Bhamo District ( Burmese : ဗန်းမော်ခရိုင် ) is a district of the Kachin State in northern Myanmar . The capital is the city of Bhamo . The district covers an area of 10,742.9 km. In 2002, the estimated population of Bhamo District was 363,300. The district consists of four townships :
79-523: Bhamo District is bordered by: 24°15′N 97°15′E / 24.250°N 97.250°E / 24.250; 97.250 This Kachin State location article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Kachin State Kachin State ( Burmese : ကချင်ပြည်နယ် ; Kachin : Jinghpaw Mungdaw ) is the northernmost state of Myanmar . It is bordered by China to
158-671: A language shift from Jingpho to Burmese. Other Kachin tribes speak and write their own language: the Zaiwa , the Rawang , and the Lisu , who speak both the Lisu language and the Lipo language . English is also widely spoken as a working language. The ethnic data from the 2014 census is available only with the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) and not released to the public. As per the 1983 Census,
237-422: A " bureaucratized, and central institution, capable of eliminating such challenges to its claims over state power. " The consolidation of the military was a result of lengthy periods of wars, as well as intra-military struggles, which led to a purge of army commanders who had tense relationships with Ne Win. In this way Callahan argues that Ne Win seized power at a time where there were no genuine obstacles due to
316-509: A checkpoint near Taunggyi . Following riots at Rangoon University in July 1962, troops were sent to restore order. They fired on protesters and destroyed the student union building. Shortly afterward, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five-minute radio speech which concluded with the statement: "If these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear." On 13 July 1962, less than
395-637: A degree of control over the present-day northeastern Kachin State. During the British colonization of Burma, the Kachin Hills tribal autonomy was accepted by the British government. British forces carried out two expeditions against the Kachin in 1892 and 1896. In 1910, the British occupied Hpimaw (Pianma) in the Pianma Incident . The pre-independence Burmese government under Aung San reached
474-539: A democratic socialist country and joined the Non-Aligned Movement . The elected Prime Minister U Nu appointed Ne Win as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, on 1 February 1949, and was given total control of the army, replacing General Smith Dun , an ethnic Karen . However, the degraded economy and social disorder placed emphasis on the military. In October 1958, when instability in society rose to
553-462: A legislature ( Kachin State Hluttaw ), and a judiciary. According to the 2014 Myanmar Census , Buddhists , who make up 64.0% of Kachin State's population, form the largest religious community there. Religious minority communities include Christians (33.8%), Muslims (1.6%), Hindus (0.4%), and animists (0.2%) who collectively comprise the remainder of Kachin State's population. 2.8% of
632-426: A level approaching a national security crisis, the civilian government and Prime Minister U Nu asked the military and Ne Win to step in as a temporary caretaker government. Once the political order had been restored, the caretaker government was expected to execute general elections and restore civilian rule. Public support for the army was strengthened after the army facilitated the 1960 elections and acknowledged
711-482: A new constitution the party took the political leadership in the general elections. Multiple scholars, including Aung Thwin & Aung Thwin and Taylor, describe how the coup at first didn't affect the lives of the general population in Myanmar. To the majority of the population who worked in agriculture the coup initially improved the living conditions due to the military regime's egalitarian politics which prioritised
790-544: A position of formal dominance within the state unprecedented since 1885." The Revolutionary Council's political dominance was further ensured by making all institutions that were not eliminated by law dependent on the council either through their personnel or through finances, which prevented them from organising any opposition. The coup created a policy vacuum, where the Revolutionary Council and Ne Win could realise their ideas for society, but Ne Win needed
869-467: A rationale for implementing his political agenda that would resonate with the population. This led to the formulation of the Burmese Way to Socialism , which was presented to the public on 7 May 1962. The state ideology The Burmese Way to Socialism had the aim of centralising the economy and limiting foreign influence on businesses. The anti-communist military resorting to a leftist ideology
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#1732775462046948-531: A significant expansion in the military's role in the national economy , politics , and state bureaucracy . Following the constitution of 1974 , the Revolutionary Council handed over the power to the elected government, consisting of a single-party , the Burma Socialist Programme Party , which had been founded by the council in 1962. The elected government remained hybrid between civilian and military, until 18 September 1988, when
1027-508: A significant security threat to the rest of the country, with an increased risk of a conflict between the United States and China on Burmese territory. Furthermore, the regional context served as argument to prevent the union from dissolving. The instability of divided Vietnam and Laos underlined the need to retain central control with the frontier states. In this scenario of external threats and an internal threat of disintegration,
1106-509: A single, legal political party through which all participatory processes would take place. In a meeting on 17 May between the revolutionary council and the civilian party leaders, the leaders announced that they would not participate in establishing a single political party and refused to endorse the Burmese Way to Socialism. According to Taylor it has been debated if the party leaders thought the military would eventually give up its power to
1185-547: A week after the speech, Ne Win left for Austria , Switzerland , and the United Kingdom "for a medical check up". All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964. In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied any involvement in the dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi , who by that time had fallen out with Ne Win and been dismissed, had given
1264-474: Is a term given by the British during the colony period referring to ethnic groups living between the central Bamar heartland to the south and China to the north. Traditional Kachin society was based on shifting hill agriculture. According to "The Political Systems of Highland Burma: A Study of Kachin Social Structure", written by E. R. Leach, Kachin was not a linguistic category. Political authority
1343-596: Is one of 7 projects planned for the Irrawaddy River. Kachin State is the world's largest source of rare earths , which are critical in the supply chains of many multinational corporations, including Tesla and General Motors. In 2021, China imported US$ 200 million of rare earths from Myanmar in December 2021, exceeding 20,000 tonnes. Rare earths were discovered near Pang War in Chipwi Township in
1422-584: Is that the coup was a response to a growing fear within the army that the Union of Burma was drifting towards disintegration under the AFPFL-Government. This explanation resonates with the one given by the army in the official press release following the coup. By 1962 the integrity of the country was seen as threatened by the two minorities, the Shan and Kayah , who were claiming their right, given by
1501-865: Is well known for its jade mines. Bhamo is one of the border trading points between China and Myanmar. A significant amount of legal and illegal cross-border trade along the China–Myanmar border passes through Kachin State, through border posts operated by both the central government (e.g., Lweje ) and ethnic armed organisations (e.g., Laiza and Kanpaikti ). Over 600 tons of jade stones, which were unearthed from Lone-Khin area in Hpakant Township in Kachin State, had been displayed in Myanmar Naypyidaw to be sold in November 2011. Most of
1580-533: The 1947 constitution , to withdraw from the Union. On top of this the Shan leaders were beginning to form an armed opposition against Yangon to claim Shan " national determination ". The army and Ne Win saw it as their responsibility to protect the cohesion of the Union and in the official press release the coup was presented as a necessity due to the policies of the AFPFL-government. Especially problematic
1659-521: The Burmese army began on 9 June 2011 at Ta-pein hydropower plan and continued throughout 2012. Initial reports suggested that from June to September 2011 a total of 5,580 Internally Displaced Persons from 1,397 households arrived at 38 IDP camps under Myanmar Government control. In August 2012 thousands of Kachin refugees were forced by the Chinese Government back into Myanmar despite
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#17327754620461738-645: The Kachin Independence Organisation in 2022. Rare earth mining has contaminated and polluted the local environment, including waterways and forests, and eroded mountainous landscapes, and impacted the health of locals. Since the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état , mining of rare earths in Kachin State has accelerated, due to lack of proper oversight. Land has also been seized from locals to conduct mining operations. As of March 2022 , 2,700 mining collection pools scattered across 300 separate locations were found in Kachin State, encompassing
1817-646: The Panglong Agreement with the Shan, Kachin, and Chin peoples on 12 February 1947. The agreement accepted "Full autonomy in internal administration for the Frontier Areas" in principle and envisioned the creation of a Kachin State by the Constituent Assembly. Burma attained independence on 4 January 1948. Kachin State was formed in the same year out of the former British Burma civil districts of Bhamo and Myitkyina , together with
1896-498: The SPDC 's controversial peace accord, and the political landscape remains highly unstable. The complex political situation started when the Kachin armed group was established on 25 October 1960, after the UN government announced the state religion as Buddhism, as the Kachin people stopped believing in the government administration system, established after the federal union was agreed upon in
1975-473: The Shwegyin Nikaya (4.7%), with the remainder of monks belonging to other small monastic orders . 1,103 thilashin were registered in Kachin State, comprising 1.8% of Myanmar's total thilashin community. Burmese and Jingpho are lingua francas of Kachin State. Since Burma achieved independence in 1948, significant numbers of Burmese speakers have settled in Kachin State, which has accelerated
2054-464: The 1947 Panglong agreement. Between 1962 and 2010, the military government ruled over Myanmar. Cease fire agreements between ethnic armed groups and the government were made starting in 1989. And then in 2011 the new government led by President Thein Sein, broke the cease fire agreement which was agreed upon by the former military government and the Kachin ethnic armed group in 1994, resuming fighting against
2133-451: The BSPP. Aung Thwin and Aung Thwin argue that the inclusion of individuals, who were a part of the previous administration, is a trait that can be seen in the behaviour of Burmese Kings prior to the colonial rule. The kings used ministers that have served under previous royal opponents. Aung Thwin and Aung Thwin thus suggest that this strategy of engaging people from the former administration in
2212-659: The KIO actively participated in the military-led constitution-drafting-process, attending the National Convention, which was boycotted by the democratic icon Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy and ethnic political parties. The KIO together with 12 other ethnic groups demanded amendments of the draft to be more in line with a federal democratic system and to give autonomy to states (Zaw Oo & Win Min 2007). The seventeen-year ceasefire broke down and fighting between
2291-773: The Kachin Independence Organization and the government resumed in June 2011 after the Kachin Independent Army disallowed the government's order to transform into a Border Guard Force and it claimed that the regime's 2008 Constitution lacked federal democratic principles and equal political rights for ethnic minorities based on the Panglong Agreement. Renewed fighting between the Kachin Independence Army and
2370-602: The Kachin who are living in the northern part of Myanmar, northern part of Shan, near the China border on 9 June 2011. Because of the abrupt internal conflict, thousands of internally displaced people fled to refugee camps which are located in the government-controlled area as well in the Kachin Independence Army controlled area (Hlaing, 2005). KIO made a ceasefire agreement with the military government in 1994 while leaving political issues to be discussed with
2449-774: The Prime Minister General Thein Sein made an agreement with the China Power Investment Cooperation in Beijing to build seven dams in Kachin State. The controversial construction project of a huge 1,055 megawatt hydroelectric power plant dam, the Myitsone Dam , is ongoing. It is funded by China Power Investment Cooperation. When completed, the dam will measure 152 metre high and the electricity produced will be sold to China. This project displaced about 15,000 people and
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2528-423: The Revolutionary Council. In this sense the objective was a national social revolution across classes. However, since the peasants made up the largest group in society and since this class was perceived as having been neglected under colonial rule as well as by the post-colonial governments, policies to improve the economy and conditions of peasants were prioritised. Furthermore, it was believed that by focusing on
2607-421: The Union. The army thus argued that there was a need for a strong central government to secure the integration of the nation. Furthermore, the military rule justified the abolition of the political system by saying that multi-party democracy served the wealthy in society in being open to politicians representing capitalists and landlords. This critique of the political system served both as a reason for conducting
2686-515: The United States had a great interest in Asian countries bordering communist powers, which meant that Burma was a possible subject of interest with the country's borders to China. If the union dissolved and the Shan and Kayah States claimed autonomy it meant that the states could pursue independent foreign policy and engage in alliances with powerful states like the United States. Due to the international security status an alliance like this would create
2765-441: The area of Singapore , and an exponential increase from 2016. Kachin State is served by the following airports: There is a railroad between Myitkyina and Mandalay (through Sagaing). The train takes 21–30 hours from Mandalay to Myitkyina. Educational opportunities in Myanmar are extremely limited outside the main cities of Yangon and Mandalay . It is especially a problem in Kachin State where over 60 years of fighting between
2844-408: The authority of the elected civil government Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), led by U Nu. Yet the general public continued to perceive the elected government as corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to restore law and order in a Burmese society characterised by ever-increasing crime rates. The military continued to be perceived as crucial to ensuring social stability, which
2923-526: The basic facilities and equipment. In general, the health care infrastructure outside of Yangon and Mandalay is extremely poor but is especially worse in remote areas like Kachin State. The following is a summary of the public health care system in the state. 1962 Burmese coup d%27%C3%A9tat Coup successful [REDACTED] Government of Burma Tatmadaw Bombings and attacks Coup d'états Protests Anti-Muslim violence Related topics The 1962 Burmese coup d'état marked
3002-604: The beginning of one-party rule in Burma (Myanmar) and the political dominance of the military in Burmese politics. In the 2 March 1962 coup , the military replaced the civilian AFPFL -government headed by Prime Minister U Nu , along with the Union Revolutionary Council Chaired by General Ne Win . In the first 12 years following the coup, the country was ruled under martial law , and saw
3081-412: The civilian government was perceived as inadequate to protect the country. Additionally, personal rivalry in the government damaged the cohesion and the power of the already weak AFPFL. In turn, Ne Win and the army feared that a split in the party would induce further instability. This fear was enhanced when U Nu announced that he would not run for office in the following election, which in turn increased
3160-465: The civilian parties, like they had done following the elections in 1960. It has also been suggested that the AFPFL may have expected that the military would, in one way or another, share power with the party, whom it had cooperated with prior to the coup. With the rejection of the civilian parties to conform to the Burmese Way of Socialism, the Revolutionary Council began the building of a party consisting of
3239-588: The conflict. Even though many Kachins were already displaced internally, only around 150,000 people are reported as IDPs. The Kachins are currently the major target for the Burmese government , yet relatively few Kachins have chosen to resettle in countries such as the United States or Australia, in comparison to other Myanmar ethnic minorities, such as the Karens and Chins. The Kachin State Government consists of an executive ( Kachin State Government ),
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3318-647: The continued fighting there; NGOs like Human Rights Watch called to cease such action and pointed the illegality of doing so under international law. As of 9 October 2012, over 100,000 IDPs are taking shelter in various camps across Kachin State. The majority of IDPs (est. 70,000) are currently sheltering in KIA controlled territory. Fatality estimates were difficult to estimate but most reports suggested that between government troops, Kachin Independence Army rebels, and civilians upwards of 1,000 people had died in
3397-427: The country in the 1940s and the fact that he served as a trusted lieutenant to Aung San, who was considered to be a national hero. In contrast Callahan argues that neither the specific character of Ne Win nor the threat of disintegration were the decisive causes for the staging of the coup, since these factors were present throughout the 1950s, without them leading to an army intervention. Instead Callahan suggests that
3476-406: The coup as a highly coordinated military accomplishment that "deployed troops and tanks in an overt seizure of power." Whereas Taylor ascribes greater influence to Ne Win as an individual in staging the coup, Callahan mentions Ne Win as one amongst a number of agents, including field commanders, tank commanders, and administrative personnel, who were involved in the coup. In fact, Callahan argues that
3555-459: The coup but also as a justification of the state structures and policies that were implemented in the subsequent years. The increased autonomy in peripheral areas was also seen as problematic in terms of external threats. The army believed that if the areas got too independent they would attract foreign powers – a risk that seemed great with the Cold War context of 1962. In 1962 it was clear that
3634-425: The coup illustrated that the military acted as a united, bureaucratised entity, and that it might be this unity that explains the durability of the authoritarian rule that followed. There have been various explanations to why the military, headed by Ne Win, staged the military coup less than two years after acknowledging the authority of the civilian government. A reason, which is highlighted by multiple historians,
3713-419: The coup vary in the scholarly literature, when it comes to how militarily coordinated the coup was. According to historian Robert H. Taylor, Ne Win assumed power in secrecy, without the knowledge of even the deputy commander of the armed forced, Brigadier General Aung Gyi. Just 28 officers were involved in the operation, and only Ne Win knew the date of the coup. In contrast, historian Mary P. Callahan describes
3792-422: The coup was a result of inter-elite conflicts over the state structures, and who possessed the legitimate claim on the state. Long-term structural development led to shifting fortunes of the military and political elites, which created: "... winners and losers, rulers and ruled, citizens and enemies." By the time of the coup in 1962 the state was structured in favour of the military, which had developed into
3871-554: The coup. Ne Win became head of state as Chairman of the Union Revolutionary Council and also Prime Minister. He arrested U Nu, Sao Shwe Thaik , and several others, and declared a socialist state run by a "Revolutionary Council" of senior military officers. Sao Shwe Thaik 's son, Sao Mye Thaik, was shot dead in what was generally described as a "bloodless" coup by the world's media. Thibaw Sawbwa Sao Kya Seng also disappeared mysteriously after being stopped at
3950-586: The ethnic composition was Bamar: 29.3%, Shan: 24.2% and Kachin: 38.1%. In a speech delivered on 2016, Min Aung Hlaing of Tatmadaw gave the ethnic composition of the Kachin state as follows: Bamar – 29.2%, Shan – 23.6%, Jingphaw – 18.97%, Lisu – 7%, Rawam – 5%, Lawwaw – 3.33%, Lacheik – 2.89%, Zaikwa – 1.57% and Others – 8%. The economy of Kachin State is predominantly agricultural. The main products include rice, teak , sugar cane , opium . Mineral products include gold, jade , and rare-earth elements . Hpakant
4029-676: The ethnic states to Yangon. The bureaucratic power embedded in these institutions was transferred to the Revolutionary Council and Ne Win. The concentration of power in the hands of Ne Win continued on 5 March 1962 when he undertook all executive, legislate and judicial authority by virtue of being the Chairman of the Revolutionary Council. As head of both the Revolutionary Council and the Revolutionary Government Cabinet Taylor argues that: "... Ne Win in theory possessed all state power and thus achieved
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#17327754620464108-407: The formation of the BSPP the revolutionary council enjoyed the supremacy over the party. This was in accordance with the party's constitution, which stated that he Revolutionary Council was " the supreme authority of the party during the transitional period of its construction ". This hierarchy should later be reversed so the BSPP would lead the Revolutionary Council, and in 1974 with the formation of
4187-501: The government and insurgents has displaced thousands of people. The following is a summary of the education system in the state. The general state of health care in Myanmar is poor. The military government spends anywhere from 0.5% to 3% of the country's GDP on health care, consistently ranking among the lowest in the world. Although health care is nominally free, in reality, patients have to pay for medicine and treatment, even in public clinics and hospitals. Public hospitals lack many of
4266-430: The ideological framework were the establishing of a socialist economy and the interests of the peasants, who comprised the largest group in society, and potentially the biggest threat to the government. To distinguish the Burmese Way to Socialism from communism, Ne Win argued that the socialist system of Burma should benefit all people of society and that the business class was not seen as the enemy, as long as they supported
4345-419: The incentive to stage the coup. Historians differ when it comes to the importance of Ne Win as an individual leader in explaining why the coup was established and successfully executed. Aung Thwin & Aung Thwin argue that Ne Win possessed political legitimacy founded in Burmese culture and history, which enabled him to seize power in the 1962 coup. Ne Win's political credentials were based on his fighting for
4424-514: The jade stones extracted in Myanmar, 25,795 tons in 2009–10 and 32,921 tons in 2008–09, are from Kachin State. The largest jade stone in the world, 3000 tons, 21 metres long, 4.8 metres wide and 10.5 metres high was found in Hpakant in 2000. The Myanmar government pays little attention to the deterioration of environment in Kachin because of jade mining. There has been erosion, flooding and mudslides. Several houses are destroyed every year. In 2006,
4503-478: The larger northern district of Puta-o . Kachin State was officially announced on 10 January 1948 and Kachin State Government held "Mungdaw Masat Masat Manau" (forming of Kachin State Manau) for three consecutive days since 9 to 11 January as happiness since that year they held Manau on 10 January every year until the 1962 Burmese coup d'état . The vast mountainous hinterlands are predominantly Kachin , whereas
4582-603: The late 2010s. As China has shut down domestic mines due to the severe environmental impact, it has largely outsourced rare earth mining to Kachin State. Chinese companies and miners illegally set up operations in Kachin State without government permits, and instead circumvent the central government by working with a Border Guard Force militia under the Tatmadaw , formerly known as the New Democratic Army – Kachin , which has profited from this extractive industry. Mining operations also began in areas controlled by
4661-614: The local Chinese nephrite . Kachin troops formerly formed a significant part of the Burmese army. With the unilateral abrogation of the Union of Burma constitution by the Ne Win regime in 1962, Kachin forces withdrew and formed the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) under the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). Aside from the major towns and railway corridor, Kachin State has been virtually independent from
4740-433: The mid-1960s through 1994, with an economy based on agriculture and trade with China, including of jade. After a Myanmar army offensive in 1994 seized the jade mines from the KIO, a peace treaty was signed, permitting continued KIO effective control of most of the State, under aegis of the Myanmar military. This ceasefire immediately resulted in the creation of numerous splinter factions from the KIO and KIA of groups opposed to
4819-695: The military again took over as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (then renamed the State Peace and Development Council ) following the nationwide 8888 Uprising and virtual breakdown of the socialist regime. The military junta retained power for 23 years until 2011, when it was transferred to the Union Solidarity and Development Party . After the end of the Second World War and Burma's independence in 1948, Burma became
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#17327754620464898-462: The military takeover a logical, if not positive, development. The coup was executed with the arrest of Prime Minister U Nu, five other cabinet members, the Chief of Justice, and around thirty politicians and former leaders from the states of Shan and Kayah . Only one person was killed, the son of general Sao Shwe Thaik , which is why the coup has been described as bloodless. The descriptions of
4977-403: The more densely populated railway corridor and southern valleys are mostly Shan and Bamar . The northern frontier was not demarcated and until the 1960s . Various Chinese governments had claimed the northern-half of Kachin State as Chinese territory since the 18th century. Before the British rule, roughly 75% of all Kachin jadeite ended up in China, where it was prized much more highly than
5056-455: The new political organs is an indigenous historical feature in Myanmar. The opportunity to be a part of BSPP was especially popular among the people, who had been kept outside the power elite of the AFPFL-government. The objective of the BSPP was to be the main channel for participation and mobilisation of people to support the state. The political orientation of the BSPP was described as the middle way between social democracy and communism, and
5135-642: The next elected government. Throughout its struggle, both in the ceasefire and non-ceasefire period, KIO also made agreements with other ethnic rebels and alliances including the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), the National Democratic Front (NDF), and United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). The main goal was to pressure the military government and restore the federal democratic government with greater autonomy to Kachin State. During its 17 years of ceasefire from 1994 to 2011
5214-509: The north and east ( Tibet and Yunnan , respectively), Shan State to the south, and Sagaing Region and India ( Arunachal Pradesh ) to the west. It lies between north latitude 23° 27' and 28° 25' longitude 96° 0' and 98° 44'. The area of Kachin State is 89,041 km (34,379 sq mi). The capital of the state is Myitkyina . Other important towns include Bhamo , Mohnyin and Putao . Kachin State has Myanmar's highest mountain, Hkakabo Razi at 5,889 metres (19,321 ft), forming
5293-402: The order to dynamite the building. Ne Win further stated that he himself, as a "revolutionary leader", had to take responsibility for the incident by giving the "sword with sword and spear with spear" speech. Due to the AFPFL-government's weak position in society, the coup was not unexpected, and Ne Win had been urged to seize power by members of the army. Several foreign governments considered
5372-413: The party should represent all working people. Thus the party was conceived as an alternative to the parties, which made up the previous governments and was categorised in terms of being either right or left oriented. By claiming to represent all the people the party also aimed at distinguishing itself from communism, which formed an opposition to the landlords and capitalists. In the first decade following
5451-436: The peasants in terms of a coherent social class rather than ethnicity the integration of society could be improved. The notion of ethnicity should be neutralised by developing new community affiliations based on a national cultural identity and a shared public history founded in a Buddhist past. The implementation of the new ideology was Leninist in its implementation, in the sense that the Revolutionary Council wanted to form
5530-415: The political elite, and on 4 July 1962 the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) was presented. All remaining parties were banned by law. Initially the BSPP was only made up by members of the Revolutionary Council but eventually it also attracted politicians, especially the left-oriented. Furthermore, Ne Win included civil servants and former politicians who were ready to conform to the military rule in
5609-570: The population listed no religion, other religions, or were otherwise not enumerated. According to the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee 's 2016 statistics, 7,966 Buddhist monks were registered in Kachin State, comprising 1.5% of Myanmar's total Sangha membership, which includes both novice samanera and fully-ordained bhikkhu. The majority of monks belong to the Thudhamma Nikaya (95.3%), followed by
5688-471: The risk of Chinese attacks, which in 1962 constituted the largest external threat to Myanmar. To secure public support of the ideology the Marxist elements were supplemented with Buddhist concepts to create ideological objectives that were compatible with the morals of the country's Buddhist majority. The socialism applied thus became a localised version, fitted to the Burmese identity. The priorities in
5767-727: The southern tip of the Himalayas , and a large inland lake, Indawgyi Lake . The Qing dynasty of China briefly controlled the present Kachin state during the 1760 Sino-Burmese War . What is now Kachin State was historically inhabited by a diverse population of various ethnolinguistic groups, including the Rawang , the Lisu , the Jingpo , the Zaiwa , the Lashi/Lachik and the Lawngwaw/Maru, all of whom had overlapping territories and varying social structures. The term "Kachin"
5846-564: The strong character of the military. Immediately after the coup Ne Win and a number of senior military officers formed the Revolutionary Council, which consisted of sixteen senior military officers and Ne Win as the council's chairman. Furthermore, the Revolutionary Government Cabinet was established with eight senior military officers from the Council. Ne Win also chaired this group. The aim of Revolution Council
5925-477: Was U Nu's attempt to make Buddhism the state religion, since it contributed to the Christian minorities' motivation to fight for autonomy. Furthermore, the army believed that the federal system and parliament-style government was inherently weak and encouraged local autonomy. The multiple voices represented in parliament were seen as evoking instability and enhancing ethnic differences that would bring down
6004-514: Was a high priority among the Burmese people following years of colonialism and World War II. Less than two years after the caretaker government had handed power back to the AFPFL-government, on 2 March 1962, Ne Win again seized power in a military-staged coup d'état. Before the coup, Samaduwa Sinhwanaung , Chief Minister of Kachin State and close ally with Prime Minister U Nu, was designated as president for next 5 years by Union Parliament on 28 February 1962. However he did not take office because of
6083-467: Was based on chieftains who depended on support from immediate kinsmen. Considerable attention has been given by anthropologists of the Kachin custom of maternal cousin marriage, wherein it is permissible for a man to marry his mother's brother's daughter, but not with the father's sister's daughter. In pre-colonial times, the Kachin were animist . After the 1760s Qing-Konbaung war , the Chinese exercised
6162-427: Was perceived as surprising by external agents. But according to Historian Maung A. Myoe the inclusion of Marxism strengthened and prolonged the political dominance of the army, since it enabled the neutralisation of the communism , while projecting the army as revolutionary institution that could ensure the population's socialists ' demands. In a security perspective the leftist state ideology furthermore minimised
6241-481: Was to lead an anti-colonial revolution and reassert the state. Revolutionary council replaced the AFPFL-government and the day after the establishing of the new governmental body, the council abolished fundamental state institutions established with the 1947 constitution. This included the two houses of the Hluttaw (the parliament), the central legislature and the regional councils – the channel of communication from
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