99-501: Cunha is a Galician and Portuguese surname of toponymic origin, documented since the 13th century. Notable people having this surname include: Locations with the name Cunha include: Galician language Western Areas Central Areas Eastern Areas Other Areas Galician ( / ɡ ə ˈ l ɪ ʃ ( i ) ə n / gə- LISH -(ee-)ən , UK also / ɡ ə ˈ l ɪ s i ə n / gə- LISS -ee-ən ), also known as Galego ( endonym : galego ),
198-471: A (elision of -l- is a common feature of Portuguese) and Italian il , lo and la . Sardinian went its own way here also, forming its article from ipse , ipsa an intensive adjective ( su, sa ); some Catalan and Occitan dialects have articles from the same source. While most of the Romance languages put the article before the noun, Romanian has its own way, by putting the article after
297-520: A dialect continuum with Portuguese in the south, and with Astur-Leonese in the east. Mutual intelligibility (estimated at 85% by Robert A. Hall Jr. , 1989) is very high between Galicians and northern Portuguese. The current linguistic status of Galician with regard to Portuguese is controversial in Galicia, and the issue sometimes carries political overtones. There are linguists who consider Galician and Portuguese as two norms or varieties of
396-571: A Celtic revival; and Manuel Curros Enríquez , a liberal and anticlerical author whose ideas and proclamations were scandalous for part of the 19th-century society. The first political manifest asking for the officialization of Galician date to the late 19th century. An important landmark was the establishment of the Royal Galician Academy , in 1906, soon followed by that of the Seminario de Estudos Galegos (1923). The Seminario
495-500: A companion of sin"), in a context that suggests that the word meant little more than an article. The need to translate sacred texts that were originally in Koine Greek , which had a definite article, may have given Christian Latin an incentive to choose a substitute. Aetheria uses ipse similarly: per mediam vallem ipsam ("through the middle of the valley"), suggesting that it too was weakening in force. Another indication of
594-478: A consonant and before another vowel) became [j], which palatalized preceding consonants. /w/ (except after /k/) and intervocalic /b/ merge as the bilabial fricative /β/. The system of phonemic vowel length collapsed by the fifth century AD, leaving quality differences as the distinguishing factor between vowels; the paradigm thus changed from /ī ĭ ē ĕ ā ă ŏ ō ŭ ū/ to /i ɪ e ɛ a ɔ o ʊ u/. Concurrently, stressed vowels in open syllables lengthened . Towards
693-511: A document from the monastery of Melón , dated in 1231 —being Galician by far the most used language during the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, in substitution of Latin. Galician-Portuguese lost its political unity when the County of Portugal obtained its independence from the Kingdom of León , a transition initiated in 1139 and completed in 1179, establishing the Kingdom of Portugal . Meanwhile,
792-587: A great extent a separate language, that was more or less distinct from the written form. To Meyer-Lübke, the spoken Vulgar form was the genuine and continuous form, while Classical Latin was a kind of artificial idealised language imposed upon it; thus Romance languages were derived from the "real" Vulgar form, which had to be reconstructed from remaining evidence. Others that followed this approach divided Vulgar from Classical Latin by education or class. Other views of "Vulgar Latin" include defining it as uneducated speech, slang, or in effect, Proto-Romance . The result
891-612: A language through elaboration, and not an abstand language , a language through detachment. With regard to the external and internal perception of this relation, for instance in past editions of the Encyclopædia Britannica , Galician was defined as a "Portuguese dialect" spoken in northwestern Spain. On the other hand, the director of the Instituto Camões declared in 2019 that Galician and Portuguese were close kin, but different languages. According to
990-586: A minor language with less capacity to counterbalance the influence of Spanish, the only official language between the 18th century and 1975. On the other hand, viewing Galician as a part of the Lusosphere, while not denying its own characteristics (cf. Swiss German ), shifts cultural influence from the Spanish domain to the Portuguese. Some scholars have described the situation as properly a continuum, from
1089-673: A most immoral gladiator"). This suggests that unus was beginning to supplant quidam in the meaning of "a certain" or "some" by the 1st century BC. The three grammatical genders of Classical Latin were replaced by a two-gender system in most Romance languages. The neuter gender of classical Latin was in most cases identical with the masculine both syntactically and morphologically. The confusion had already started in Pompeian graffiti, e.g. cadaver mortuus for cadaver mortuum ("dead body"), and hoc locum for hunc locum ("this place"). The morphological confusion shows primarily in
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#17328015899751188-650: A nasal consonant in the west; reduction of the sibilant system, with the confluence (except in the Baixa Limia region) of voiced and voiceless fricatives, followed by a process of de-affrication which led to different results in the west and in the east. The most important author during this period of the language was the scholar Martín Sarmiento , unconditional defender and the first researcher of Galician language (history, evolution, lexicon, etymology, onomastics). His Elementos etimológicos segun el método de Euclides (1766), written in Spanish but dealing with Galician,
1287-404: A number of sonnets and other lyric poetry, as well as other literate productions, including the forgery of allegedly mediaeval scriptures or chronicles under diverse pretensions—usually to show the ancient nobility of the forger's family—being these writings elaborated in an archaic looking Galician which nevertheless could not conceal the state of the language during this period. Middle Galician
1386-421: A prepositional case, displacing many instances of the ablative . Towards the end of the imperial period, the accusative came to be used more and more as a general oblique case. Despite increasing case mergers, nominative and accusative forms seem to have remained distinct for much longer, since they are rarely confused in inscriptions. Even though Gaulish texts from the 7th century rarely confuse both forms, it
1485-642: A result of the untenability of the noun case system after these phonetic changes, Vulgar Latin shifted from a markedly synthetic language to a more analytic one . The genitive case died out around the 3rd century AD, according to Meyer-Lübke , and began to be replaced by "de" + noun (which originally meant "about/concerning", weakened to "of") as early as the 2nd century BC. Exceptions of remaining genitive forms are some pronouns, certain fossilized expressions and some proper names. For example, French jeudi ("Thursday") < Old French juesdi < Vulgar Latin " jovis diēs "; Spanish es menester ("it
1584-472: A series of collections, and belonging to four main genres: cantigas de amor , love songs, where a man sings for his ladylove; cantigas de amigo , where a woman sings for her boyfriend; cantigas de escarnio , crude, taunting, and sexual songs of scorn; cantigas de maldecir , where the poet vents his spleen openly; and also the Cantigas de Santa María , which are religious songs. The oldest known document
1683-555: A shift in meaning. Some notable cases are civitas ('citizenry' → 'city', replacing urbs ); focus ('hearth' → 'fire', replacing ignis ); manducare ('chew' → 'eat', replacing edere ); causa ('subject matter' → 'thing', competing with res ); mittere ('send' → 'put', competing with ponere ); necare ('murder' → 'drown', competing with submergere ); pacare ('placate' → 'pay', competing with solvere ), and totus ('whole' → 'all, every', competing with omnis ). Front vowels in hiatus (after
1782-530: A sort of "corrupted" Latin that they assumed formed an entity distinct from the literary Classical variety, though opinions differed greatly on the nature of this "vulgar" dialect. The early 19th-century French linguist François-Just-Marie Raynouard is often regarded as the father of modern Romance philology . Observing that the Romance languages have many features in common that are not found in Latin, at least not in "proper" or Classical Latin, he concluded that
1881-421: A three-way contrast is also made with the definite articles el , la , and lo . The last is used with nouns denoting abstract categories: lo bueno , literally "that which is good", from bueno : good. The Vulgar Latin vowel shifts caused the merger of several case endings in the nominal and adjectival declensions. Some of the causes include: the loss of final m , the merger of ă with ā , and
1980-478: Is a Western Ibero-Romance language. Around 2.4 million people have at least some degree of competence in the language, mainly in Galicia , an autonomous community located in northwestern Spain, where it has official status along with Spanish . The language is also spoken in some border zones of the neighbouring Spanish regions of Asturias and Castile and León , as well as by Galician migrant communities in
2079-868: Is a borrowing from French); the same for lignum ("wood stick"), plural ligna , that originated the Catalan feminine singular noun (la) llenya , Portuguese (a) lenha , Spanish (la) leña and Italian (la) legna . Some Romance languages still have a special form derived from the ancient neuter plural which is treated grammatically as feminine: e.g., BRACCHIUM : BRACCHIA "arm(s)" → Italian (il) braccio : (le) braccia , Romanian braț(ul) : brațe(le) . Cf. also Merovingian Latin ipsa animalia aliquas mortas fuerant . Alternations in Italian heteroclitic nouns such as l'uovo fresco ("the fresh egg") / le uova fresche ("the fresh eggs") are usually analysed as masculine in
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#17328015899752178-521: Is a useless and dangerously misleading term ... To abandon it once and for all can only benefit scholarship. Lloyd called to replace the use of "Vulgar Latin" with a series of more precise definitions, such as the spoken Latin of a particular time and place. Research in the twentieth century has in any case shifted the view to consider the differences between written and spoken Latin in more moderate terms. Just as in modern languages, speech patterns are different from written forms, and vary with education,
2277-458: Is believed that both cases began to merge in Africa by the end of the empire, and a bit later in parts of Italy and Iberia. Nowadays, Romanian maintains a two-case system, while Old French and Old Occitan had a two-case subject-oblique system. This Old French system was based largely on whether or not the Latin case ending contained an "s" or not, with the "s" being retained but all vowels in
2376-403: Is characterized by a series of phonetic processes which led to a further separation from Portuguese, and to the apparition of some of the more noteworthy dialectal features, among other phenomenons: emergence of the gheada or pronunciation of /ɡ/ as a pharyngeal fricative; denasalization of nasal vowels in most of Galicia, becoming oral vowels in the east, or a group formed by an oral vowel plus
2475-859: Is considered regular as it is more common than in Italian. Thus, a relict neuter gender can arguably be said to persist in Italian and Romanian. In Portuguese, traces of the neuter plural can be found in collective formations and words meant to inform a bigger size or sturdiness. Thus, one can use ovo (s) ("egg(s)") and ova (s) ("roe", "collection(s) of eggs"), bordo (s) ("section(s) of an edge") and borda (s ) ("edge(s)"), saco (s) ("bag(s)") and saca (s ) ("sack(s)"), manto (s) ("cloak(s)") and manta (s) ("blanket(s)"). Other times, it resulted in words whose gender may be changed more or less arbitrarily, like fruto / fruta ("fruit"), caldo / calda ("broth"), etc. These formations were especially common when they could be used to avoid irregular forms. In Latin,
2574-439: Is considered the dark age of Galician language. The Galician spoken and written then is usually referred to as Middle Galician . Middle Galician is known mostly through popular literature (songs, carols, proverbs, theatrical scripts, personal letters), but also through the frequent apparition of Galician interferences and personal and place names in local works and documents otherwise written in Spanish. Other important sources are
2673-767: Is different from it ]. Private cultural associations, not endorsed by Galician or Portuguese governments, such as the Galician Language Association ( Associaçom Galega da Língua ) and Galician Academy of the Portuguese Language ( Academia Galega da Língua Portuguesa ), advocates of the minority Reintegrationist movement, support the idea that differences between Galician and Portuguese speech are not enough to justify considering them as separate languages: Galician would be simply one variety of Galician-Portuguese, along with European Portuguese ; Brazilian Portuguese ; African Portuguese ;
2772-571: Is itself often viewed as vague and unhelpful, and it is used in very different ways by different scholars, applying it to mean spoken Latin of differing types, or from different social classes and time periods. Nevertheless, interest in the shifts in the spoken forms remains very important to understand the transition from Latin or Late Latin through to Proto-Romance and Romance languages. To make matters more complicated, evidence for spoken forms can be found only through examination of written Classical Latin , Late Latin , or early Romance , depending on
2871-408: Is necessary") < "est ministeri "; and Italian terremoto ("earthquake") < " terrae motu " as well as names like Paoli , Pieri . The dative case lasted longer than the genitive, even though Plautus , in the 2nd century BC, already shows some instances of substitution by the construction "ad" + accusative. For example, "ad carnuficem dabo". The accusative case developed as
2970-409: Is not until the 12th century that there is evidence for the identification of the local language as a language different from Latin itself. During this same 12th century there are full Galician sentences being inadvertently used inside Latin texts, while its first reckoned use as a literary language dates to the last years of this same century. The linguistic stage from the 13th to the 15th centuries
3069-597: Is part of a family which includes our brothers from Portugal, Brazil, Angola, Cape Verde, Mozambique... a territory full of possibilities also for Galician. We always said that Galician is not a regional language, but is in fact part of that international project". Galician is spoken by some three million people, including most of the population of Galicia and the numerous Galician communities established elsewhere, in Spain ( Madrid , Barcelona, Biscay ), in other European cities ( Andorra la Vella , Geneva, London, Paris), and in
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3168-442: Is simply called Galician ( gallego ). Dialectal divergences are observable between the northern and southern forms of Galician-Portuguese in 13th-century texts but the two dialects were similar enough to maintain a high level of cultural unity until the middle of the 14th century, producing the medieval Galician-Portuguese lyric . The divergence has continued to this day, most frequently due to innovations in Portuguese, producing
3267-420: Is that the term "Vulgar Latin" is regarded by some modern philologists as an essentially meaningless, but unfortunately very persistent term: the continued use of "Vulgar Latin" is not only no aid to thought, but is, on the contrary, a positive barrier to a clear understanding of Latin and Romance. ... I wish it were possible to hope the term might fall out of use. Many scholars have stated that "Vulgar Latin"
3366-654: Is the poem Ora faz ost'o Senhor de Navarra by Joam Soares de Paiva, written around 1200. The first non-literary documents in Galician-Portuguese date from the early 13th century, the Noticia de Torto (1211) and the Testamento of Afonso II of Portugal (1214), both samples of medieval notarial prose. Its most notable patrons—themselves reputed authors—were King Dom Dinis in Portugal, and King Alfonso X
3465-510: Is the range of non-formal registers of Latin spoken from the Late Roman Republic onward. Vulgar Latin as a term is both controversial and imprecise. Spoken Latin existed for a long time and in many places. Scholars have differed in opinion as to the extent of the differences, and whether Vulgar Latin was in some sense a different language. This was developed as a theory in the nineteenth century by Raynouard . At its extreme,
3564-676: Is the replacement of the highly irregular ( suppletive ) verb ferre , meaning 'to carry', with the entirely regular portare . Similarly, the verb loqui , meaning 'to speak', was replaced by a variety of alternatives such as the native fabulari and narrare or the Greek borrowing parabolare . Classical Latin particles fared poorly, with all of the following vanishing in the course of its development to Romance: an , at , autem , donec , enim , etiam , haud , igitur , ita , nam , postquam , quidem , quin , quoad , quoque , sed , sive , utrum , vel . Many words experienced
3663-586: Is their primary language, with lower numbers for the younger population. Those under 45 were more likely than those over 45 to answer that they never use Galician. Use of Galician also varies greatly depending on the regions and municipalities of Galicia. While in two areas of the Province of A Coruña ( Costa da Morte and the Southeast) more than 90% of the population always or mostly speaks in Galician, only
3762-578: Is usually known as Galician-Portuguese (or Old Portuguese , or Old Galician ) as an acknowledgement of the cultural and linguistic unity of Galicia and Portugal during the Middle Ages, as the two linguistic varieties differed only in dialectal minor phenomena. This language flourished during the 13th and 14th centuries as a language of culture, developing a rich lyric tradition of which some 2000 compositions ( cantigas , meaning 'songs') have been preserved—a few hundred even with their musical score—in
3861-618: The Astur-Leonese group on the one hand, and those defending it as clearly Galician varieties on the other (actually both views are compatible). The recent edition of the cartularies of Oscos in Old Common Council of Castropol and cartularies of Obona , Cornellana , Corias and Belmonte in middle west of Asturias have shown a huge difference in the medieval speech between both banks of the Navia river. An examination of
3960-742: The Chronicle of St. Mary of Iria , by Rui Vasques), religious books, legal studies, and a treaty on horse breeding. Most prose literary creation in Galician had stopped by the 16th century, when printing press became popular; the first complete translation of the Bible was not printed until the 20th century. As for other written uses of Galician, legal charters (last wills, hirings, sales, constitutional charters, city council book of acts, guild constitutions, books of possessions, and any type of public or private contracts and inventories) written in Galicia are to be found from 1230 to 1530—the earliest one probably
4059-545: The European Parliament , being used by some Galician representatives, among others: José Posada , Camilo Nogueira and Xosé Manuel Beiras . Controversy exists regarding the inclusion of Eonavian (spoken in the western end of Asturias , bordering Galicia ) into the Galician language, as it has some traits in common with Western Asturian (spoken in the middle west of Asturias). There are those defending these linguistic varieties as dialects of transition to
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4158-542: The Fala language spoken in the northwestern corner of Extremadura (Spain), and other dialects. They have adopted slightly-modified or actual Portuguese orthography, which has its roots in medieval Galician-Portuguese poetry as later adapted by the Portuguese Chancellery. According to Reintegrationists, considering Galician as an independent language reduces contact with Portuguese culture, leaving Galician as
4257-701: The Galician Association of Language consider Galician and Portuguese two forms of the Galician-Portuguese language , and other minoritary organizations such as Galician Academy of the Portuguese Language believe that Galician should be considered part of the Portuguese language for a wider international usage and level of "normalization". Modern Galician and Portuguese originated from a common medieval ancestor designated variously by modern linguists as Galician-Portuguese (or as Medieval Galician, Medieval Portuguese, Old Galician or Old Portuguese). This common ancestral stage developed from Vulgar Latin in
4356-455: The same language . Some authors, such as Lindley Cintra , consider that they are still co-dialects of a common language in spite of differences in phonology and vocabulary, while others argue that they have become separate languages due to differences in phonetics and vocabulary usage, and, to a lesser extent, morphology and syntax. Fernández Rei in 1990 stated that the Galician language is, with respect to Portuguese, an ausbau language ,
4455-580: The 13th and 14th centuries became notable authors, such as Paio Gomes Charinho, lord of Rianxo , and the aforementioned kings. Aside from the lyric genres, Galicia developed also a minor tradition on literary prose, most notably in translation of European popular series, as those dealing with King Arthur written by Chrétien de Troyes , or those based on the war of Troy , usually paid and commissioned by noblemen who desired to read those romances in their own language. Other genres include history books (either translation of Spanish ones, or original creations like
4554-620: The 14th century. In Spanish "lenguaje gallego" is already documented in this same century, circa 1330; in Occitan circa 1290, in the Regles de Trobar by Catalan author Jofre de Foixà : " si tu vols far un cantar en frances, no·s tayn que·y mescles proençal ne cicilia ne gallego ne altre lengatge que sia strayn a aquell " [ If you want to compose a song in French, you should not admix Provençal nor Sicilian nor Galician nor other language which
4653-552: The 15,2% of the population does the same in the city of Vigo . Some authors are of the opinion that Galician possesses no real dialects. Despite this, Galician local varieties are collected in three main dialectal blocks, each block comprising a series of areas, being local linguistic varieties that are all mutually intelligible . Some of the main features which distinguish the three blocks are: Vulgar Latin Vulgar Latin , also known as Popular or Colloquial Latin ,
4752-534: The Americas (New York, New Jersey , Buenos Aires, Córdoba/Argentina, Montevideo , Mexico City , Havana , Caracas, San Juan in Puerto Rico , São Paulo, Managua , Mayagüez , Ponce , Panama City). Galician is today official, together with the Spanish language, in the autonomous community of Galicia, where it is recognized as the autochthonous language ( lingua propia ), being by law the first language of
4851-587: The Galician culture and language) was admitted as a consultative observer of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP). A "friendship and cooperation" protocol was signed between the Royal Galician Academy (RAG) and the Brazilian Academy of Letters on 10 January 2019. Víctor F. Freixanes, president of the RAG, stated during the ceremony that "there is a conscience that the Galician language
4950-554: The Galician government, universities and main cultural institutions, such as the Galician Language Institute or the Royal Galician Academy , Galician and Portuguese are independent languages that stemmed from medieval Galician-Portuguese, and modern Galician must be considered an independent Romance language belonging to the group of Ibero-Romance languages having strong ties with Portuguese and its northern dialects. The standard orthography has its roots in
5049-488: The Galician variants of Portuguese in one extreme to the Spanish language in the other (which would represent the complete linguistic shift from Galician to Spanish); reintegrationist points of view are closer to the Portuguese extreme, and so-called isolationist ones would be closer to the Spanish one; however, the major Galician nationalist parties, Anova–Nationalist Brotherhood and Galician Nationalist Bloc , do not use reintegrationist orthographical conventions. In 2014,
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#17328015899755148-637: The Kingdom of Galicia was united with the Kingdom of León, and later with the Kingdom of Castile, under kings of the House of Burgundy . The Galician and Portuguese standards of the language diverged over time, following independent evolutionary paths. Portuguese was the official language of the Portuguese chancellery, while Galician was the usual language not only of troubadours and peasants, but also of local noblemen and clergy, and of their officials, so forging and maintaining two slightly different standards. During
5247-464: The Latin nominative/accusative nomen , rather than the oblique stem form * nomin- (which nevertheless produced Spanish nombre ). Most neuter nouns had plural forms ending in -A or -IA ; some of these were reanalysed as feminine singulars, such as gaudium ("joy"), plural gaudia ; the plural form lies at the root of the French feminine singular (la) joie , as well as of Catalan and Occitan (la) joia (Italian la gioia
5346-464: The Learned in Galicia, Castile and León, who was a great promoter of both Galician and Castilian Spanish languages. Not only the kings but also the noble houses of Galicia and Portugal encouraged literary creation in Galician-Portuguese, as being an author or bringing reputed troubadours into one's home became a way of promoting social prestige. As a result, many noblemen, businessmen and clergymen of
5445-699: The Romance vernaculars as to their actual use: in Romanian, the articles are suffixed to the noun (or an adjective preceding it), as in other languages of the Balkan sprachbund and the North Germanic languages . The numeral unus , una (one) supplies the indefinite article in all cases (again, this is a common semantic development across Europe). This is anticipated in Classical Latin; Cicero writes cum uno gladiatore nequissimo ("with
5544-414: The adoption of the nominative ending -us ( -Ø after -r ) in the o -declension. In Petronius 's work, one can find balneus for balneum ("bath"), fatus for fatum ("fate"), caelus for caelum ("heaven"), amphitheater for amphitheatrum ("amphitheatre"), vinus for vinum ("wine"), and conversely, thesaurum for thesaurus ("treasure"). Most of these forms occur in
5643-574: The articles fully developed. Definite articles evolved from demonstrative pronouns or adjectives (an analogous development is found in many Indo-European languages, including Greek , Celtic and Germanic ); compare the fate of the Latin demonstrative adjective ille , illa , illud "that", in the Romance languages , becoming French le and la (Old French li , lo , la ), Catalan and Spanish el , la and lo , Occitan lo and la , Portuguese o and
5742-408: The conquered provinces. Over time this—along with other factors that encouraged linguistic and cultural assimilation , such as political unity, frequent travel and commerce, military service, etc.—led to Latin becoming the predominant language throughout the western Mediterranean. Latin itself was subject to the same assimilatory tendencies, such that its varieties had probably become more uniform by
5841-551: The end of the Roman Empire /ɪ/ merged with /e/ in most regions, although not in Africa or a few peripheral areas in Italy. It is difficult to place the point in which the definite article , absent in Latin but present in all Romance languages, arose, largely because the highly colloquial speech in which it arose was seldom written down until the daughter languages had strongly diverged; most surviving texts in early Romance show
5940-415: The feminine derivations (a) pereira , (la) perera . As usual, irregularities persisted longest in frequently used forms. From the fourth declension noun manus ("hand"), another feminine noun with the ending -us , Italian and Spanish derived (la) mano , Romanian mânu> mână , pl. mâini / (reg.) mâni , Catalan (la) mà , and Portuguese (a) mão , which preserve
6039-609: The feminine gender along with the masculine appearance. Except for the Italian and Romanian heteroclitic nouns, other major Romance languages have no trace of neuter nouns, but still have neuter pronouns. French celui-ci / celle-ci / ceci ("this"), Spanish éste / ésta / esto ("this"), Italian: gli / le / ci ("to him" /"to her" / "to it"), Catalan: ho , açò , això , allò ("it" / this / this-that / that over there ); Portuguese: todo / toda / tudo ("all of him" / "all of her" / "all of it"). In Spanish,
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#17328015899756138-512: The following sources: An oft-posed question is why (or when, or how) Latin “fragmented” into several different languages. Current hypotheses contrast the centralizing and homogenizing socio-economic, cultural, and political forces that characterized the Roman Empire with the centrifugal forces that prevailed afterwards. By the end of the first century CE the Romans had seized the entire Mediterranean Basin and established hundreds of colonies in
6237-547: The former must have all had some common ancestor (which he believed most closely resembled Old Occitan ) that replaced Latin some time before the year 1000. This he dubbed la langue romane or "the Romance language". The first truly modern treatise on Romance linguistics and the first to apply the comparative method was Friedrich Christian Diez 's seminal Grammar of the Romance Languages . Researchers such as Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke characterised Vulgar Latin as to
6336-745: The fragmentation of Latin into the incipient Romance languages. Until then Latin appears to have been remarkably homogeneous, as far as can be judged from its written records, although careful statistical analysis reveals regional differences in the treatment of the vowel /ĭ/, and in the frequency of the merger of (original) intervocalic /b/ and /w/, by about the fifth century CE. Over the centuries, spoken Latin lost certain words in favour of coinages ; in favour of borrowings from neighbouring languages such as Gaulish , Germanic , or Greek ; or in favour of other Latin words that had undergone semantic shift . The “lost” words often continued to enjoy some currency in literary Latin, however. A commonly-cited example
6435-477: The language spoken in the Northwest before the establishment of the Kingdom of Portugal in the 12th century. The surge of the two languages would be the result of both the elaboration of Portuguese, through the royal court, its internationalization and its study and culture; and of the stagnation of Galician. The earliest internal attestation of the expression Galician language ("lingoajen galego") dates from
6534-494: The largest cities of Galicia is Spanish rather than Galician, as a result of this long process of language shift . However, Galician is still the main language in rural areas. The Royal Galician Academy and other Galician institutions celebrate each 17 May as Galician Literature Day ( Día das Letras Galegas ), dedicated each year to a deceased Galician-language writer chosen by the academy. Use of Galician splits by age, with over half of those over 45 indicating that Galician
6633-613: The late 15th century on, to the end of legal documents in Galician; the last ones were issued around 1530. Also, from 1480 on, notaries of the Crown of Castile were required to obtain their licenses in Toledo , where they had to prove their mastery of Spanish. In spite of Galician being the most spoken language, during the 17th century, the elites of the Kingdom began speaking Spanish, most notably in towns and cities. The linguistic situation in Galicia became one of diglossia , with Galician as
6732-956: The less formal speech, reconstructed forms suggest that the inherited Latin demonstratives were made more forceful by being compounded with ecce (originally an interjection : "behold!"), which also spawned Italian ecco through eccum , a contracted form of ecce eum . This is the origin of Old French cil (* ecce ille ), cist (* ecce iste ) and ici (* ecce hic ); Italian questo (* eccum istum ), quello (* eccum illum ) and (now mainly Tuscan) codesto (* eccum tibi istum ), as well as qui (* eccu hic ), qua (* eccum hac ); Spanish and Occitan aquel and Portuguese aquele (* eccum ille ); Spanish acá and Portuguese cá (* eccum hac ); Spanish aquí and Portuguese aqui (* eccum hic ); Portuguese acolá (* eccum illac ) and aquém (* eccum inde ); Romanian acest (* ecce iste ) and acela (* ecce ille ), and many other forms. On
6831-801: The local administrations and governments. It is supposed by law to be taught bilingually, alongside Spanish, in both primary and secondary education, although the accomplishment of this law is allegedly doubted. It is also used at the three universities established in Galicia, having also the consideration of official language of the three institutions. Galician has also legal recognition in the Bierzo region in León , and in four municipalities in Zamora . The other languages with official status elsewhere in Spain are Spanish, Catalan (or Valencian ), Basque and Aranese . Galician has also been accepted orally as Portuguese in
6930-469: The low variety and Spanish as the high one. In reaction to the relegation of the autochthonous language, a series of literary and historical works (always written in Spanish) appeared in the 17th century through 19th century, meant to vindicate the history, language, people, and culture of Galicia. The period from the 16th century to the early 19th century, when Galician had little literary—and no legal—use,
7029-400: The merger of ŭ with ō (see tables). Thus, by the 5th century, the number of case contrasts had been drastically reduced. There also seems to be a marked tendency to confuse different forms even when they had not become homophonous (like the generally more distinct plurals), which indicates that nominal declension was shaped not only by phonetic mergers, but also by structural factors. As
7128-473: The modern languages of Galician and Portuguese. The lexicon of Galician is predominantly of Latin extraction, although it also contains a moderate number of words of Germanic and Celtic origin, among other substrates and adstrates , having also received, mainly via Spanish, a number of nouns from Andalusian Arabic . The language is officially regulated in Galicia by the Royal Galician Academy . Other organizations without institutional support, such as
7227-449: The names of trees were usually feminine, but many were declined in the second declension paradigm, which was dominated by masculine or neuter nouns. Latin pirus (" pear tree"), a feminine noun with a masculine-looking ending, became masculine in Italian (il) pero and Romanian păr(ul) ; in French and Spanish it was replaced by the masculine derivations (le) poirier , (el) peral ; and in Portuguese and Catalan by
7326-701: The nominative and -Ø in the accusative in both words: murs , ciels [nominative] – mur , ciel [oblique]. For some neuter nouns of the third declension, the oblique stem was productive; for others, the nominative/accusative form, (the two were identical in Classical Latin). Evidence suggests that the neuter gender was under pressure well back into the imperial period. French (le) lait , Catalan (la) llet , Occitan (lo) lach , Spanish (la) leche , Portuguese (o) leite , Italian language (il) latte , Leonese (el) lleche and Romanian lapte (le) ("milk"), all derive from
7425-444: The non-standard but attested Latin nominative/accusative neuter lacte or accusative masculine lactem . In Spanish the word became feminine, while in French, Portuguese and Italian it became masculine (in Romanian it remained neuter, lapte / lăpturi ). Other neuter forms, however, were preserved in Romance; Catalan and French nom , Leonese, Portuguese and Italian nome , Romanian nume ("name") all preserve
7524-401: The noun, e.g. lupul ("the wolf" – from * lupum illum ) and omul ("the man" – *homo illum ), possibly a result of being within the Balkan sprachbund . This demonstrative is used in a number of contexts in some early texts in ways that suggest that the Latin demonstrative was losing its force. The Vetus Latina Bible contains a passage Est tamen ille daemon sodalis peccati ("The devil is
7623-523: The old documents of the Eonavian monastery of Oscos, written from the late 12th to early 14th century to 16th century, shows a clear identification of this language with the Galician-Portuguese linguistic group; while contemporary parchments elsewhere in Asturias are written in Spanish. The two most important traits of those commonly used to tell apart Galician-Portuguese and Asturian-Leonese varieties are
7722-619: The other hand, even in the Oaths of Strasbourg , dictated in Old French in AD 842, no demonstrative appears even in places where one would clearly be called for in all the later languages ( pro christian poblo – "for the Christian people"). Using the demonstratives as articles may have still been considered overly informal for a royal oath in the 9th century. Considerable variation exists in all of
7821-659: The parliament of Galicia unanimously approved Law 1/2014 regarding the promotion of the Portuguese language and links with the Lusophony . Similarly, on 20 October 2016, the city of Santiago de Compostela , the capital of Galicia , approved by unanimity a proposal to become an observer member of the Union of Portuguese-Speaking Capitals ( UCCLA ). Also, on 1 November 2016, the Council of Galician Culture ( Consello da Cultura Galega , an official institution of defence and promotion of
7920-495: The preservation of the mid-open vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ , which became diphthongs in Asturian-Leonese, and the loss of intervocalic /n/ , preserved in the latter language. Porque no mundo mengou a verdade, punhei um dia de a ir buscar; e, u por ela fui nom preguntar, disserom todos: «Alhur la buscade, ca de tal guisa se foi a perder, que nom podemos en novas haver nem já nom anda na irmaindade.» Because in
8019-440: The reign of Alfonso X , Spanish became the official language of the chancellery of the Kingdom of Castile. However, in Galicia and neighboring regions of Asturias and León in 1200–1500, the local languages remained the usual written languages in any type of document, either legal or narrative, public or private. Spanish was progressively introduced through Royal decrees and the edicts of foreign churchmen and officials. This led, from
8118-687: The rest of Spain, in Latin America including Puerto Rico , the United States, Switzerland and elsewhere in Europe. Modern Galician is classified as part of the West Iberian languages group, a family of Romance languages . Galician evolved locally from Vulgar Latin and developed from what modern scholars have called Galician-Portuguese . The earliest document written integrally in the local Galician variety dates back to 1230, although
8217-430: The same can be said of Latin. For instance, philologist József Herman agrees that the term is problematic, and therefore limits it in his work to mean the innovations and changes that turn up in spoken or written Latin that were relatively uninfluenced by educated forms of Latin. Herman states: it is completely clear from the texts during the time that Latin was a living language, there was never an unbridgeable gap between
8316-409: The singular and feminine in the plural, with an irregular plural in -a . However, it is also consistent with their historical development to say that uovo is simply a regular neuter noun ( ovum , plural ova ) and that the characteristic ending for words agreeing with these nouns is -o in the singular and -e in the plural. The same alternation in gender exists in certain Romanian nouns, but
8415-593: The speech of one man: Trimalchion, an uneducated Greek (i.e. foreign) freedman . In modern Romance languages, the nominative s -ending has been largely abandoned, and all substantives of the o -declension have an ending derived from -um : -u , -o , or -Ø . E.g., masculine murus ("wall"), and neuter caelum ("sky") have evolved to: Italian muro , cielo ; Portuguese muro , céu ; Spanish muro , cielo , Catalan mur , cel ; Romanian mur , cieru> cer ; French mur , ciel . However, Old French still had -s in
8514-478: The subjacent Romance permeates most written Latin local charters since the High Middle Ages, being specially noteworthy in personal and place names recorded in those documents, as well as in terms originated in languages other than Latin. The earliest reference to Galician-Portuguese as an international language of culture dates to 1290, in the Regles de Trobar by Catalan author Jofre de Foixà , where it
8613-431: The territories of the old Kingdom of Galicia , Galicia and Northern Portugal , as a Western Romance language . In the 13th century it became a written and cultivated language with two main varieties, but during the 14th century the standards of these varieties, Galician and Portuguese, began to diverge, as Portuguese became the official language of the independent Kingdom of Portugal and its chancellery, while Galician
8712-400: The theory suggested that the written register formed an elite language distinct from common speech, but this is now rejected. The current consensus is that the written and spoken languages formed a continuity much as they do in modern languages, with speech tending to evolve faster than the written language, and the written, formalised language exerting pressure back on speech. Vulgar Latin
8811-559: The time period. During the Classical period , Roman authors referred to the informal, everyday variety of their own language as sermo plebeius or sermo vulgaris , meaning "common speech". This could simply refer to unadorned speech without the use of rhetoric, or even plain speaking. The modern usage of the term Vulgar Latin dates to the Renaissance , when Italian thinkers began to theorize that their own language originated in
8910-558: The time the Empire fell than they had been before it. That is not to say that the language had been static for all those years, but rather that ongoing changes tended to spread to all regions. The rise of the first Arab caliphate in the seventh century marked the definitive end of Roman dominance over the Mediterranean. It is from approximately that century onward that regional differences proliferate in Latin documents, indicating
9009-517: The weakening of the demonstratives can be inferred from the fact that at this time, legal and similar texts begin to swarm with praedictus , supradictus , and so forth (all meaning, essentially, "aforesaid"), which seem to mean little more than "this" or "that". Gregory of Tours writes, Erat autem... beatissimus Anianus in supradicta civitate episcopus ("Blessed Anianus was bishop in that city.") The original Latin demonstrative adjectives were no longer felt to be strong or specific enough. In
9108-439: The world the truth has faded, I decided to go a-searching for it and wherever I went asking for it everybody said: 'Search elsewhere because truth is lost in such a way such as we can have no news of it nor is it around here anymore.' Airas Nunes (B 871, V 455. 13th century) Latinate Galician charters from the 8th century onward show that the local written Latin was heavily influenced by local spoken Romance, yet
9207-554: The writing of relatively modern Rexurdimento authors, who largely adapted Spanish orthography to the then mostly unwritten language. Most Galician speakers regard Galician as a separate language, which evolved without interruption and in situ from Latin, with Galician and Portuguese maintaining separate literary traditions since the 14th century. Portuguese Early Modern Era grammars and scholars, at least since Duarte Nunes de Leão in 1606, considered Portuguese and Galician two different languages derived from old Galician, understood as
9306-414: The written and spoken, nor between the language of the social elites and that of the middle, lower, or disadvantaged groups of the same society. Herman also makes it clear that Vulgar Latin, in this view, is a varied and unstable phenomenon, crossing many centuries of usage where any generalisations are bound to cover up variations and differences. Evidence for the features of non-literary Latin comes from
9405-466: Was devoted to the research and study of the Galician culture. It was created by a group of students: Fermín Bouza Brey , Xosé Filgueira Valverde , Lois Tobío Fernández , with the collaboration of Ricardo Carvalho Calero , Antón Fraguas and Xaquín Lorenzo Fernández . Following the victory of Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War , the written or public use of the Galician language
9504-563: Was in fact one of the first comprehensive studies on sound change and evolution of any European language. He also defended that teaching in Galicia should be conducted in Galician, since it was the common language of most people. During the 19th century a thriving literature developed, in what was called the Rexurdimento (Resurgence), of the Galician language. It was headed by three main authors: Rosalia de Castro , an intimist poet; Eduardo Pondal , of nationalist ideology, who championed
9603-461: Was not until the 18th century that linguists elaborated the first Galician dictionaries, and the language did not recover a proper literature until the 19th century; only since the last quarter of the 20th century is it taught in schools and used in lawmaking. The first complete translation of the Bible from the original languages dates from 1989. Currently, at the level of rural dialects, Galician forms
9702-410: Was outlawed. Publishing of Galician-language material revived on a small scale in the 1950s. With the advent of democracy, Galician has been brought into the country's institutions, and it is now co-official with Spanish in Galicia. Galician is taught in schools, and there is a public Galician-language television channel, Televisión de Galicia . Today, the most common language for everyday use in
9801-520: Was the language of the scriptoria of the lawyers, noblemen and churchmen of the Kingdom of Galicia, then integrated in the crown of Castile and open to influence from Spanish language, culture, and politics. During the 16th century the Galician language stopped being used in legal documentation, becoming de facto an oral language spoken by the vast majority of the Galicians, but having just some minor written use in lyric, theatre and private letters. It
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