electoral success and internal difficulties. Gary McMichael , son of John McMichael, was the last leader of
9202-471: The transaction. Johnny Adair , who had been in Combat 18 before the UDA, established stronger links once he became a brigadier. The Red Hand Defenders is a cover name used by breakaway factions of the UDA and the LVF. The term was coined in 1997 when members of the LVF carried out attacks on behalf of Johnny Adair's "UFF 2nd Battalion, 'C' Company (Shankill Road)" and vice versa. The relationship between
9309-460: The year, English was forced to confront Adair about rumours that Adair was considering attending an Inner Council meeting armed in order to eliminate the other five brigadiers and assume sole control of the UDA. English was a strong advocate of political means and pushed for the UDA to call a ceasefire in the early 1990s, a position that was anathema, at that point, to Adair. Gregg was released from prison in 1993. His assassination attempt had made him
9416-424: Was Tommy Herron ; however, Andy Tyrie would emerge as leader soon after. Its original motto was Cedenta Arma Togae ("Law before violence" ) and it was a legal organisation until it was banned by the British government on 10 August 1992. Under Smith's command, the UDA was organised along paramilitary lines into battalions , companies , platoons and sections . The organisation drew more members, becoming
9523-452: Was a fairly law-abiding individual who sat uneasily with violently chaotic figures like Harding Smith and Herron. It had been Anderson who had been one of the main thinkers behind the UDA's motto "Law Before Violence" although this was ditched shortly after his resignation in favour of " Quis separabit ". As a compromise candidate between the rival factions of Harding Smith and Herron, Andy Tyrie , commander of West Belfast Brigade's A Company,
9630-427: Was an RUC Special Branch agent in November 2007. A new interim leadership was appointed in their stead although the brigade effectively divided between those who supported the wider UDA leadership and those who remained loyal to Fisher. As of 2014, the South East Antrim Brigade is no longer considered part of the wider UDA and their brigadier does not attend meetings of the organisation's ruling Inner Council. In 2009,
9737-475: Was arrested after his "scout" car had been stopped at a RUC checkpoint and large caches of the weaponry were discovered in the boots of his associates' cars. He was sentenced to 19 years in prison. In 1992, Brian Nelson , a prominent UDA member who served as the organisation's intelligence chief, was arrested by the Stevens Inquiry Team . It was subsequently uncovered that he was also an agent of
9844-683: Was based on the work of Dr Liam Kennedy , a lecturer at Queen's University Belfast who in 1986 had published a book called Two Ulsters: A Case for Repartition , although it did not call for ethnic cleansing. The UDP's Raymond Smallwoods said "I wasn't consulted but the scenario set out is a perfectly plausible one". The DUP's Sammy Wilson stated that the plan "shows that some loyalist paramilitaries are looking ahead and contemplating what needs to be done to maintain our separate Ulster identity" The UDA had links with Neo-Nazi groups in Britain—specifically Combat 18 (formed in 1992) and
9951-578: Was being investigated by the PSNI Ulster Defence Association [REDACTED] Republic of Ireland The Ulster Defence Association ( UDA ) is an Ulster loyalist paramilitary group in Northern Ireland . It was formed in September 1971 as an umbrella group for various loyalist groups and undertook an armed campaign of almost 24 years as one of the participants of the Troubles . Its declared goal
10058-421: Was chaired by Billy Hull , with Alan Moon of the lower Shankill as its vice-chair. Moon was quickly replaced by Jim Anderson. Moon, who had become reluctant to be involved in vigilantism since the group's formation, willingly stepped aside and ended his association with the UDA soon afterwards. The structure of this new movement soon took shape with a thirteen-man Security Council established in January 1972 as
10165-620: Was chosen as the UDA's chairman. He would soon become the UDA's Supreme Commander, a position he held until an attempted car bombing brought about his retirement in March 1988. Early in its history the UDA was closely associated with the Vanguard movement led by William Craig and it was regularly described as the "military wing" of Vanguard. At a rally in Lisburn in February 1972, Craig inspected uniformed ranks of UDA members. Craig issued
10272-458: Was close to UDA leader Andy Tyrie and was recognised as one of his closest allies amongst the UDA leadership. Amongst the Brigade's most notorious attacks during the Troubles was the attempted killing of Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams in 1984. Adams was in a taxi near Belfast City Hall with some associates when another car containing John 'Grug' Gregg and two fellow Rathcoole UDA members pulled up alongside and opened fire on Adams. Adams
10379-463: Was condemned by the UDA prisoners serving inside the Maze Prison . None of the other UDA women's units had consented to or been aware of the fatal punishment beating until it was reported in the news. Douglas, Cowan, and Smith were convicted of the murder and sentenced to imprisonment at Armagh Women's Jail. Seven other members of the women's unit and a UDA man were also convicted for their part in
10486-499: Was found under Gregg's car, apparently placed there by one of Adair's allies from the Loyalist Volunteer Force . This was followed by two pipe bombs being thrown at Gregg's house and shots being fired at that of his friend Tommy Kirkham . A bomb attack on Adair's house on 8 January 2003 was blamed on Gregg by John White . Adair was returned to prison two days later. Members of Adair's C Company shot and killed Gregg
10593-641: Was founded on the Shankill Road by Wendy "Bucket" Millar , whose sons Herbie and James "Sham" Millar would later become prominent UDA members. The UDA women's department was headed by Jean Moore, who also came from the Shankill Road. She had also served as the president of the women's auxiliary of the Loyalist Association of Workers . Her brother Ingram "Jock" Beckett, one of the UDA's founding members, had been killed in March 1972 by
10700-584: Was hit five times in the attack but the taxi rushed to the Royal Victoria Hospital where he received treatment and survived. Gregg, Colin Gray and Gerry Welsh were immediately arrested by the waiting British Army, who had doctored the bullets to reduce their lethality. They were convicted for the attack the following year. The attack is commemorated in the song South East Antrim Brigade by loyalist singer Rab C, many of whose compositions were about
10807-450: Was initially the political wing of the UDA, founded in 1978, which then evolved into the Ulster Loyalist Democratic Party in 1981 under the leadership of John McMichael , a prominent UDA member killed by the IRA in 1987, amid suspicion that he was set up to be killed by some of his UDA colleagues. In 1987, the UDA's deputy commander John McMichael (who was then the leader of the UFF) promoted
10914-577: Was led by VUPP Assemblyman and UDA member, Glenn Barr . The UDA were often referred to by the nickname "Wombles" by their rivals, mainly the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). The nickname is derived from the furry fictional children's TV creatures The Wombles , and was given to the UDA because many of its members wore fur-trimmed parkas . Its headquarters is in Gawn Street, off the Newtownards Road in east Belfast, and its current motto
11021-416: Was one of the members. The Sandy Row women's UDA unit was disbanded after it carried out a vicious "romper room" punishment beating on 24 July 1974 which left 32-year-old Ann Ogilby dead. The body of Ogilby, a Protestant single mother who had an affair with the husband of one of the unit's members, was found in a ditch five days later. The day of the fatal beating Ogilby was abducted and forced upstairs to
11128-512: Was pivotal in getting arms into the north—and anything like checkpoints, or armed police and Army in Scotland would have b******d that all up." An Irish government memo written by David Donoghue stated: "The commonest contribution of Scots UDA and UVF is to send gelignite . Explosives for the north were mostly shipped in small boats which set out at night from the Scottish coast and made contact at sea with vessels from Ulster ports." Donoghue noted
11235-579: Was subsequently sentenced to 10 years in prison. One of the most high-profile UDA attacks came in October 1993, when three masked men attacked a restaurant called the Rising Sun in the predominantly Catholic village of Greysteel , County Londonderry , where two hundred people were celebrating Halloween . The two men entered and opened fire. Eight people, including six Catholics and two Protestants were killed and nineteen wounded in what became known as
11342-404: Was to defend Ulster Protestant loyalist areas and to combat Irish republicanism , particularly the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA). In the 1970s, uniformed UDA members openly patrolled these areas armed with batons and held large marches and rallies. Within the UDA was a group tasked with launching paramilitary attacks that used the cover name Ulster Freedom Fighters ( UFF ) so that
11449-674: Was welcomed by the Northern Ireland Secretary of State, Paul Murphy , and the Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland , Hugh Orde . Since the ceasefire, the UDA has been accused of taking vigilante action against alleged rival drug dealers, including tarring and feathering a man on the Taughmonagh estate in south Belfast. It has also been involved in several feuds with
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