Los Pepes , a name derived from the Spanish phrase Los Perseguidos por Pablo Escobar ( English : Those Persecuted by Pablo Escobar ), was a paramilitary group composed of enemies of Pablo Escobar . They waged a small-scale war against the Medellín Cartel in 1993, which ended the same year following the death of Escobar . The group was financed by the Cali Cartel and was led by the Castaño brothers . An example of their acts could be seen on the streets of Medellín , such as hangings of Pablo's hitmen .
75-555: There are reports that Los Pepes had ties to some members of the Colombian National Police , especially the Search Bloc , with whom they exchanged information in order to execute their activities against Escobar. According to documents released to the public by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 2008, Colombian National Police director general Miguel Antonio Gómez Padilla said that he "had directed
150-488: A broader mandate, including crime prevention, public safety, and the protection of citizens’ rights, reflecting the changing priorities of an independent nation. The development of the National Police was also shaped by various legislative changes and socio-political events throughout Colombia’s history. These changes often reflected the broader shifts seen in other parts of the world, where colonial powers had laid
225-401: A broader trend in policing where the focus is on creating a more inclusive and community-oriented force. The National Police of Colombia have adapted their strategies to be more inclusive, aiming to foster strong relationships with civilians and address systemic issues. This approach requires continuous adaptation and analysis to ensure that the policing strategies remain effective and relevant in
300-529: A decade. The government then decided to restructure the institution once again, with the cooperation and advice from the British. The English mission was composed of Colonel Douglas Gordon, Colonel Eric M. Roger, Lieutenant Colonel Bertrand W.H. Dyer, Major Frederick H. Abbot and Major William Parham, primarily assisted by Colombian lawyers Rafael Escallón, Timoleón Moncada, Carlos Losano Losano, Jorge and Enrique Gutiérrez Anzola. By Decree 0446 of February 14, 1950
375-601: A law authorizing the hiring of qualified trainers from either the United States or Europe to organize and train the newly established National Police. Colombian officials selected a French commissioner named Jean Marie Marcelin Gilibert . The institution was formally established by decree 1000 of November 5, 1891. The initial mission of the National Police was to preserve public tranquility and protect people, as well as public and private properties. By constitutional law,
450-621: A paramilitary death squad that was formed not only for the purpose of fighting the Cartel but also the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), a Marxist guerrilla group. The Castaño brothers ( Carlos , Vicente , and Fidel ) were founders of several paramilitary groups and the driving force behind the AUC's creation. Another member of Los Pepes, Diego "Don Berna" Murillo Bejarano eventually became Inspector General of
525-589: A pivotal role in peace building efforts, especially in post-conflict scenarios. These efforts are part of a broader strategy to support national reconciliation and stability. Key initiatives include demobilization and reintegration programs, where the police work in tandem with other government agencies to facilitate the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants. These programs provide vocational training, psychological support, and employment opportunities to help former combatants reintegrate into society peacefully. To address historical grievances and foster trust,
600-567: A senior CNP intelligence officer to maintain contact with Fidel Castaño , paramilitary leader of Los Pepes, for the purposes of intelligence collection." Given that the main objective of Los Pepes was to assassinate Escobar, they acted in the same way that the Medellín Cartel acted against their enemies: killing anyone who had any allegiance with Escobar, such as their guards, accountants or lawyers, in addition to directly threatening friends and family of Pablo Escobar. They were involved in
675-590: A vision of improving the population in general. The National Police continues to have some corruption and human rights problems but the improvement has been considerable, including the education of personnel in other countries' law enforcement institutions and educational institutions through cooperation agreements. The institution is also highly involved in the Plan Colombia . In May 2007, Revista Semana released transcripts of illegal wiretaps of incarcerated paramilitary leaders. After admitting his knowledge of
750-601: Is also controlled by the Ministry of Defense . The National Police is the only civilian police force in Colombia. The force's official functions are to protect the Colombian nation, enforce the law by constitutional mandate, maintain and guarantee the necessary conditions for public freedoms and rights and to ensure peaceful cohabitation among the population. The formation of police forces in many regions, including Colombia,
825-478: Is formed by chief officers of the Colombian National Police, who are commissioned to political appointee duties, and may or may not actually be professional police officers. In these circumstances, there is often a professional chief of police in charge of day-to-day operations. This branch of the Colombian National Police is in charge of executing operations and functions under the command of
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#1732765330494900-1236: Is responsible for internal law enforcement in Colombia. The Migration Directorate, part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, manages immigration-related matters. Law enforcement investigatory responsibilities are shared between the National Police and the Attorney General’s Corps of Technical Investigators. While the army primarily focuses on defending the country against external threats, it also provides logistical support and security for criminal investigations in high-conflict or remote areas. Civilian authorities generally maintain effective control over security forces, though there have been reports of abuses by security force members. Recent developments in Colombia have highlighted ongoing challenges, including reports of unlawful killings, torture, and arbitrary detention by security forces and armed groups. The country has experienced serious abuses related to its ongoing conflict, criminalization of libel, government corruption, and violence against marginalized groups such as Afro-Colombians and Indigenous persons , LGBTQ+ individuals, and trade unionists. Despite efforts by
975-473: The 1998 parliamentary election , although it remained easily the largest party. More seriously, the Liberals were defeated in the presidential election held the same year. The Liberal Party suffered a major split in the lead-up to the 2002 elections. Horacio Serpa Uribe , the party's unsuccessful 1998 presidential candidate was nominated to run again. However Álvaro Uribe , a former senator and governor from
1050-635: The FARC-EP including its Patriotic Union Party , ELN , EPL , M-19 , among many others; the Drug Cartels such as the Medellín Cartel , Cali Cartel , and others; paramilitarism and the AUC . The Colombian National Police have been fighting against these many threats, tainted or involved in some cases of corruption and accusations of human rights violations , amid the efforts of the majority of
1125-590: The second season of the Netflix television series Narcos . Colombian National Police The National Police of Colombia ( Spanish : Policía Nacional de Colombia ) is the national police force of the Republic of Colombia . Although the National Police is not part of the Military Forces of Colombia (Army, Navy, and Aerospace Force), it constitutes along with them the "Public Force" and
1200-408: The 1940s, the liberal party turned towards socialism under the influence of the charismatic lawyer Jorge Eliécer Gaitán , despite the antipathy it provoked among party members and liberal leaders. In the rural area, Gaitanism faced a bloody repression to which its scrupulous respect for legality did not prepare it: 15,000 militants were murdered between 1945 and 1948 by death squads supposedly close to
1275-509: The AUC, as well as an important drug trafficker with Oficina de Envigado . The Institute for Policy Studies is searching for details of what connections the CIA and DEA had with Los Pepes. They have launched a lawsuit under the Freedom of Information Act against the CIA. That suit has resulted in the declassification of thousands of documents from the CIA as well as other U.S. agencies including
1350-409: The Colombian National Police forms the commanding level of the institution, starting with the rank of sub-lieutenant, and ascending through lieutenant, captain, major, lieutenant colonel, colonel, brigadier general, major general, lieutenant general to the final and top grade of general. This branch is in charge of the administrative area of the institution and its public relations. The executive branch
1425-513: The Colombian political scene from the end of the 19th century until 2002, in bipartisan political hegemony. The two parties were in direct military conflict between 1948 and 1958, during the civil war period known as La Violencia , after which they established the " National Front ", agreeing to rotate power, intercalating for a period of four presidential terms. The election victory of independent candidate Álvaro Uribe in 2002 put an end to dominance of two party politics in Colombia . Currently,
1500-625: The Colombian president hired a French instructor and chief of detectives, who was an expert in the anthropometric system to train the National Police. In 1924 the Criminal Investigation School was founded to update personnel working in this area. In 1929 the Colombian government in agreement with the Argentine government, hired Enrique Medina Artola to train the Colombian Police in dactylography to replace
1575-470: The Constitution that granted immunity to members of diplomatic missions. After a civil war broke out in 1895 during the presidency of Rafael Núñez , the president went absent and Miguel Antonio Caro temporarily assumed office. Caro declared a general state of emergency , in which authority over the National Police was transferred to the Ministry of War on January 21, 1896, and its members received
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#17327653304941650-762: The Decree 1814 on the same day officially renaming and revamping the General Command of the Military Forces of Colombia under the name of General Command of the Armed Forces of Colombia. It defined the conformation of the Armed Forces as comprising the Army , Navy , Aerospace Force and the National Police, the last assigned to the Ministry of War once again as a fourth military power, functioning with its own independent budget and organization, separate from
1725-502: The Department of State, Drug Enforcement Administration , Defense Intelligence Agency and the U.S. Coast Guard . These documents have been made public at the website Pepes Project. Mark Bowden 's book Killing Pablo highlights some of the operations of Los Pepes and describes some of the forms of cooperation and support that the group allegedly received from members of the Colombian National Police . Los Pepes are featured in
1800-646: The Liberal Party is the largest party in Congress and supported the left-wing presidency of Gustavo Petro until leaving Petro's coalition on 28 November 2023. The party was founded in 1848 and, in opposition to the Colombian Conservative Party , became one of the two main political forces in the country for over a century. The two parties frequently engaged in armed conflict with one another, precipitating several civil wars . In
1875-624: The Ministry of War until September 6, 1901. Under the Decree 1380 of September 16, 1902 the National Police created the Presidential Palace Honor Guard Corps with the name Guardia Civil de la Ciudad de Bogotá (Civil Guard of the City of Bogotá). During the presidency of Rafael Reyes , the government authorized by decree 743 of 1904, the transfer of the Police to the Ministry of War, with the president micro-managing
1950-585: The National Police command and more militarized regime, managed by the Ministry of War. When General Jorge Holguín suppressed the National Gendarmerie Corps, the province governors were given the authority to organize police services at their own will. Law 14 signed on November 4, 1915 defined the National Police functions to "preserve public tranquility in Bogotá and any other place where needed to execute its functions, protect citizens and aid
2025-572: The National Police created the Gonzálo Jiménez de Quesada Non-Commissioned School to train mid-level enlisted staff under the management of the General Santander National Police Academy . On June 13, 1953 Lieutenant General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla seized power in a coup d'etat , assuming functions as President of Colombia. In an attempt to better organize the military forces, President Rojas declared
2100-572: The National Police engage in community dialogue projects. These projects involve facilitated discussions between police officers and community members affected by conflict, aiming to build mutual understanding and collaboration. Recognizing the importance of engaging young people in peacebuilding, the police have also developed programs specifically targeting at-risk youth. These programs offer educational opportunities, mentorship, and recreational activities to steer youth away from violence and towards constructive community involvement. The Officer Corps of
2175-543: The Police Superior Academy was founded to indoctrinate officers with the rank of Major to the grade of Lieutenant Colonels. By 1977 the institution had created the first course for female officers. During the 1960s and 1970s the National Police started facing guerrilla threats which were emerging during these years as a backlash from the political bipartisan struggle of the La Violencia years. There
2250-411: The United States, through a Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) committee headed by agent Edgar K. Thompson. In 1948 when the civil unrest known as "El Bogotazo " broke out, after the assassination of the popular presidential candidate Jorge Eliecer Gaitán , the stability of the country was abruptly interrupted. This generated a period of civil unrest known as La Violencia , which lasted for almost
2325-556: The anthropometric system. In 1934 in an agreement with the Spanish government the National Police was trained in scientific identification until 1948. On July 7, 1937 by Decree 1277, the government authorized the creation of the General Santander Academy, which began operating in 1940 as an institute for every police recruit in the force. In 1939 the Colombian government receives the first cooperation agreement with
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2400-412: The cartel’s logistics. Those who refused were often met with threats or violence. As a result, many police officers felt they had little choice but to comply with the cartel's demands. The systemic nature of corruption during this era extended beyond individual officers to higher levels of law enforcement and government. Several high-ranking officials were implicated in corruption scandals, highlighting
2475-505: The changing socio-political landscape. Colombia has undertaken significant efforts to reform its criminal justice system to address various challenges, including corruption, human rights violations, and the need for effective community policing. These reforms aim to create a more transparent, accountable, and equitable system of law enforcement. To enhance transparency and accountability, the National Police of Colombia has implemented several anti-corruption initiatives. These measures include
2550-668: The city of Villavicencio and the Carlos Holguín Academy in Medellín was opened in 1958. During this year a cooperation mission arrived from Chile to reorganize and train the Carabinier Corps in urban and rural surveillance. As established in Law 193 of December 30, 1959, the Colombian nation assumed full financial responsibility for the National Police. In 1964, as mandated by the Decree 349 of February 19,
2625-529: The cocaine trade. This immense wealth allowed Escobar to exert considerable influence over police officers through a combination of bribery and intimidation, often summarized by the phrase "plata o plomo" (silver or lead), meaning officers could accept a bribe or face violence. Escobar's cartel routinely bribed police officers to look the other way or actively assist in the cartel's operations. Many officers were offered substantial sums of money to provide intelligence, ignore drug trafficking activities, or facilitate
2700-479: The concept of policing extends beyond traditional law enforcement practices, integrating broader social and security implications. This comprehensive approach is evident in the interplay between state authority and community engagement. Theoretical frameworks emphasize that contemporary policing models in Colombia are deeply influenced by the socio-political context. These models often integrate community policing strategies aimed at fostering better relationships between
2775-509: The conservatives. Gaitán himself, who was a likely winner of the next presidential election, was assassinated in 1948. After the period known as La Violencia the Liberals and the Conservative Party reached an agreement to share power from 1958 to 1974 in the so-called National Front agreement that followed the fall of General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla . Nowadays there are many critics of the 16-year agreement but it greatly reduced
2850-403: The constitutional law by enforcing it and the judicial branch of government." The institution was divided into three groups; the first in charge of security and vigilante functions, a second group acting as civil gendarmerie guard whose main responsibility was protecting the postal service and controlling the prison system. The third group functioned as the judicial police. In 1916 the institution
2925-548: The destruction of two haciendas that belonged to Hermilda Gaviria, Escobar's mother. They were characterized by the frequent use of explosives in their attacks. After Escobar was shot and killed when fighting against the Search Bloc in 1993, several of their leaders eventually went on to become leaders of a national paramilitary alliance in Colombia, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC),
3000-579: The enforcement of laws favoring colonial rulers, laid the groundwork for future policing structures. As Colombia moved towards independence in the early 19th century, the limitations of this military-centric law enforcement model became apparent. The need for a more structured and professional police force emerged as a critical component of building a stable and independent nation. This transition mirrored broader global trends where newly independent countries sought to establish modern law enforcement agencies that could effectively maintain public order and support
3075-464: The entire city. A mutual fund called Caja de Gratificaciones was set up to pay benefits to service members, financed by the penalties imposed on the civilian population. By 1899, the National Police had a force of 944 agents divided into eight divisions. When the most intense of the civil wars broke out, known as the Thousand Days' War (1899–1902), the National Police was once again assigned to
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3150-423: The establishment of internal affairs units dedicated to investigating police misconduct and corruption. Regular audits and transparency reports are published to ensure public oversight. Furthermore, recognizing the importance of human rights in law enforcement, the National Police have incorporated comprehensive human rights training into their curriculum. This training, which is mandatory for all officers, emphasizes
3225-411: The foundations of modern law enforcement systems. As such, the evolution of policing in Colombia can be understood within the context of a global transition from colonial rule to independent statehood, characterized by the establishment of professional police forces designed to serve and protect the interests of the entire population, rather than just the colonial elite. The process of professionalizing
3300-453: The government to investigate, prosecute, and punish those responsible for human rights abuses, many cases encounter prolonged delays. These cases often originate from the armed conflict dating back to the 1960s. The government also works to combat official corruption. Recent reforms have focused on improving transparency and accountability, with measures such as mandatory body cameras for officers and increased community oversight. In Colombia,
3375-564: The government, becoming known as the "Uribist" faction. As a compromise, former president César Gaviria Trujillo was elected party leader in 2005. At the 2006 legislative election , the Liberals lost around half their seats. While they remained the largest party in the Chamber of Representatives, they finished third in the Senate. Horacio Serpa was again nominated as the Liberal candidate for
3450-555: The implementation of various community policing programs aimed at building stronger relationships between the police and the communities they serve. These programs involve regular meetings between police officers and community members to discuss local issues, collaborative problem-solving initiatives, and joint community service projects. Educational outreach is another key component of these efforts. The National Police engage in educational outreach programs in schools and neighborhoods, offering workshops on crime prevention, drug awareness, and
3525-462: The importance of upholding human rights standards in all policing activities. Additionally, to foster accountability, the National Police have established community oversight committees that allow civilians to participate in monitoring police activities. These committees provide a platform for citizens to voice concerns and report misconduct, thereby enhancing community trust in the police force. Efforts to improve equity and community relations include
3600-599: The institution to change its image. During the 1980s and early 1990s, Colombia was heavily impacted by the drug trade, primarily driven by the infamous Medellín Cartel led by Pablo Escobar. This period was marked by significant police corruption, as the vast wealth and influence of drug cartels infiltrated many levels of Colombian society, including law enforcement. Pablo Escobar, known for his ruthlessness and wealth, used his financial power to corrupt officials and law enforcement agents across Colombia. The Medellín Cartel, at its height, generated billions of dollars annually from
3675-433: The institution was required to enforce and guarantee the rights of the people, uphold the constitution and its laws, and obey their authority. Its function also included the authority to take action to prevent crimes and prosecute and arrest lawbreakers. The National Police was intended to recognize no privileges or distinctions among the general population, with the only exception being for international treaties established in
3750-420: The institution, mostly led by General Rosso Jose Serrano . Colombia's problems were demanding a strong government with strong institutions to face the numerous violations to the constitution and the population in general. The first steps towards this path was the relegation of bad policemen inside the force and targeting the major criminal organizations. The institution also focused on providing better benefits for
3825-582: The institution. By authorization of Law 43 the Judicial Commissary of Police was established under the dependency of the General Command of the National Police to investigate crimes within its jurisdiction. From 1906 to 1909 the government created a cloned institution with similar functions to the National Police named the National Gendarmerie Corps ( Cuerpo de Gendarmeria Nacional ) intended to function decentralized from
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#17327653304943900-483: The intensity of the violent political warfare that preceded it. Following the end of the National Front agreement in 1974, the Liberal Party dominated Colombian politics until 2002; Liberal candidates won five of the seven Presidential elections and the party was the largest in both the Chamber of Representatives and Senate throughout the entire period. In the 1994 election the Liberal Party's Ernesto Samper
3975-413: The leftist Patriotic Union Party, among other cases; and the corruption generated by the drug cartels' illegal money or other criminal activities. The CNP became untrusted by the general population of Colombia and the country was facing an intense conflict or a full scale civil war . To prevent this situation the institution began a process of change focusing on reinvigorating the values and principles of
4050-427: The mere enforcement of laws. This approach includes addressing underlying social issues such as poverty, inequality, and lack of education, which are often at the root of criminal behavior. Peacebuilding initiatives undertaken by the National Police align with this integrated approach. These initiatives involve engaging communities in dialogue and reconciliation processes, helping to rebuild trust and cooperation between
4125-551: The officers. Colombian Liberal Party The Colombian Liberal Party ( Spanish : Partido Liberal Colombiano ; PLC ) is a centre to centre-left political party in Colombia . It was founded as a classical liberal party but later developed a more social-democratic tradition, joining the Socialist International in 1999. The Liberal Party along with the Colombian Conservative Party dominated
4200-795: The other branches as established by law. The Ministry of War was later renamed as the Ministry of Defense. Many Police Academies were planned and constructed in other cities of Colombia. In 1953, the Antonio Nariño Police Academy in Barranquilla and the Alejandro Gutiérrez Police Academy in Manizales were opened, followed by a social plan for retirement and social security called Caja de Sueldos de la Policia Nacional by Decree 417 of 1954. The Eduardo Cuevas Academy later opened in 1955 in
4275-526: The party launched an independent presidential campaign, backed by the Conservatives and dissident Liberals. Whereas Serpa supported the ongoing idea of negotiations with FARC, Uribe advocated confronting the guerrillas. Uribe was victorious in the elections , securing a majority in the first round. In the aftermath, the "Government endorsed" leadership of the party continued to oppose Uribe's administration, but many senators and representatives supported
4350-411: The pervasive corruption fostered by Escobar’s cartel left a lasting impact on Colombian law enforcement and highlighted the challenges of addressing organized crime in a context of widespread corruption. During successive weak presidencies, some Colombian National Police members were accused of being involved in many corruption cases, including guerrilla collaboration; paramilitarism and the cleansing of
4425-510: The police and civilians in post-conflict areas. This peacebuilding model is crucial for maintaining long-term public order and security, as it seeks to address the historical grievances and socio-economic disparities that contribute to unrest and criminal activity. Examples of successful initiatives include the “Community Safety Forums” and “Youth Engagement Programs,” which have shown positive outcomes in fostering trust and collaboration. The shift towards these contemporary policing models reflects
4500-426: The police and local populations. Such strategies are designed to build trust and cooperation, which are essential for effective law enforcement and maintaining public safety. The focus is not only on reactive measures but also on proactive engagement with communities to prevent crime and address its root causes. These contemporary models suggest a more integrated approach to maintaining public order, one that goes beyond
4575-475: The police in Colombia involved significant reforms in training, organization, and operational strategies. These reforms aimed to create a police force that was not only capable of enforcing the law but also respected by the community it served. The integration of community policing strategies and the focus on building trust between the police and the public were key components of this professionalization effort, aligning with broader global trends in policing. During
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#17327653304944650-545: The policemen and their families; and a particular effort to restore the trust of the community for the police force, emphasizing preventing crime, educating the population and the policemen on cordial relationships, neighborhood watch, cooperation, and community development. Since 1995 the National Police has begun to change norms, structures, and standard operating procedures, essentially on policemen's judgment toward accomplishing missions and encouraging those who are willing to work with selfless service, integrity, leadership, and
4725-539: The role of the police in society. The goal is to educate the public and foster a cooperative spirit between civilians and law enforcement. Moreover, the police force has launched several civic engagement initiatives that encourage the active participation of civilians in maintaining public safety. These initiatives include volunteer programs where community members can work alongside police officers in various capacities, such as neighborhood watch programs and public safety campaigns. The National Police of Colombia have played
4800-402: The rule of law. In Colombia, the evolution of policing involved the gradual development of a formal police organization. This process was influenced by the need to address both internal security concerns and the demands of an evolving civil society. The establishment of the National Police of Colombia in 1891 marked a significant milestone in this evolution. The new police force was tasked with
4875-413: The same privileges as military personnel. When the aged president Manuel Antonio Sanclemente was replaced by Vice President José Manuel Marroquín , who assumed the presidency, the National Police was restructured and organized in a military manner. It was then transferred back to the Ministry of Government. To guarantee the security of Bogotá, the National Police was divided into seven districts to cover
4950-524: The second half of the 19th century, Colombia went through many political changes and struggled to define itself as a nation. Tensions between the two main political parties, the Colombian Liberal Party and the Colombian Conservative Party , escalated into numerous civil as they debated the establishment of a political system based on either between federalism or centralism , among other major differences. The National Police of Colombia
5025-437: The subsequent presidential elections of 28 May 2006 and won 11.84% of the popular vote, placing him third, the worst ever result for a Liberal candidate. During the parliamentary elections of 14 March 2010, the Liberal Party obtained 17 senators and 37 representatives, placing third in both the Chamber of Representatives and Senate. At the 2010 presidential election Liberal candidate Rafael Pardo finished sixth with 4.38% of
5100-404: The taps, commanding general Jorge Daniel Castro was asked to resign, along with General Guillermo Chavez Ocana, the intelligence chief. General Oscar Naranjo Trujillo, a relatively junior general, was named to replace Castro. Due to police rules, Naranjo's appointment required the additional retirement of 10 senior generals. The Colombian National Police, operating under the Ministry of Defense,
5175-411: The vote, worse than Horacio Serpa's 2006 vote. The Liberal Party went on to join the governing coalition of President Juan Manuel Santos , and supported his bid for reelection in the 2014 Colombian presidential election . For the 2018 Colombian presidential election , the party nominated former Vice President from 1994-1996 Humberto De la Calle . De La Calle was eliminated in the first round, and for
5250-596: The widespread reach of Escobar's influence. This systemic corruption severely undermined the effectiveness of law enforcement efforts to combat drug trafficking and contributed to the instability and violence that plagued Colombia during this period. The Colombian government, with assistance from international partners, made concerted efforts to combat police corruption and the influence of drug cartels. These efforts included purging corrupt officers, implementing stricter accountability measures, and enhancing training programs to instill ethical standards. Despite these efforts,
5325-577: Was also the growing problem of contraband and illegal drug trafficking and the involvement of the United States with the implementation of the Plan LASO as a proxy war plan against the expansion of Communism during the Cold War . Later, the declaration of the War on Drugs and the Plan Colombia would eventually help develop the present and ongoing Colombian Armed Conflict involving mainly guerrillas:
5400-452: Was established by Law 90 of 1888, under government orders, as a dependency of the then Ministry of Government. It was intended to function as a gendarmerie for Bogotá . The new institution was planned to be a force of 300 gendarmes divided into three companies , commanded by a captain, two lieutenants and a second lieutenant, all overseenby two high-ranking officers. On October 23, 1890, acting president Carlos Holguín Mallarino sanctioned
5475-462: Was narrowly elected president. Immediately afterwards he was accused of accepting millions from the Cali Cartel to fund his campaign. While Samper had immunity to prosecution as president, a number of his close associates were convicted of involvement in the so-called Proceso 8000 scandal, including Defence Minister Fernando Botero Zea . Partly due to the scandal the Liberal Party lost seats in
5550-412: Was significantly influenced by colonialism. During the colonial period, law enforcement in Colombia, as in other parts of the world, was primarily managed by military forces and local militias. These early forms of policing were designed to maintain colonial order and protect colonial interests rather than serve the local population. Specific colonial practices, such as the “Guardia Urbana” (Urban Guard) and
5625-607: Was trained by the Spanish Guardia Civil in their doctrine, mainly related to criminology . They were restructured by Decree 1628 of October 9 of 1918, assigning the direction, sub-direction and Inspector General duties to officers seconded from the National Army of Colombia - thus the basis for the Prussian style dress uniforms used today. Later the same year, as authorized by a Law 74 of November 19, 1919,
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