110-462: The Partido Demokratiko Pilipino ( PDP ; lit. ' Philippine Democratic Party ' ) is a populist political party in the Philippines founded in 1982. It was previously known as Partido Demokratiko Pilipino–Lakas ng Bayan ( PDP–Laban ) from 1983 to 2024 as a result of a merger with Lakas ng Bayan (Laban). It was part of the country's ruling party coalition from 1986 to 1992 under
220-695: A challenge in that they now represent a new elite. In such cases—like Chávez in Venezuela and Vladimír Mečiar in Slovakia—populists retain their anti-establishment rhetoric by making changes to their concept of "the elite" to suit their new circumstances, alleging that real power is not held by the government but other powerful forces who continue to undermine the populist government and the will of "the people" itself. In these instances, populist governments often conceptualise "the elite" as those holding economic power . In Venezuela, for example, Chávez blamed
330-553: A common cause. One of the ways that populists employ the understanding of "the people" is in the idea that "the people are sovereign", that in a democratic state governmental decisions should rest with the population and that if they are ignored then they might mobilise or revolt. This is the sense of "the people" employed in the late 19th century United States by the People's Party and which has also been used by later populist movements in that country. A second way in which "the people"
440-725: A delegation to the Workers' Party of Korea , which is the ruling party of North Korea. A four-member delegation is set to meet with the North Korean party in July 2018. On July 23, 2018, the same day as Duterte's third State of the Nation Address , an internal leadership dispute within the House of Representatives' majority resulted in former president and current Pampanga representative Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo becoming Speaker of
550-424: A dichotomy between inclusionary and exclusionary forms, such as right-wing populists welcoming culturally proximate migrants with transnational solidarity. Populists (claim to) speak in the name of the 'oppressed people', and they want to emancipate them by making them aware of their oppression. However, they do not want to change their values or their 'way of life.' This is fundamentally different from, for example,
660-737: A discourse, ideology, or worldview. These definitions were initially employed largely in Western Europe, although later became increasingly popular in Eastern Europe and the Americas. According to this approach, populism is viewed as a "thin ideology" or "thin-centred ideology" which on its own is seen as too insubstantial to provide a blueprint for societal change. It thus differs from the "thick-centred" or "full" ideologies such as fascism , liberalism , and socialism, which provide more far-reaching ideas about social transformation. As
770-414: A family of related concepts rather than as a single concept in itself. The confusion surrounding the term has led some scholars to suggest that it should be abandoned by scholarship. In contrast to this view, the political scientists Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser stated that "while the frustration is understandable, the term populism is too central to debates about politics from Europe to
880-705: A given society, populists often exclude both themselves and those sympathetic to their cause even when they too are in positions of power. For instance, the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), a right-wing populist group, regularly condemned "the media" in Austria for defending "the elite", but excluded from that the Kronen Zeitung , a widely read tabloid that supported the FPÖ and its leader Jörg Haider . When populists take governmental power, they are faced with
990-505: A highly emotional manner, or with political opportunism, to characterise politicians who exploit problems and seek to please voters without rational consideration as to the best course of action. Some scholars have linked populist policies to adverse economic outcomes, as "economic disintegration, decreasing macroeconomic stability, and the erosion of institutions typically go hand in hand with populist rule." Although frequently used by historians, social scientists, and political commentators,
1100-451: A homogeneous/pure people, or that it takes shape socially as an ideology. These assumptions can be counter-productive to the study of populism which has arguably become excessively conceptually deductive. Still, this does not mean we cannot come to a more minimal, formal definition of what populism is that can consensually group scholars and open up research to a broader scope, as indicated by Stavrakakis and De Cleen in defining populism as
1210-540: A much stricter sense, generally being focused on a particular sociocultural group and antagonistic against minority groups. However, this is not exactly a pure dichotomy—exclusive populists can still give voice to those who feel marginalised by the political status quo and include minorities if it is advantageous, while inclusive populists can vary significantly in how inclusive they actually are. In addition, all populisms are implicitly exclusionary, since they define "the people" against "the elite", thus some scholars argue that
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#17327809204401320-402: A pejorative sense have subsequently embraced the term while seeking to shed it of negative connotations. The French far-right politician Jean-Marie Le Pen for instance was often accused of populism and eventually responded by stating that "Populism precisely is taking into account the people's opinion. Have people the right, in a democracy, to hold an opinion? If that is the case, then yes, I am
1430-639: A populist." Similarly, on being founded in 2003, the centre-left Lithuanian Labour Party declared: "we are and will be called populists." Following 2016, the year which saw the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States and the United Kingdom's vote to leave the European Union —both events linked to populism—the word populism became one of the most widely used terms by international political commentators. In 2017,
1540-432: A synonym for "the nation", whether that national community be conceived in either ethnic or civic terms. In such a framework, all individuals regarded as being "native" to a particular state, either by birth or by ethnicity, could be considered part of "the people". Left and right populists ... both regard representative democracy as being captivated by political elites and powerful interest groups. However, populists of
1650-579: A thin-centred ideology, populism is therefore attached to a thick-ideology by populist politicians. Thus, populism can be found merged with forms of nationalism, liberalism, socialism, federalism , or conservatism. According to Stanley, "the thinness of populism ensures that in practice it is a complementary ideology: it does not so much overlap with as diffuse itself throughout full ideologies." Populism is, according to Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, "a kind of mental map through which individuals analyse and comprehend political reality". Mudde noted that populism
1760-516: A type of discourse ‘characterized by a people/elite distinction and the claim to speak in the name of "the people."’ As a result of the various different ideologies with which populism can be paired, the forms that populism can take vary widely. Populism itself cannot be positioned on the left–right political spectrum , and both right and left-wing populisms exist. Populist movements can also mix divisions between left and right, for instance by combining xenophobic attitudes commonly associated with
1870-653: A wide array of political actors". The political scientist Ben Stanley noted that "although the meaning of the term has proven controversial in the literature, the persistence with which it has recurred suggests the existence at least of an ineliminable core: that is, that it refers to a distinct pattern of ideas." Political scientist David Art argues that the concept of populism brings together disparate phenomena in an unhelpful manner, and ultimately obscures and legitimizes figures who are more comprehensively defined as nativists and authoritarians. Although academic definitions of populism have differed, most of them have focused on
1980-616: Is "moralistic rather than programmatic". It encourages a binary world-view in which everyone is divided into "friends and foes", with the latter being regarded not just as people who have "different priorities and values" but as being fundamentally "evil". In emphasising one's purity against the corruption and immorality of "the elite", from which "the people" must remain pure and untouched, populism prevents compromise between different groups. The incredible rise in research and discussion about populism, both academic and social, stems largely from efforts by ideational scholars to place centre stage
2090-455: Is a product of "an antagonistic relationship" between "the people" and "the elite", and is "latent wherever the possibility occurs for the emergence of such a dichotomy". The political scientist Manuel Anselmi proposed that populism be defined as featuring a "homogeneous community-people" which "perceives itself as the absolute holder of popular sovereignty" and "expresses an anti-establishment attitude." This understanding conceives of populism as
2200-843: Is a regional party based in Davao Region . Succeeding these events, a faction sought to unseat PDP–Laban's high-ranking officials. Willy Talag, president of the party's Makati city council and chair of the membership committee of the NCR Chapter, said during an assembly of the party on July 27 that PDP–Laban's current leaders have committed violations, including holding mass oath-taking of members “without proper basic seminar” and swearing-in officials that are “involved in illegal drugs." The faction elected Rogelio Garcia and Talag as party president and chairman, respectively, removing Senator Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III and Rep. Pantaleon Alvarez from their respective positions. Koko Pimentel dismissed
2310-429: Is conceived by populists combines a socioeconomic or class based category with one that refers to certain cultural traditions and popular values. The concept seeks to vindicate the dignity of a social group who regard themselves as being oppressed by a dominant "elite" who are accused of treating "the people's" values, judgements, and tastes with suspicion or contempt. A third use of "the people" by populists employs it as
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#17327809204402420-576: Is rare given that the "people" and "elite" are typically of the same ethnicity. For some populist leaders and movements, the term "the elite" also refers to an academic or intellectual establishment and, as such, entails scholars, intellectuals, experts, or organized science as a whole. Such leaders and movements may criticise scientific knowledge as abstract, useless, and ideologically biased, and instead demand common sense , experiential knowledge, and practical solutions to be "true knowledge". Lakas ng Bayan Lakas ng Bayan (English: Power of
2530-411: Is seen to favour, such as immigrants, homosexuals, travellers, or communists. Populist leaders thus "come in many different shades and sizes" but, according to Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, share one common element: "a carefully crafted image of the vox populi ". Stanley expressed the view that although there are "certain family resemblances" that can be seen between populist groups and individuals, there
2640-425: Is that it is in an "adversarial relationship" with "the people". In defining "the elite", populists often condemn not only the political establishment, but also the economic elite, cultural elite, academic elite, and the media elite, which they present as one homogeneous, corrupt group. In early 21st century India, the populist Bharatiya Janata Party for instance accused the dominant Indian National Congress party,
2750-701: The Cambridge Dictionary declared it the Word of the Year . Until the 1950s, use of the term populism remained restricted largely to historians studying the People's Party, but in 1954 the US sociologist Edward Shils published an article proposing populism as a term to describe anti-elite trends in US society more broadly. Following on from Shils' article, during the 1960s the term "populism" became increasingly popular among sociologists and other academics in
2860-615: The 10th president of the Philippines , and his ruling party, the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL). These protesters included the leaders of Cebu City, Davao City and Cagayan de Oro , such as former Cebu 2nd district congressman Antonio Cuenco as the convention's first chairman, Ribomapil Holganza , as the convention's first secretary-general, Zafiro L. Respicio, Rey Magno Teves, Cesar R. Ledesma, Samuel Occeña, Crispin Lanorias and Mords Cua. Ribomapil Holganza , then
2970-708: The 2016 elections , PDP–Laban signed a coalition agreement with the Nacionalista Party , Lakas–CMD , National Unity Party and the Nationalist People's Coalition , witnessed by then president-elect Rodrigo Duterte . Immediately after the May 2016 elections, several representatives from other parties moved to PDP–Laban, notably: Geraldine Roman ( Bataan ), Alfred Vargas ( Quezon City ), and Ansaruddin Adiong ( Lanao del Sur ). The party's presence in
3080-592: The Communist Party of India , NGOs, academia, and the English-language media of all being part of "the elite". When operating in liberal democracies, populists often condemn dominant political parties as part of "the elite" but at the same time do not reject the party political system altogether, instead either calling for or claiming to be a new kind of party different from the others. Although condemning almost all those in positions of power within
3190-646: The Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL), a party which was largely composed of Marcos loyalists and sympathizers. In 1988, PDP–Laban was split into two factions: the Pimentel Wing led by Pimentel and the Cojuangco Wing led by Jose Cojuangco Jr. The Cojuangco Wing and the Lakas ng Bansa party of House Speaker Ramon Mitra, Jr. merged on September 16, 1988 to form the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP). After
3300-467: The Nacionalista Party , which nominated him as its 2025 candidate for the congressional seat of Marikina 's 1st district . On September 5, 2024, Davao City Mayor Sebastian Duterte , son of party chairman Rodrigo Duterte, joined the party as its new member and executive vice chairperson. On September 20, 2024, PDP formally formed an alliance for the 2025 elections with Partido para sa Demokratikong Reporma , Pederalismo ng Dugong Dakilang Samahan and
3410-531: The South China Sea dispute , finding Duterte's response against China's assertions of its claim in the area as lacking. Duterte, also the PDP–Laban chairman, rebuked Pacquiao's criticisms and took offense to a statement attributed to Pacquiao that his administration was more corrupt than his predecessors. Pacquiao also came into conflict with PDP–Laban vice chairman Alfonso Cusi . On July 17, 2021, amidst
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3520-549: The South China Sea dispute . The party also has federalist tendencies. The party advocates a transition to a federal, presidential form of government from the current unitary presidential system through a revision of the present 1987 Constitution of the Philippines . According to self-published materials, the party seeks a peaceful and democratic way of life characterized by "freedom, solidarity, justice, equity, social responsibility, self-reliance, efficiency and enlightened nationalism". It has touted as its five guiding principles
3630-591: The United Nationalist Alliance (UNA). Since then, Senator Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III headed the party as its national president. The party was re-grouping, and there are some movements of expansion especially in Mindanao , where it originated, particularly in the Davao region . Two of the party's founders, Crispin Lanorias and Cesar Ledesma, are again active in recent party activities. After
3740-475: The administration of Corazon Aquino and the country's ruling party from 2016 to 2022 under the administration of Rodrigo Duterte . Nominally democratic socialist and social democratic , the party has shifted considerably since its first time in power in the 1980s and 1990s. Since the election of Duterte, the PDP is generally seen to have strayed from its initial social democratic objectives and shifted towards
3850-401: The left–right political spectrum , and there exist both left-wing populism and right-wing populism . Other scholars of the social sciences have defined the term populism differently. According to the popular agency definition used by some historians of United States history, populism refers to popular engagement of the population in political decision-making. An approach associated with
3960-488: The right . Officially, Duterte has branded himself, and by extension the party, as sitting on the centre-left to left-wing . However, PDP's policies between 2016 and 2022, which included the Philippine drug war and the proposed reinstatement of the death penalty , has led it to be labelled as populist , syncretic , or "ideologically malleable." Duterte has been branded a right-wing populist by many observers, while
4070-479: The social sciences . In 1967 a Conference on Populism was held at the London School of Economics , the participants of which failed to agree on a clear, single definition. As a result of this scholarly interest, an academic field known as "populism studies" emerged. Interest in the subject grew rapidly: between 1950 and 1960 about 160 publications on populism appeared, while between 1990 and 2000 that number
4180-660: The "Church of the Left". In some instances, particularly in Latin America and Africa, "the elites" are conceived not just in economic but also in ethnic terms, representing what political scientists have termed ethnopopulism . In Bolivia, for example, the left-wing populist leader Evo Morales juxtaposed the mestizo and indigenous "people" against an overwhelmingly European "elite", declaring that "We Indians [i.e. indigenous people] are Latin America's moral reserve". In
4290-422: The (early) socialists, who want(ed) to 'uplift the workers' by re-educating them, thereby liberating them from their 'false consciousness'. For populists, on the other hand, the consciousness of the people, generally referred to as common sense, is the basis of all good (politics). Political scientist Cas Mudde For populists, "the people" are presented as being homogeneous, and also virtuous. In simplifying
4400-717: The 1990s, populism was often associated with politicians like Peru's Alberto Fujimori who promoted neoliberal economics, while in the 2000s it was instead associated with those like Venezuela's Hugo Chávez who promoted socialist programs. As well as populists of the left and right, populist figures like Italy's Beppe Grillo have been characterised as centrist and liberal , while groups like Turkey's Justice and Development Party have been described as combining populism with Islamism , and India's Bharatiya Janata Party has been seen as mixing populism with Hindu nationalism . Although populists of different ideological traditions can oppose each other, they can also form coalitions, as
4510-475: The Americas to simply do away with." Similarly, Canovan noted that the term "does have comparatively clear and definite meanings in a number of specialist areas" and that it "provides a pointer, however shaky, to an interesting and largely unexplored area of political and social experience". The political scientists Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell thought that "if carefully defined, the term 'populism' can be used profitably to help us understand and explain
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4620-585: The Bolivian case, this was not accompanied by a racially exclusionary approach, but with an attempt to build a pan-ethnic coalition which included European Bolivians against the largely European Bolivian elite. In South Africa, the populist Julius Malema has presented black South Africans as the "people" whom he claims to represent, calling for the expropriation of land owned by the white minority without compensation. In areas like Europe where nation-states are more ethnically homogeneous, this ethnopopulist approach
4730-598: The Cusi wing is criticized by both Pimentel and the original members of the party as PDP–Laban was established to oppose the Marcos dictatorship. The Pimentel-Pacquiao faction meanwhile maintained that Pacquiao and Atienza are the "genuine" standard bearers of PDP–Laban. On May 5, 2022, PDP–Laban has been declared by the Commission on Elections as the "dominant majority party" for the 2022 elections. The Comelec en banc made
4840-598: The Garcia wing. The party secured three new seats in the Senate after winning the 2019 general election, with Bato dela Rosa , Francis Tolentino , and Bong Go joining the upper house, increasing the number of PDP–Laban senators to five. Meanwhile, the party kept its majority in the House of Representatives, forming a coalition with the Nacionalista Party, Nationalist People's Coalition, Lakas–CMD, some members of
4950-490: The House of Representatives eventually grew from three members in the 16th Congress , to 123 members in the current 17th Congress . By April 2018, 300,000 politicians had joined the party, according to Koko Pimentel. Reacting to the influx of new members, party founder Nene Pimentel urged members to question the motivations of new incoming politicians and ensure they are interested in the party's ideals. He stated that these new members might only be interested in identifying with
5060-568: The LABAN umbrella was that its members could "belong to LP , NP , CSM, Citizens, PDP or whatever without losing their individual party affiliations." On April 6, 1978, supporters of the party came out in protest by asking bystanders and cars to make noise in support of the opposition. However, on April 7, 1978, the first national election under martial law held for the 165-members to the Interim Batasang Pambansa resulted in
5170-584: The Liberal Party, and several party-lists. In 2020, amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, Manny Pacquiao was installed as party president, replacing Pimentel. Manny Pacquiao was elected to the position of PDP–Laban president in December 2020 under an acting capacity. An internal rift in within the party started in early 2021, when Pacquiao criticized Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's policy regarding
5280-560: The Mayor Rodrigo Roa Duterte-National Executive Coordinating Committee (MRRD-NECC). Greco Belgica and Pantaleon Alvarez signed the agreement. In October 2024, the initial senatorial nominees—Ronald Dela Rosa, Bong Go, and Phillip Salvador—filed their candidacies for the Senate. Singer Jimmy Bondoc , former Cagayan Economic Zone Authority administrator & CEO Raul Lambino , and lawyer Jayvee Hinlo also filed as
5390-533: The Nacionalista Party (NP) as the "dominant minority party." As the dominant majority, PDP–Laban will be entitled to 5th copy of the election returns and 7th copy of the certificates of canvass, as well as getting preference in the deployment of election watchers. On May 6, 2022, days before the 2022 elections, the COMELEC recognized the Duterte-Cusi faction as the legitimate and official PDP–Laban. Following
5500-530: The Pacquiao-led faction of PDP–Laban formally nominated Pacquiao as their presidential candidate for 2022. During the filing of the candidacy, Pacquiao announced that Lito Atienza will be his running mate. On October 8, 2021, senators Bato dela Rosa and Bong Go filed their candidacy for president and vice president, respectively, as standard bearers for the Duterte-Cusi faction. On November 13, 2021, dela Rosa withdrew his candidacy with Go taking his place as
5610-594: The People ), abbreviated as Laban , was an electoral alliance , later a political party , in the Philippines formed by Senator Ninoy Aquino for the 1978 Interim Batasang Pambansa regional elections . The party had 21 candidates for the Metro Manila area, all of whom lost, including Ninoy. The party's acronym (Laban) is a Filipino word meaning "fight". After Aquino's exile to the United States ,
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#17327809204405720-507: The Senate in 2011. PDP–Laban has become associated with the Binay dynasty of Makati , with Jejomar Binay as its mayor and his allies holding the two districts of Makati in the House of Representatives. Other strongholds of the party include Davao City , where Rodrigo Duterte won multiple terms as mayor. On July 1, 2015, as part of his bid for the 2016 presidential election , then- Vice President Binay resigned as party chairman and formed
5830-596: The UNIDO coalition, which originally supported Corazon Aquino. This was done by raising the thumb and index finger over the forehead, forming a letter "L' shape. This was popularized during the People Power Revolution. During the campaign and presidency of Rodrigo Duterte, the Laban sign fell into disuse within PDP–Laban and was replaced with a clenched fist, a gesture popularized by Duterte . The clenched fist
5940-652: The additional senatorial candidates representing the party. Historically, PDP–Laban claimed to be a centre-left or left-wing party that describes itself as a democratic socialist , social-democratic , and populist party. In spite of this, the party is seen as having little to do with the Western concept of democratic socialism. According to scholar Joseph Chinyong Liow, PDP-Laban operates as do many Philippine political parties: "weak, ideologically malleable, and often merely vehicles of personal ambitions", centered around Rodrigo Duterte specifically. Chinyong Liow describes
6050-518: The common use of the term Populism to refer to far-right nativism and racism, noting that the original People's Party was relatively liberal on the rights of women and minorities by the standards of the time. The V-Party Dataset assesses populism as anti-elitism and people-centrism. A thin-centred ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic camps, "the pure people" versus "the corrupt elite", and which argues that politics should be an expression of
6160-427: The complexities of reality, the concept of "the people" is vague and flexible, with this plasticity benefitting populists who are thus able to "expand or contract" the concept "to suit the chosen criteria of inclusion or exclusion" at any given time. In employing the concept of "the people", populists can encourage a sense of shared identity among different groups within a society and facilitate their mobilisation toward
6270-691: The current administration, in order to boost their chances of winning in the upcoming 2019 elections. PDP–Laban plans to learn from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It is set to send some of its members to the CCP's school in Fujian for "policy training" to learn more on how the party is organized. The Filipino party also established ties with United Russia , Russia's ruling party, in October 2017. PDP–Laban has also expressed interest in sending
6380-417: The decision despite the pending leadership dispute within the ruling party. The party's two factions have both applied for accreditation as the dominant majority party, thus, PDP–Laban “shall be treated as one single political party for purposes of determining the dominant majority party," as stated in the COMELEC's Resolution No. 10787 which was promulgated on May 4. In the same issuance, COMELEC also declared
6490-435: The difference between populisms is not whether a particular populism excludes but whom it excludes from its conception of "the people". Anti-elitism is widely considered the central characteristic feature of populism, although Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser argued that anti-elitism alone was not evidence of populism. Rather, according to Stanley, in populist discourse the "fundamental distinguishing feature" of "the elite"
6600-544: The economic elite for frustrating his reforms, while in Greece, the left-wing populist Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras accused "the lobbyists and oligarchs of Greece" of undermining his administration. In populist instances like these, the claims made have some basis in reality, as business interests seek to undermine leftist-oriented economic reform. Although left-wing populists who combine populist ideas with forms of socialism most commonly present "the elite" in economic terms,
6710-406: The election of new leaders, disowning the group and assembly, and called the event an "unofficial, unauthorized, rogue assembly using the name of PDP–Laban". Sen. Pimentel, who has personally dismissed the election, together with PDP–Laban vice chairman and Department of Energy Sec. Alfonso Cusi, and Rep. Alvarez have notified members that the supposed national assembly was not officially sanctioned by
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#17327809204406820-607: The end of Rodrigo Duterte 's term as President on June 30, 2022, PDP–Laban saw the departure of its members for the majority Lakas–CMD or the ruling Partido Federal ng Pilipinas , which is headed by Duterte's successor, Bongbong Marcos . On April 19, 2024, during the party's national council meeting held at the Nustar Resort and Casino in Cebu City , the Duterte-Cusi faction dropped the "Laban" from its name, reverting to its original name Partido Demokratiko Pilipino. On
6930-438: The faction's presidential nominee. One month after, Go also withdrew his candidacy, leaving the Duterte-Cusi faction without a nominee in the 2022 election. On January 21, 2022, the Duterte-Cusi faction announced Sara Duterte as their adopted candidate for vice president; the Cusi wing later supported her running mate, Bongbong Marcos , a son of a former President Ferdinand Marcos, on March 22, 2022. The endorsement of Marcos by
7040-417: The far-right British National Party conceived of the "native British people" as its heartland. Mudde noted that for populists, "the people" "are neither real nor all-inclusive, but are in fact a mythical and constructed sub-set of the whole population". They are an imagined community, much like the imagined communities embraced and promoted by nationalists. Populism often entails presenting "the people" as
7150-400: The far-right with redistributive economic policies closer to those of the left. [Populism's] core consists of four distinct but interrelated concepts: The ideational definition of populism used by Ben Stanley The ideologies with which populism can be paired can be contradictory, resulting in different forms of populism that can oppose each other. For instance, in Latin America during
7260-519: The first major use of the term in English was by members of the left-leaning agrarian People's Party and its predecessors, which were active in the United States from around 1889 to 1909. The Russian and American movements differed in various respects. In the 1920s, the term entered the French language , where it was used to describe a group of writers expressing sympathy for ordinary people. As
7370-431: The following: theism , authentic humanism, enlightened nationalism , democratic socialism, and consultative and participatory democracy. The context of its espoused ideology has been in dispute, however, due to the party's recent pro-China, pro-Russia and North Korea-friendly stance since Duterte's rise in the party. From the 1980s, the 'Laban' or 'L' sign was a hand gesture used by the party, along with other members of
7480-494: The idea of the common people and often position this group in opposition to a perceived elite group. It is frequently associated with anti-establishment and anti-political sentiment. The term developed in the late 19th century and has been applied to various politicians, parties and movements since that time, often as a pejorative . Within political science and other social sciences , several different definitions of populism have been employed, with some scholars proposing that
7590-516: The idea that it should reference some form of relationship between "the people" and "the elite", and that it entailed taking an anti-establishment stance. Beyond that, different scholars have emphasised different features that they wish to use to define populism. These differences have occurred both within specific scholarly disciplines and among different disciplines, varying for instance among scholars focusing on different regions and different historical periods. Author Thomas Frank has criticized
7700-426: The ills that beset it" compared with the mainstream anti-Marcos groups. PDP was also unique at its time for operating "on the basis of organizational initiative rather than, merely on the basis of personal loyalty to politician-personalities"; and for requiring prospective members to attend a seminar to learn the party's ideology. In early 1982, talks began between Pimentel Jr. and former senator Benigno Aquino Jr. on
7810-708: The lower house, replacing Pantaleon Alvarez. The resolution was adopted that same night with 184 voting in favor and 12 abstaining. Arroyo was previously a member of Lakas–CMD, before switching to PDP–Laban in 2017. Some representatives, including Deputy Speaker Rolando Andaya ( Camarines Sur ), had been eyeing to shift towards other political parties after Arroyo's ascendance to the House's leadership. Andaya also had said that some lawmakers might join Lakas–CMD, Arroyo's former party, and merge with Sara Duterte-Carpio's Hugpong ng Pagbabago (HNP) . Duterte-Carpio denied rumors that members of PDP–Laban were seeking to move into HNP, which
7920-539: The main group and leader of the coalition that opposed Marcos. After the People Power Revolution of 1986, which saw Aquino and Laurel proclaimed president and vice president respectively, PDP–Laban continued its alliance with UNIDO until the latter's dissolution in 1987. Before the 1988 local elections , some senators including Aquilino Pimentel Jr. criticized the party along with Lakas ng Bansa for their loosening policy towards accepting members of
8030-545: The major opposition groups. PDP–Laban won six seats. That same year, in anticipation of a snap election , influential opposition figures convened to select a common presidential candidate. Pimentel was included in their shortlist of eleven possible standard bearers. However, UNIDO nominated Salvador Laurel as their presidential candidate. In October 1985, Chino Roces launched the Cory Aquino for President Movement (CAPM), which aimed to nominate Aquino's widow, Corazon , as
8140-564: The massive victory of the administration coalition party, the “ Kilusang Bagong Lipunan ng Nagkakaisang Nacionalista, Liberal, at iba pa” or KBL. Only 15 opposition candidates in other parts of the country won. None of the members of LABAN were elected. The opposition denounced the massive vote buying and cheating in that elections. On June 12, 1978, the Interim Batasang Pambansa was convened with Marcos as President-Prime Minister and Querube Makalintal as Speaker. Some opposition members went into exile or were driven underground fighting against
8250-456: The merger was not a wise move, given: 1) LABAN's more established name compared to PDP, which was just recently organized; 2) the aforementioned "umbrella organization" status compared to PDP's nature as a political party, and; 3) that some members of LABAN may find the rules of PDP questionable. However, despite these initial concerns, in February 1983, PDP formally merged with LABAN. The merger
8360-402: The merger, the prominence of PDP–Laban greatly fell, and the party was not a major party until the 2016 presidential election with the campaign of eventual winner Rodrigo Duterte . In the Senate, Aquilino Pimentel Jr. had been the person most associated with the party, with him serving multiple terms in the Senate. After he retired, his son Koko Pimentel won an electoral protest to enter
8470-507: The name of a coalition led by the United Nationalist Democratic Organization party of President Corazon C. Aquino and Vice President Salvador H. Laurel . In a letter sent by Aquino to Senator Lorenzo Tañada dated March 16, 1982, Aquino emphasized that LABAN was a "mere umbrella organization formed to accommodate people affiliated with various parties." For Aquino, the advantage of having
8580-470: The official party name to avoid complications with the Commission on Elections in the 2025 elections . Koko Pimentel , the leader of the opposing faction, criticized the rebranding, suggesting that the Duterte-Cusi faction should have created a new party instead, as he believes their actions aimed to erase the party's identity as a "left-of-center" organization. Pimentel later left the party and joined
8690-493: The opposition's presidential candidate. PDP–Laban was a strong supporter of the movement. In November 1985, Marcos called for a snap presidential election . Later that month, the opposition parties including PDP–Laban formed a new coalition called Laban ng Bayan. Laurel eventually gave way and became Corazon Aquino's running mate under the UNIDO-Laban ng Bayan coalition. PDP–Laban then aligned itself with UNIDO, which became
8800-531: The party has been described as having a synthesis of left-wing populist rhetoric and right-wing populist policy. The party now known as PDP–Laban is the result of a merger between the Partido Demokratiko Pilipino and Lakas ng Bayan . Partido Demokratiko Pilipino (PDP) was founded on February 6, 1982 , in Cebu City by Aquilino "Nene" Pimentel Jr. and a group of protesters against the authoritarian government of Ferdinand Marcos ,
8910-597: The party was managed by his brother-in-law, Peping Cojuangco By 1984, the party had formed a coalition with the Partido Demokratiko Pilipino of Aquilino Pimentel Jr. , himself a Laban party member. By 1986, the two parties were completely merged to form the Partido Demokratiko Pilipino–Lakas ng Bayan party or PDP–Laban . The name "Lakas ng Bayan" would eventually be reused in the 1987 Philippine legislative elections as
9020-401: The party's Secretary-General, with the support of the other Visayas delegates, proposed the name Katipunan , in honor of the historic Filipino nationalist movement. The convention, however, decided against name proposed by Holganza and decided to retain the name Pilipino Democratic Party. The delegates also created the party's official logo which included the image of Lapu-Lapu as a symbol of
9130-501: The party's adherence to Filipino individualism. The Lapu-Lapu image continues to be a prominent figure in PDP–Laban's logo to this day. The delegates also decided that the Filipino version Partido Demokratiko Pilipino may be used alongside the English version Pilipino Democratic Party . PDP appealed to the non- communist left . Political scientist Alex Magno described PDP as "more advanced… in its analysis of Philippine society and
9240-495: The party. Special Assistant to the President Bong Go said in an interview with CNN Philippines that Duterte is set to meet the two factions, in an effort to unite the party. Months later, on November 30, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) released a statement recognizing Pimentel's group as the legitimate leadership of PDP–Laban. Following this, Pimentel has said that his faction will not recognize candidates from
9350-489: The political mainstream or a threat to democracy . The political scientists Yves Mény and Yves Surel noted that "populism" had become "a catchword, particularly in the media, to designate the newborn political or social movements which challenge the entrenched values, rules and institutions of democratic orthodoxy." Typically, the term is used against others, often in a pejorative sense to discredit opponents. Some of those who have repeatedly been referred to as "populists" in
9460-565: The political scientist Ernesto Laclau presents populism as an emancipatory social force through which marginalised groups challenge dominant power structures. Some economists have used the term in reference to governments which engage in substantial public spending financed by foreign loans, resulting in hyperinflation and emergency measures. In popular discourse — where the term has often been used pejoratively — it has sometimes been used synonymously with demagogy , to describe politicians who present overly simplistic answers to complex questions in
9570-441: The political scientist Carlos de la Torre defined populism as "a Manichean discourse that divides politics and society as the struggle between two irreconcilable and antagonistic camps: the people and the oligarchy or the power block." In this understanding, note Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, "populism always involves a critique of the establishment and an adulation of the common people", and according to Ben Stanley, populism itself
9680-516: The political scientist Paul Taggart has said of populism that it is "one of the most widely used but poorly understood political concepts of our time". In 1858, an English translator for Alphonse de Lamartine used the term as an antonym for "aristocratic". In the Russian Empire in the 1860s and 1870s, a left-leaning agrarian group referred to itself as the narodniki , which has often been translated into English as populists . But
9790-514: The political, economic, cultural, and media establishment, depicted as a homogeneous entity and accused of placing their own interests, and often the interests of other groups—such as large corporations, foreign countries, or the ruling political party—above the interests of "the people". According to the ideational approach, populism is often combined with other ideologies, such as nationalism, liberalism, socialism , capitalism or consumerism . Thus, populists can be found at different locations along
9900-443: The possible merge of PDP with Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN; lit. ' People's Power ' ), the party founded by Aquino in 1978 for the Interim Batasang Pambansa elections . In a letter sent by Aquino to Senator Lorenzo Tañada dated March 16th, Aquino stressed the "umbrella organization" status of LABAN rather than as a political party, being composed of members coming from other political parties. Furthermore, Aquino thought that
10010-525: The right tend to express envy for those low on the social ladder, identifying 'special interests' with ethnic or other minorities. Progressive populists, on the other hand, envy those high on the social ladder, identifying 'special interests' with powerful groups such as large corporations. Political scientist Tjitske Akkerman Populism typically entails "celebrating them as the people", in Stanley's words. The political scientist Paul Taggart proposed
10120-486: The same day, it was also announced that it would field incumbent Senators Ronald Dela Rosa , Bong Go , and Francis Tolentino and actor Phillip Salvador for the 2025 Philippine Senate election . Tolentino later resigned from the party in mid-2024 over difference on stance in the South China Sea dispute , leaving Dela Rosa, Go, and Salvador for renomination on September 20. Despite the name change, party vice chairman Alfonso Cusi clarified that "Laban" would be retained in
10230-665: The same strategy is also employed by some right-wing populists. In the United States during the late 2000s, the Tea Party movement —which presented itself as a defender of the capitalist free market —argued that big business, and its allies in Congress , seeks to undermine the free market and kill competition by stifling small business. Among some 21st century right-wing populists, "the elite" are presented as being left-wing radicals committed to political correctness . The Dutch right-wing populist leader Pim Fortuyn referred to this as
10340-404: The significance of appeals to the people beyond ideological differences, and to conceptualise populism as a discursive phenomenon. Nevertheless, the ideational school's approach to populism is problematic for the amount of substantive assumptions it imposes on how populism actually works as a discursive phenomenon, such as the idea that it is of a moral register, that vindications always refer to
10450-494: The split between Pacquiao and Cusi, Alfonso Cusi was elected as the party's president in a meeting attended by President Duterte. On September 9, 2021, the Cusi-led faction of PDP–Laban would nominate Duterte as their vice presidential nominee for the 2022 election but without a standard bearer for the presidency. However, during the filing of candidacies, Duterte backed down from running as vice president. On September 19, 2021,
10560-412: The synthesis of the party under Duterte of left-wing populist rhetoric, such as poverty reduction and consensus decision-making , and right-wing populist actions, such as the Philippine drug war launched upon Duterte taking office. The party has also recently taken influence from the Chinese Communist Party . It has adopted a preference for bilateral dialogue with China when it comes to resolving
10670-482: The term populism is applied to political groups and individuals who make appeals to "the people" and then contrast this group against "the elite". Adopting this approach, Albertazzi and McDonnell define populism as an ideology that "pits a virtuous and homogeneous people against a set of elites and dangerous 'others' who are together depicted as depriving (or attempting to deprive) the sovereign people of their rights, values, prosperity, identity, and voice". Similarly,
10780-482: The term "the heartland" to better reflect what populists often mean in their rhetoric. According to Taggart, "the heartland" was the place "in which, in the populist imagination, a virtuous and unified population resides". Who this "heartland" is can vary between populists, even within the same country. For instance, in Britain, the centre-right Conservative Party conceived of " Middle England " as its heartland, while
10890-423: The term [ populism ] is exceptionally vague and refers in different contexts to a bewildering variety of phenomena. Margaret Canovan , 1981 The word "populism" has been contested, mistranslated and used in reference to a diverse variety of movements and beliefs. The political scientist Will Brett characterised it as "a classic example of a stretched concept, pulled out of shape by overuse and misuse", while
11000-458: The term be rejected altogether. A common framework for interpreting populism is known as the ideational approach: this defines populism as an ideology that presents "the people" as a morally good force and contrasts them against "the elite", who are portrayed as corrupt and self-serving. Populists differ in how "the people" are defined, but it can be based along class, ethnic, or national lines. Populists typically present "the elite" as comprising
11110-624: The term has rarely been used as a political self-designation since the first decade of the 1900s, its meaning has broadened. As noted by the political scientist Margaret Canovan , "there has been no self-conscious international populist movement which might have attempted to control or limit the term's reference, and as a result those who have used it have been able to attach it a wide variety of meanings." In this it differs from other political terms, like " socialism " or " conservatism ", which have been widely used as self-designations by individuals who have then presented their own, internal definitions of
11220-706: The term is far too ambiguous for that". From examining how the term "populism" had been used, she proposed that seven different types of populism could be discerned. Three of these were forms of "agrarian populism"; these included farmers' radicalism, peasant movements, and intellectual agrarian socialism. The other four were forms of "political populism", representing populist dictatorship, populist democracy, reactionary populism, and politicians' populism. She noted that these were "analytical constructs" and that "real-life examples may well overlap several categories", adding that no single political movement fitted into all seven categories. In this way, Canovan conceived of populism as
11330-982: The underdog. Populists typically seek to reveal to "the people" how they are oppressed. In doing so, they do not seek to change "the people", but rather seek to preserve the latter's "way of life" as it presently exists, regarding it as a source of good. For populists, the way of life of "the people" is presented as being rooted in history and tradition and regarded as being conducive to public good. Although populist leaders often present themselves as representatives of "the people", they often come from elite strata in society; examples like Berlusconi, Fortuyn, and Haider were all well-connected to their country's political and economic elites. Populism can also be subdivided into "inclusionary" and "exclusionary" forms, which differ in their conceptions of who "the people" are. Inclusionary populism tends to define "the people" more broadly, accepting and advocating for minority and marginalised groups, while exclusionary populism defines "the people" in
11440-440: The volonté générale ( general will ) of the people. The ideational definition of populism used by Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser A common approach to defining populism is known as the ideational approach. This emphasises the notion that populism should be defined according to specific ideas which underlie it, as opposed to certain economic policies or leadership styles which populist politicians may display. In this definition,
11550-431: The word. Instead it shares similarities with terms such as " far left ", " far right ", or " extremist ", which are often used in political discourse but rarely as self-designations. In news media, the term "populism" has often been conflated with other concepts like demagoguery , and generally presented as something to be "feared and discredited". It has often been applied to movements that are considered to be outside
11660-691: Was "no coherent tradition" unifying all of them. While many left-wing parties in the early 20th century presented themselves as the vanguard of the proletariat , by the early 21st century left-wing populists were presenting themselves as the "voice of the people" more widely. On the political right, populism is often combined with nationalism, with "the people" and "the nation" becoming fairly interchangeable categories in their discourse, or combined with religion where "the people" are identified based on religion. Some political scientists have also argued that populism can be divided into left-wing inclusionary and right-wing exclusionary forms, though some argue against
11770-549: Was complementary, as PDP was mass-based and had its bailiwick in Visayas and Mindanao , while LABAN was composed of traditional politicians and had its bailiwick in Luzon and Metro Manila . In August 1983, Aquino was assassinated . This, along with an economic crisis, plunged Marcos' popularity and sparked protests. In the parliamentary election of 1984 , PDP–Laban and the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) were
11880-433: Was later included in the party's current logo. As of September 2024: The party under Cusi wing endorsed and supported the candidacies of Bongbong Marcos for president and Sara Duterte for vice president . Senator Ronald dela Rosa filed the candidacy as the party’s official candidate for the presidential race but later withdrawn. Populism Populism is a range of political stances that emphasize
11990-477: Was over 1500. From 2000 to 2015, about 95 papers and books including the term "populism" were catalogued each year by Web of Science . In 2016, it grew to 266; in 2017, it was 488, and in 2018, it was 615. Taggart argued that this academic interest was not consistent but appeared in "bursts" of research that reflected the political conditions of the time. Canovan noted that "if the notion of populism did not exist, no social scientist would deliberately invent it;
12100-499: Was seen in the Greek coalition government which brought together the left-wing populist Syriza and the right-wing populist Independent Greeks in 2015. Adherents of the ideational definition have also drawn a distinction between left and right-wing populists. The latter are presented as juxtaposing "the people" against both "the elite" and an additional group who are also regarded as being separate from "the people" and whom "the elite"
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