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95-628: Callao ( Spanish pronunciation: [kaˈʎao] ) is a Peruvian seaside city and region on the Pacific Ocean in the Lima metropolitan area . Callao is Peru's chief seaport and home to its main airport, Jorge Chávez International Airport . Callao municipality consists of the whole Callao Region , which is also coterminous with the Province of Callao . Founded in 1537 by the Spaniards ,

190-518: A coup d'état against Fujimori in November 1992 later stated that Montesinos took an active part in torturing them. On 16 March 1998, former Peruvian Army Intelligence Agent Luisa Zanatta accused Montesinos of ordering illegal wiretaps of leading politicians and journalists. Zanatta also said that army intelligence agents had killed fellow agent Mariella Barreto Riofano because she gave a magazine information about human rights violations, as well as

285-1064: A death squad known as the Grupo Colina , part of the National Intelligence Service, which was thought to have been responsible for the Barrios Altos massacre and the La Cantuta massacre , actions intended to repress the Shining Path ( Sendero Luminoso ), the major communist insurgency movement that had been operating since the 1980s, but only resulted in the execution of civilians. Montesinos avoided large-scale violence against opponents, saying he wanted to avoid performing "clumsy" acts that occurred under Chilean president Augusto Pinochet . Violence instead targeted peasants and students, avoiding prominent individuals in order to remain covert. Four officers who were tortured during interrogation after plotting

380-637: A 1998 letter from the CIA chief in Lima sent to Montesinos, the American official would admire Montesinos' "leadership, dedication, and professionalism". Montesinos had strong connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for over 25 years and was said to have received $ 10 million from the agency for his government's anti-terrorist activities, with international bank accounts possessed by Montesinos reportedly holding at least $ 270 million. Monstesinos

475-492: A council, elected for a four-year term; additionally, there is a coordination council integrated by provincial mayors and representatives of the civil society . The Regional President is the head of government ; his functions include proposing and enforcing the budget, appointing government officials, issuing decrees and resolutions, executing regional plans and programs, and administering regional properties and rents. The Regional Council debates and votes upon bills proposed by

570-452: A formal region. The first referendum of this kind was carried out on October 30, 2005, with the following proposals being put to the ballot: These proposals were rejected by the electorate of all departments involved except for Arequipa. Thus, no merger was carried out. New elections for regional governments were held on November 19, 2006; most regions went to local political movements rather than to national parties. The APRA, which had won

665-546: A jungle area of the Huallaga region (where he operated an illegal airstrip). Recordings of radio communications presented during the trial showed that members of the army had let Chávez's organization operate freely in the Huallaga region in exchange for bribes. During a latter appearance in the court, Chávez appeared tortured and drugged, evidenced by his incoherent speaking. After sentencing, while in prison, Chávez talked to

760-661: A military base), El Frontón (a former high security prison), the Cavinzas Islands , and the Palomino Islands , where numerous sea lions and sea birds live in a virtually untouched ecosystem . There are proposed plans to build a huge naval, terrestrial, and air port on San Lorenzo Island . This project is called the San Lorenzo Megaport Project . Local government affairs are divided into two levels. Regional matters are handled by

855-467: A national scandal in 2000. This exposure forced him to flee Peru and precipitated Fujimori's resignation. Investigations unveiled Montesinos' involvement in a wide range of illegal activities, including embezzlement, drug trafficking, and orchestrating extrajudicial killings. He was subsequently captured, tried, and convicted on multiple charges. Despite his imprisonment, Montesinos continued to influence Peruvian politics and sought to protect allies within

950-475: A public cart road between Callao and Lima, further coalescing a Lima metropolitan area . By 1949, Callao was known as one of the biggest centers of coca -based products and cocaine traffic in the world. Callao is built on and around a peninsula , the district of La Punta , a wealthy residential neighborhood. A historical fortress, the Castillo de Real Felipe (site of " Rodil 's Last Stand"), stands on

1045-550: A relationship with Montesinos as a way to have direct influence in Peru; the SIN head would clear bureaucratic obstacles and would immediately implement the recommendations of the CIA. During his years with Fujimori, Montesinos was said to be paid $ 1 million annually by the CIA from 1990 to 2000, according to US officials, while the CIA and the DEA defended him from allegations of misconduct. In

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1140-657: A story about potential attacks against Peru's southern rival, Chile , then ruled by dictator Augusto Pinochet , an ally of the U.S. In February 1978, Montesinos was freed after two years in jail. He was given work by his cousin Sergio Cardenal Montesinos, a lawyer who persuaded him to pursue a degree in law. In April of the same year, Montesinos applied to the National University of San Marcos in Lima. He received his law diploma only three months later, through fraudulent means. Book No. 24 of

1235-481: A wide array of responsibilities within their jurisdiction. Under the 2002 Organic Law of Regional Governments ( Spanish : Ley Orgánica de Gobiernos Regionales ), there is an ongoing process of transfer of functions from the central government to the regions. A 2005 referendum for the merger of several departments failed to get the necessary electoral support. Departments are subdivided into provinces and districts . After declaring its independence in 1821, Peru

1330-712: Is certain that it was known by that name since 1550. Other sources point to the similarity with the Portuguese word calhau [pebble], having a similar sound. It soon became the main port for Spanish commerce in the Pacific . At the height of the Viceroyalty , virtually all goods produced in Peru, Bolivia , and Argentina were carried over the Andes by mule to Callao, to be shipped to Panama , carried overland, and then transported on to Spain via Cuba . The port of Callao

1425-438: Is divided into seven districts , ( Spanish : distritos ; singular: distrito ), each of which is headed by a mayor ( alcalde ). The rest of Callao Region is composed of the islands of San Lorenzo , El Frontón , Cavinzas and Palomino , which all together have an area of 17.63 square kilometres (6.81 sq mi). Callao is one of the most dangerous areas in Peru and experiences the most crime. The main port city in Peru

1520-508: Is given to one decimal place in persons per square kilometer. UBIGEO numbers are codes used by INEI to identify national administrative subdivisions. Vladimiro Montesinos Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos Torres ( Spanish pronunciation: [bla.ð̞iˌmi.ɾo ˌle.nĩn iˌlit͡ʃ mõn̪.t̪eˌsi.nos ˈt̪o.res] ; born May 20, 1945) is a Peruvian former intelligence officer and lawyer, most notorious for his role as

1615-639: Is known as one of the largest exit points of cocaine and is rife with organized crime that results with violence. In December 2015, the government declared Callao in a state of emergency that extended until April 2016, with more than 30 people being killed at the time. In 2016, the murder rate in Callao was double the national average; from 10.2 per 100,000 in 2011 to 15.2 in 2015, compared to Lima which saw 4.8 per 100,000 in 2011 and 5.0 per 100,000 in 2015. Despite government and cultural initiatives, crime has continued to increase in Callao, with some public events in

1710-441: The 1992 Peruvian constitutional crisis , Fujimori called an election for a Constitutional Assembly which drafted the 1993 Constitution . This new text included provisions for the creation of regions with autonomous, elected governments, but they were not carried out. A framework law on decentralization ( Spanish : Ley Marco de Descentralización ) issued on January 30, 1998, confirmed the permanence of transitory councils, now under

1805-540: The Fujimorist faction, including Keiko Fujimori . Montesinos' early life was influenced by his communist parents and his cousin, a leader of the Shining Path guerrilla group. He received military training in the U.S. and Peru, later becoming involved in intelligence and political advisory roles. His legal career, following a brief imprisonment for espionage, was marred by fraudulent activities and associations with drug traffickers. Former Vladimiro Montesinos

1900-743: The Regional Government of Callao ( Gobierno Regional del Callao ), which is located in front of the Jorge Chávez International Airport . Affairs such as city cleaning, promoting of sports and basic services are handled by the Provincial Municipality of Callao, which is headquartered in the Callao District . Also, each of the six districts has its own Municipality which handles matters in their respective jurisdictional areas. Callao

1995-540: The University of Southern California were documented to have met with Montesinos. Such trips for foreign individuals provided by the United States were rare at the time and were only reserved for high-value recruits destined to carry out US interests. Upon his return to Lima, he was arrested for having failed to obtain formal government permission to make the trip. In 1977, Major José Fernández Salvatteci of

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2090-543: The Venezuelan government in Caracas and extradited back to Peru. Then his trial began. Montesinos was convicted of embezzlement, illegal assumption of his post as intelligence chief, abuse of power , influence peddling and bribery. Those charges carried sentences of between five and fifteen years each, but Peruvian prison sentences are served concurrently, so prosecutors continued to pursue him on additional charges. He

2185-471: The internal conflict in Peru that involved the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru. The military decided against committing a coup as initially outlined in Plan Verde as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa , a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in

2280-590: The second siege of Callao . On 20 August 1836, during the Peru–Bolivian Confederation , President Andrés de Santa Cruz mandated the creation of the Callao Littoral Province ( Provincia Litoral del Callao ), which had political autonomy in its internal affairs. During the government of President Ramón Castilla , Callao was given the name of Constitutional Province ( Provincia Constitucional ), on 22 April 1857; before that, Callao had

2375-755: The "most theoretically sophisticated of young military officers in national security doctrine" and that he had "considerable leadership potential". Montesinos expressed during the nomination process that he wanted to meet with officials of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States National Security Council of President Gerald Ford to discuss military and economic relations. He also specified to US officials that he did not want to "waste time" going to tourist destinations such as Walt Disney World . The United States Department of State and

2470-480: The 1990 election. According to Fernando Rospigliosi, Montesinos was not initially involved with Plan Verde , but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted in the armed forces tasking him with implementing the plan with Fujimori, while Alfredo Schulte-Bockholt would say that both General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori. Peruvian political analyst Umberto Jara would describe

2565-823: The Americas in Panama . A year later, he graduated from the Chorrillos Military School , in Lima, Peru . In 1973, during the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces of Peru 's leftist military junta of General Juan Velasco Alvarado , Montesinos became an artillery captain in the Peruvian army and was appointed to the role of aide to General Edgardo Mercado Jarrín , who served as both Prime Minister and Chief of

2660-402: The Armed Forces. While working with Jarrín, Montesinos travelled with the prime minister to Algeria , Colombia , Cuba , France , Spain and Venezuela . While visiting Cuba, he stayed with Raúl Castro as a personal guest. The Armed Forces Movement of Portugal had also reportedly been in contact with Montesinos. He visited several foreign institutions as an official representative of

2755-621: The Army Intelligence Service ( Spanish : Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército (SIE)) charged Montesinos with the crimes of spying and treason, accusing him of delivering military documents to the embassy of the United States in Lima. The documents included a list of weapons which Peru had purchased from the Soviet Union. The subsequent investigation revealed that top-secret documents had been found in his possession, and that he had photographed them and given copies to

2850-401: The CIA purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic. Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos. Fujimori's campaign exploited the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent Vargas Llosa. Fujimori would win

2945-653: The CIA then began its relationship with Montesinos. From 5 to 21 September 1976, Montesinos travelled to Washington, D.C. paid for by the United States government, meeting with multiple US officials; Robert Hawkins of the CIA's Office of Current Intelligence, Luigi R. Einaudi , policy-planning chief of the US State Department's Latin America division, Alfred Stepan of Yale University , Albert Fishlow of University of California, Berkeley , Riordan Roett of Johns Hopkins University and Abraham Lowenthal of

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3040-466: The CIA. Montesinos had travelled to the U.S. without authorization from army command, and had forged military documents to allow him to complete the trip without being detained. Montesinos was dishonorably discharged from the military and sentenced two years in the military prison at Bolivar Barracks in Pueblo Libre . This was a far less severe sentence than the customary death penalty that

3135-550: The Central Government. Area and population information on the following list has been retrieved from official data by the Peruvian National Institute of Statistics and Informatics ( Spanish : Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática , INEI). Areas are rounded to the nearest whole unit. Demographic data is based on the 2023 Census carried out from 2022 to 2023. Population density

3230-481: The Círculo Militar, limiting his access to only military officials. Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration. Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume the armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles. After Fujimori won

3325-554: The Fujimori years, Montesinos gained extensive control over the Peruvian media by bribing television channel executives in an effort to know and control all information within Peru. Bribes ranged from approximately US$ 500,000 per month to Channels 2 and 5 to $ 1.5 million per month to Channel 4. In total, Montesinos paid more than US$ 3 million per month in bribes to Peruvian television channels. Montesinos funneled additional funds to

3420-561: The Lima bar association . He became notorious for representing a number of Colombian and Peruvian members of the illegal drug trade , as well as police officers accused of being involved in drug trafficking. Between 1978 and 1979, he represented Colombian drug lords Evaristo "Papá Doc" Porras Ardila and Jaime Tamayo. In addition, he acted as guarantor on Tamayo's lease of several offices and warehouses used to manufacture cocaine . Between 1980 and 1983, Montesinos revealed sensitive information related to military wiretapping and assassinations to

3515-506: The Peruvian army, also without authorization. When the Velasco government fell in 1975, Montesinos was able to maintain his position in the military during the more conservative government of General Francisco Morales-Bermúdez. He would also serve as an aide for prime ministers Guillermo Arbulú Galliani and Jorge Fernández Maldonado Solari during the government of Francisco Morales Bermúdez . A talented writer, Montesinos wrote many of

3610-468: The SIN. Former Peruvian generals and commanders also reported to the United States that Montesinos controlled Fujimori. Montesinos then reportedly made Fujimori nominate former artillery officers to head key sectors of civilian and military posts, including Ministry of Defense of Peru and the Ministry of Interior, effectively giving Montesinos control of Peru's military. In a statement to a colleague at

3705-580: The US government showed that by 1996 the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was aware of the allegations. Despite evidence that Montesinos was in business with Colombian narco-traffickers, the CIA paid Montesinos's intelligence organization $ 1 million a year for 10 years to fight drug trafficking. One of the most notorious scandals during this period was the 11 May 1996 seizure of 169–176 kg of cocaine (the quantity depends on

3800-575: The University of San Marcos Office of Records, where Montesinos' graduation would be noted, has disappeared from the Office. Montesinos' undergraduate thesis and other materials related to his academic record have never been produced. On 15 August 1978, Montesinos used his degree to register as a lawyer with the Superior Court of Lima. Ten days later, on 25 August 1978, he became a member of

3895-483: The Yanacocha, though Newmont sought majority rights to access the mine, raising a judicial dispute between the two. US Ambassador to Peru Dennis Jett told the Fujimori government that "any appearance of succumbing to French pressure would feed rumors of corruption in the Peruvian judicial system and thus scare off international investors", with Montesinos later telling a supreme court judge tasked with decision that if

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3990-608: The airport handled 8,288,506 passengers and 98,733 aircraft movements. For many years it was the hub for now defunct Aeroperú and Compañía de Aviación Faucett , one of the oldest airlines in Latin America. Now it serves as a hub for many aviation companies such as Avianca Perú , Viva Air Perú , and LATAM Perú . The port is served by the 4 ft  8 + 1 ⁄ 2  in ( 1,435 mm ) standard gauge Ferrocarril Central Andino . Regions of Peru After several unsuccessful regionalization attempts,

4085-570: The area ending in gunfire. Jorge Chávez International Airport (IATA: LIM, ICAO: SPJC), known as Aeropuerto Internacional Jorge Chávez in Spanish, is Peru's main international and domestic airport. It is located in Callao district , 12 km (7.5 mi) northwest from the Historic Centre of Lima . Callao is the port city now fully integrated with Lima , the nation's capital. In 2008,

4180-511: The arms deal broke into his offices and stole the video that was subsequently broadcast. Because of the arms deal, Montesinos lost the support of the US, which attached high strategic importance to crushing the FARC. On 14 September 2000, Peruvian television broadcast a video of Montesinos bribing an opposition congressman, Alberto Kouri , to support Perú 2000 , Fujimori's party. The video caused Fujimori's remaining support to collapse. He accepted

4275-475: The arms were airlifted from Jordan via Peru, to the FARC insurgent guerrillas in southern Colombia . Montesinos claimed the credit for uncovering the arms smuggling, which involved upwards of 10,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles . Jordan rejected the Peruvian version of events, insisting the shipments were legitimate government-to-government deals. Evidence emerged which pointed to Montesinos having orchestrated

4370-539: The bone to get him to give up the tape. In view of such tactics, the Clinton administration threatened briefly not to recognize Fujimori's victory. It backed off from this threat, and pressured Fujimori's government to take action to root out abuses, including ousting Montesinos. Continuing political unrest in Peru would have represented a serious problem as US operations against the FARC in Colombia got under way. Peru

4465-555: The capital, was excluded from the process; thus, it is not part of any region. In the 2002 elections, most regional governments went to parties in opposition, with twelve going to the APRA of Alan García and only one each to Possible Peru , the party of president Alejandro Toledo and ally Independent Moralizing Front of Fernando Olivera . The combination of a strong opposition and a weak government led to concerns about an impending political crisis. However, this did not turn out to be

4560-483: The case as the new regional governments were absorbed by local problems and showed little initiative in national politics. As the territorial circumscriptions that regional governments inherited from the former departments are considered too small, the Decentralization Bases Law provides for mergers between departments after a majority of the populations involved express their approval up to become

4655-593: The city has a long naval history as one of the main ports in Latin America and the Pacific, as it was one of vital Spanish towns during the colonial era . Central Callao is about 15 km (9.3 mi) west of the Historic Centre of Lima . El Callao was founded by Spanish colonists in 1537, just two years after Lima (1535). The origin of its name is unknown; both Amerindian (particularly Yunga , or Coastal Peruvian) and Spanish sources are credited, but it

4750-570: The council was abolished and replaced by the Decentralization Secretariat ( Spanish : Secretaría de Descentralización ), a dependency of the Prime Minister office . Two months later, the regional presidents gathered in the city of Huánuco established a National Assembly of Regional Governments ( Spanish : Asamblea Nacional de Gobiernos Regionales ) as an alternative coordinating institution, independent from

4845-416: The creation of autonomous regions, but they were not implemented. During the later years of the 1985–1990 presidency of Alan García , the government faced the prospect of losing the 1990 presidential elections because of a widespread economic crisis and faltering public support. As a way of creating an alternative source of power, the regime established twelve autonomous regions on January 20, 1989, in

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4940-604: The decision was not in favor with Newmont, then the United States would not support Peru's territorial dispute with Ecuador from the Cenepa War . The Supreme Court ultimately decided 4-3 in favor of granting the rights to Newmont. The DEA documented in December 1990, that Montesinos utilized illegal surveillance acts both domestically and internationally. Montesinos is widely accused of threatening or harassing Fujimori's political opponents. Evidence proves that he supervised

5035-485: The drug's origin and destiny were never determined and the investigations were compromised by Fujimori's corrupt government and possibly Montesinos himself. A 2011 investigation revealed that some four drug shipments were made abroad, with Miami listed as a destination, in air force planes during 1993–1994. Only the material authors (several low-ranking officers) were processed, acquitted and publicly defended by Fujimori in late 1997 (amongst them Fujimori's aide-de-camp who

5130-420: The election, and according to Oiga , the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration. The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled " Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy ", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting

5225-420: The extent of influence he expected in return for the stated monetary bribe. The Fujimori government also controlled the content of Channel 7, Televisión Nacional de Peru , which was explicitly state owned. Canal N , remained the only independent television channel, funded entirely by monthly service fees. Montesinos did not bribe Canal N because of their low viewership, numbering in the tens of thousands, which

5320-506: The former chief of the Armed Forces Joint Command, and Fujimori had both complete knowledge of the illicit acts of Montesinos. Frequently, Montesinos secretly videotaped himself bribing individuals in his office, incriminating politicians, officials and military officers. His downfall appears to have been precipitated by the discovery of a major illegal arms shipment. Arranged by guerrilla leader Tomás Medina Caracas ,

5415-469: The government. In response, former United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar said, "Peru is no longer a democracy. We are now a country headed by an authoritarian regime." The 2000 presidential elections, which followed years of political violence, was controversial. A journalist claimed to have a videotape of Montesinos bribing election officials to fix the vote. He claimed to have been kidnapped by secret police agents, who sawed his arm to

5510-404: The gun-running operation rather than dismantling it. A senior Peruvian general was found to have participated in the deal, and another principal participant was a government contractor. He had signed at least eleven deals with the Fujimori regime, most of them to provide supplies to the Peruvian military. According to one report, a group of military officers angered by Montesinos's apparent role in

5605-696: The head of Peru's National Intelligence Service (SIN) during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori . Montesinos was widely regarded as the power behind the throne , often regarded as the true authority in the government, supported by the Peruvian Armed Forces . Montesinos' career was marked by his deep connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), through which he received substantial funding ostensibly for anti-terrorism efforts. His tenure saw numerous human rights abuses and corruption scandals. The " Vladi-videos ," secretly recorded tapes showing Montesinos bribing officials, led to

5700-691: The hope of winning some elections at this level. However, due to the haste of their creation, these regional governments were not provided with fiscal resources of their own, so they depended on the goodwill of the central government for funding. The 1990 presidential elections were marked by the discredit of political parties as evidenced in the election of Alberto Fujimori , an independent candidate. Fujimori withheld financial transfers to regional governments and then, on December 29, 1992, replaced them with government-designated Transitory Councils of Regional Administration ( Spanish : Consejos Transitorios de Administración Regional ). Having dissolved Congress in

5795-591: The location of bodies from the La Cantuta massacre. Zanatta said that in early 1997, Barreto had told her that she was part of the Grupo Colina death squad responsible for the La Cantuta massacre. Barreto's dismembered body was found by a roadside on 29 March 1997, and showed evidence of torture before death and mutilation. The addiction to information is like the addiction to drugs. We live on information. I need information. —Vladimiro Montesinos During

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5890-665: The military high school. The city also has a university, the National University of Callao . The main Naval Hospital, Centro Medico Naval is located on Avenida Venezuela in Bellavista. It contains the U.S. Navy command Naval Medical Research Unit Six . Residents of Callao are known as chalacos after the Quechua word Chala meaning coast. Callao's professional football teams are Sport Boys and Atlético Chalaco . Callao has several islands: San Lorenzo (currently

5985-594: The military's plan at least twenty-four hours before his inauguration. Rospigliosi writes that head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), General Edwin “Cucharita” Díaz, beside Montesinos also played a key role with making Fujimori abide by the military's demands. Díaz and Montesinos allegedly convinced Fujimori that he was being targeted by the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and made Fujimori stay at

6080-557: The name of Littoral Province. All of the other Peruvian provinces had been given their names by law, while Callao was given it by constitutional mandate. Callao was never part of the Lima Department nor of any other departments. The province's first mayor was Col. Manuel Cipriano Dulanto. In 1921, the Bureau of Public Works granted a concession to M.I.T. engineer John Tinker Glidden for paving, administering, and inaugurating

6175-611: The national government decided to temporarily provide the departments (including the Constitutional Province of Callao ) with regional governments until the conformation of regions according to the Organic Law of Regional Governments which says that two or more departments should merge to conform a region. This situation turned the departments into de facto regional government circumscriptions. The first regional governments were elected on November 20, 2002. Under

6270-561: The new administrative subdivisions in the Decentralization Bases Law ( Spanish : Ley de Bases de la Descentralización ), issued on July 17, 2002, and the Organic Law of Regional Governments ( Spanish : Ley Orgánica de Gobiernos Regionales ) issued on November 19, 2002. New regional governments were elected on November 20, 2002, one in each of the former departments and the former Constitutional Province ( Spanish : Provincia Constitucional ) of Callao. The province of Lima , containing

6365-572: The new arrangement, the 24 departments plus the Callao Province are regional government circumscriptions each with a Regional Government . Lima Province , which has been excluded from this process and is not part of a regional government circumscription, has its government institution: the Metropolitan Municipality of Lima . Unlike the previous system, the regional circumscriptions have an elected government and have

6460-467: The newspaper Kausachum , run by Augusto Zimmerman, ex-spokesperson of deposed president Juan Velasco Alvarado . General Carlos Briceño, the Commander of the Peruvian Army, re-opened the investigation into Montesinos' alleged treason. Montesinos fled to Ecuador , where in 1984 he revealed information to the Ecuadorian Army about Peru's military weapons purchases. The investigation was closed that year in order to "protect institutional image", and Montesinos

6555-413: The political opposition on their channel. Another showed Channel 4 owners getting $ 1.5 million a month for similar cooperation. Others show Montesinos counting out $ 350,000 in cash to Channel 5's proprietor, and the owner of Channel 9 receiving $ 50,000 to cancel an investigative series called SIN censura (Uncensored). In June 2001, through the assistance of the U.S. Government, Montesinos was turned over to

6650-411: The presidential campaign for Fujimori in the 1990 Peruvian general election to enter as a dark horse candidate . In addition, evidence exists that Montesinos reportedly forged tax documents and the birth certificate of Fujimori according to the Harvard International Review . Prior to the election, the Peruvian Armed Forces created Plan Verde , a clandestine military operation developed during

6745-485: The presidential election on 28 July 1990, Montesinos became his chief advisor and the de facto head of the SIN. Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde. Just days after Fujimori took office, the United States shared concerns in diplomatic cables that paramilitary death squads had been created by Montesinos. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) , according to documents, believed in 1990 that Montesinos effectively ruled Peru through

6840-414: The presidential elections held on June 4, 2006, only won in two regions, all other national parties achieved even less. According to the Organic Law of Regional Governments, the responsibilities of regional governments include planning regional development, executing public investment projects, promoting economic activities, and managing public property. Regional governments are composed of a president and

6935-531: The press and revealed that Montesinos said to him at one point that he "did some work" with Pablo Escobar , leader of the Medellín Cartel . Montesinos was paid US$ 50,000 a month during 1991 and 1992. As proof, the government presented recordings during Chávez's trial of radio communications between his drug traffickers and members of the Armed Forces attesting to bribery of Montesinos. In addition, Chávez said that retired general Nicolás de Bari Hermoza ,

7030-542: The promontory overlooking the harbor. A large naval base is sited in Callao. Its prison held Abimael Guzmán , the leader of the Shining Path Communist Party of Peru, and holds Vladimiro Montesinos , the ex-director of internal security during the Fujimori regime. Jorge Chávez International Airport is located in Callao. On a bluff overlooking the harbor sits Colegio Militar Leoncio Prado,

7125-651: The reason for the CIA's interest in Montesinos. In the 1970s, Peru was governed by one of the few left-wing regimes in South America, a continent dominated by right-wing governments. Locked in the Cold War with the Soviet Union and fearing its influence in the region, as well as that of the Communist government of Cuba, the US was seeking information about activities in Peru. Montesinos conjured up and told

7220-404: The regional president, it also oversees all regional officials and can remove the president, its vice president, and any council member from office. The Regional Coordination Council has a consultancy role in planning and budget issues, and it has no executive or legislative powers. The Organic Law of Regional Governments stipulates the gradual transfer of functions from the central government to

7315-409: The regions, provided they are certified as capable of undertaking these tasks. To oversee this process, the Decentralization Bases Law created a National Council of Decentralization ( Spanish : Consejo Nacional de Descentralización ). However, this institution was criticized for being bureaucratic and ineffective by the government of Alan García , former president of Peru. Thus, on January 24, 2007,

7410-471: The relationship Montesinos had between the military and Fujimori: [Montesinos was] the nexus capable of uniting two weaknesses: an army that had lost its prestige because of subversion and human rights violations, and a political unknown, absolutely solitary, without a political organization or a social base. Mario Vargas Llosa later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru , Anthony C. E. Quainton , personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of

7505-480: The resignation of Montesinos and thanked him for his services. He then announced the dissolution of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) and new elections, in which he would not run. Shortly thereafter, Montesinos sought political asylum in Panama. In following months, some of the most infamous "Vladi-videos" were released. One showed the owners of Channel 2 being offered US$ 500,000 a month to ban appearances of

7600-448: The risk of defection by the TV channel owners. He also ensured continued cooperation through blackmail, utilizing video evidence of sexual indiscretions by bribe recipients. To keep track of the numerous bribes and gain further evidence of the owners' complicity, which could also be used as blackmail, Montesinos filmed monetary exchanges and forced channel executives to sign contracts stipulating

7695-519: The source) aboard a Peruvian Air Force Douglas DC-8 (frequently confused in the media as the presidential Boeing 737 as it had operated on this role until the acquisition of the Boeing ) that was about to depart on a mission to Russia (with stopovers at the Canary Islands and Bordeaux ), carrying military aviation equipment for maintenance. The scandal remains a mystery to this day because

7790-567: The speeches for ministers of the government and was a frequent contributor to newspapers. He was also reportedly writing various treatises regarding an invasion of Chile and granting Bolivia access to the Pacific Ocean . In 1974, political scientist Alfred Stepan of Yale University recommended to the Embassy of the United States, Lima that Montesinos be given the International Visitor's Leader Grant , describing him as

7885-478: The supervision of the Ministry of the Presidency. Fujimori was forced to resign in November 2000 under accusations of authoritarianism, corruption, and human rights violations. After an interim government led by Valentín Paniagua , Alejandro Toledo was elected president for the 2001-2006 period on a platform that included creating regional governments. The new administration laid out the legal framework for

7980-454: The television channels through government advertising. From 1997 to 1999, the Peruvian government increased their advertising budget by 52%, becoming Peru's largest advertiser. Ultimately, Montesinos held editorial control over Peru's free-to-air television networks: Frecuencia Latina , América Televisión , Panamericana Televisión , ATV , and Red Global . To maintain this control he structured bribe payments in monthly installments, limiting

8075-514: The time, Montesinos would remark "[Fujimori] is completely malleable: he does nothing at all without me knowing". While leading the SIN through the 1990s, Montesinos served the interests of the United States on multiple occasions according to the Harvard International Review . The United States reportedly support Fujimori's candidacy in the 1990 elections due to Montesinos' ties. The United States reportedly maintained

8170-491: Was a result of the unaffordability of the monthly fees for most Peruvians. Canal N was the first network to air the Kouri videotape, which exposed the extent of Montesinos's corruption. On 14 July 1997, the government legally stripped Baruch Ivcher , a native Israeli , of his Peruvian nationality for supposed offenses against the government. In September, control of Channel 2 was given to minority shareholders more sympathetic to

8265-478: Was acquitted of two specific charges of corruption and conspiracy related to the mayor of Callao, whom he was alleged to have helped evade drug-trafficking charges. Montesinos was imprisoned at the Centro de Reclusión de Máxima Seguridad (CEREC) in Callao (which was built under his orders during the 1990s) and is serving 15 years in prison, but he will have to face at least 8 more trials in the next years. In total he

8360-472: Was allowed to return to Peru. During his attorney career, Montesinos was hired by Susana Higuchi , the wife of engineer Alberto Fujimori , assisting Higuchi after she made controversial deals in real estate . The paperwork in the case disappeared and the charges were dropped. This began the relationship between Montesinos and Fujimori. Peruvian journalist Gustavo Gorriti reported that Montesinos allegedly used $ 1 million provided by Pablo Escobar to fund

8455-610: Was also a node in the Manila galleon route connecting Latin-America and Asia through Acapulco, Mexico and Manila, Philippines . As a result, Callao also became a permanent target for pirate and corsair attacks, such as the one carried out by Francis Drake in 1579 and the blockade established by Jacques l'Hermite in 1624. After the Battle of Ayacucho , 9 December 1824, that sealed the independence of Peru and South America, Spain made futile attempts to retain its former colonies, such as at

8550-478: Was born in the city of Arequipa , the capital of the Arequipa Region in southern Peru. His parents were devout communists of Greek origin and named their son after Vladimir Lenin . Montesinos is a cousin of the incarcerated communist leader Óscar Ramírez Durand , a.k.a. "Feliciano", the leader of the Shining Path . In 1965, Montesinos graduated as a military cadet at the U.S. Army 's School of

8645-626: Was directly involved with assisting American businesses establish deals in Peru, mediating US-led drug enforcement efforts in the Peruvian army and air force and obtaining money for US antinarcotics missions in Peru upon demand. One of his largest accomplishments for the United States was granting majority mining rights of the Yanacocha mine – the fourth largest gold mine in the world – to the US-based Newmont . French mining company Bureau de Recherches Géologiques et Minières discovered

8740-424: Was divided into departments ( Spanish : departamentos ), which grew in number from four in 1821 to eleven in 1822 and to twenty-four in 1980: As political and economic power increasingly concentrated in Lima, the capital city, several administrations attempted to decentralize the country with little success. The 1979 Peruvian Constitution contained provisions for the decentralization of power through

8835-542: Was needed as a base of operations and a defensive backstop against guerrillas based in Colombia's south, not far from the Peruvian border. The DEA was aware of reports in August 1990 that Montesinos was involved with being paid for the immunity of drug traffickers. Allegations circulated that Montesinos and General Nicolás Hermoza Ríos , the chairman of Peru's joint chiefs of staff, were taking protection money from drug traffickers. Documents that were later declassified by

8930-728: Was part of the plane's crew). Peruvian drug kingpin Demetrio Chávez Peñaherrera, known as "El Vaticano", testified that Montesinos was a protector of drug trafficking. During a trial audience on 16 August 1996, Chávez Peñaherrera stated that he had bribed members of the Peruvian Armed Forces and Montesinos himself, as the effective chief of the Peruvian Intelligence Service (SIN), to be able to operate freely in Campanilla,

9025-437: Was the punishment for traitors during the military regime. United States Ambassador to Peru Robert William Dean contacted Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru José de la Puente Radbill to pressure for Montesinos' release while the attorney representing the imprisoned army captain was asked to contact Einaudi. General Mercado then ordered the charges be dropped. Years later, declassified US State Department documents revealed

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